Genus claudicans ou genre de 'travers', la comédie plautinienne est à la fois dérivé négatif ou forme inversée des grands genres et le lieu d'une actualité politique voilée qui lui donnent, ensemble, toute sa spécificité. Inscrite, sans discussion, dans une tradition gréco-hellénistique héritée, elle est l'objet de choix personnels et d'une originalité créatrice chargée d'intentions. Plus exactement, l'interprétation et l'adaptation des modèles induisent des moments de réflexion critique sur le rapport de l'oeuvre avec le pouvoir. Politique et poétique sont donc au centre d'une réécriture auctoriale où le senex ridiculus a aussi sa place. Dans sa lecture des sources et du monde, Plaute privilégie donc les laissés pour compte, notamment une figure parentale déviante, le vieillard souvent lubrique, capable de susciter, non seulement une satire critique, mais aussi une lecture politique en texte caché. A la polémique diffamante de son ami Naeuius, il substitue la dénonciation d'un défaut reconnu selon les règles du blâme épidictique. Mieux encore, il use d'une 'manière' cynique et d'une plaisanterie urbaine et raffinée, le lepos, qui sont les fondements mêmes d'un art poétique. Celui-ci est complété par une traversée et un mélange des genres où Aristophane et Naeuius apparaissent. Au total, parce qu'elle amuse et réclame un spectateur intelligent et perspicace, qui comprend les sens cachés, la comédie plautinienne est un théâtre complexe et intellectuel en réception spectaculaire. / Genus claudicans or 'lame' genre, Plautus' comedy bears both the inverted form or negative image of predominant genres and topical political hints which together provide its genuineness. Undisputedly embedded in the Greco-hellenistic heritage, it becomes the subject of personal choices and a creative originality laden with intention. More accurately, the interpretation and adaptation of the models induce moments of critical thinking toward the link between the work of art and power. Politics and poetic art thus lay at the core of authorial rewriting in which the senex ridiculus is awarded pride of place. Throughout his study of sources and the world, Plautus sides with the left-behinds, among others the deviant father figure of a more than often lustful old man, who has a knack into initiating not only scathing satire, but also political insight woven inside the text. Contrary to his friend Naevius' prone inclination to tackle bones of contention, he levels veiled accusations against well-known faults according to the rules of epidictic blame. Better still, he uses the lepos, urbane and refined puns, albeit in a 'cynical' way, as the very basis for poetic art. The latter being supplemented by a crossing and blending of genres out of which Aristophanes and Naeuius emerge.All in all, because it amuses and calls for an acute and discerning audience, in full awareness of hidden meanings, Plautine comedy is manifold and intellectual, it's theater given spectacular reception.

Este estudo tem como fim contribuir para o conhecimento da recepção latina no Portugal quinhentista, revelada na análise da vulgarização portuguesa intitulada \"Sonho de Scipião\". Este texto vulgarizado pelo fidalgo português duarte de Resende e impresso pela primeira vez em 1531 por Germão de Galharde, juntamente com outros dois tratados ciceronianos, uma carta dedicatória e uma \"Vida de Marco Túlio\". Assim,esta pesquisa busca aprofundar o conhecimento das relações entre as letras portuguesas do século XVI com as autocritates latinas, especificamente na apropriação e uso oratório e ético dos tratados de filosofia moral ciceronianos. Assim, para evidenciar as motivações de Resende em publicar o Somnium Scipionis de Cícero em língua vulgar portuguesa, observamos a prática de vulgarizações da Corte de Avis, analisando cartas, prólogos e obras divulgadas desde o século XV. Em seguida, relacionamos o Sonho de Scipião português com questões do tempo, tais como a tópica da valorização da língua vulgar, o Averroísmo paduano e a difusão do pensamento erasmista. Por fim, detivemo-nos a analisar retoricamente a vulgarização quinhentista de Duarte de Resende intitulada Sonho de Scipião. / This paper aims to contribute to the understanding of the latin reception in XVIth centurty Portugal, as revealed by the analysis of the portuguese popularization entitled Sonho de Scipião. This text was popularized by the portuguese gentleman, duarte de Resende, and was firtly printed in 1531 by Germão de Galharde, together with two other ciceronian treaties, a dedication-letter and \"Vida de Marco Tulio\". Moreover, this research seeks to deepen the knowledge of the relation between the portuguese letters of the XVIth century and the latin auctoritates, specifically as to the oratorical and ethical appropriation and use of Cicero\'s treatises of moral philosophy. Thus to reveal, Resende\'s motivation in the publication of Cicero\'s Somnium Scipionis in portuguese vernacular language, it has observed the practice of popularization from the Court of Aviz, analysing letters, prologues and other widespread works since the XVth century. Then, it puts the portuguese Sonho de Scipião into perspective with other questions of its time, such as the topic of enhanced valuation of vernacular language, of padouan averroism and diffusion of erasmist thought. Last, it has concentrated on the rhetorical analysis of the XVth century popularization by Duarte de Resende, entitled Sonho de Scipião.

Este estudo tem como fim contribuir para o conhecimento da recepção latina no Portugal quinhentista, revelada na análise da vulgarização portuguesa intitulada \"Sonho de Scipião\". Este texto vulgarizado pelo fidalgo português duarte de Resende e impresso pela primeira vez em 1531 por Germão de Galharde, juntamente com outros dois tratados ciceronianos, uma carta dedicatória e uma \"Vida de Marco Túlio\". Assim,esta pesquisa busca aprofundar o conhecimento das relações entre as letras portuguesas do século XVI com as autocritates latinas, especificamente na apropriação e uso oratório e ético dos tratados de filosofia moral ciceronianos. Assim, para evidenciar as motivações de Resende em publicar o Somnium Scipionis de Cícero em língua vulgar portuguesa, observamos a prática de vulgarizações da Corte de Avis, analisando cartas, prólogos e obras divulgadas desde o século XV. Em seguida, relacionamos o Sonho de Scipião português com questões do tempo, tais como a tópica da valorização da língua vulgar, o Averroísmo paduano e a difusão do pensamento erasmista. Por fim, detivemo-nos a analisar retoricamente a vulgarização quinhentista de Duarte de Resende intitulada Sonho de Scipião. / This paper aims to contribute to the understanding of the latin reception in XVIth centurty Portugal, as revealed by the analysis of the portuguese popularization entitled Sonho de Scipião. This text was popularized by the portuguese gentleman, duarte de Resende, and was firtly printed in 1531 by Germão de Galharde, together with two other ciceronian treaties, a dedication-letter and \"Vida de Marco Tulio\". Moreover, this research seeks to deepen the knowledge of the relation between the portuguese letters of the XVIth century and the latin auctoritates, specifically as to the oratorical and ethical appropriation and use of Cicero\'s treatises of moral philosophy. Thus to reveal, Resende\'s motivation in the publication of Cicero\'s Somnium Scipionis in portuguese vernacular language, it has observed the practice of popularization from the Court of Aviz, analysing letters, prologues and other widespread works since the XVth century. Then, it puts the portuguese Sonho de Scipião into perspective with other questions of its time, such as the topic of enhanced valuation of vernacular language, of padouan averroism and diffusion of erasmist thought. Last, it has concentrated on the rhetorical analysis of the XVth century popularization by Duarte de Resende, entitled Sonho de Scipião.

This thesis deals with the history of the Cistercian monastery of Žďár nad Sázavou in the second half of the 17th century, specifically from 1676 till 1705. In 1676, after almost four decades since the Cistercian Order had regained control of the seigniory in Žďár and the convent had been re-established, the monks were allowed to elect their own Abbot. Benedikt Zaunmüller, the prior of the monastery of Vyšší Brod, was elected and remained Abbot of Žďár till 1691 when he was forced to resign on health grounds. He was succeeded by Edmund Bagner, the first of the Abbots of the re-established monastery who was elected from the members of the Žďár convent and remained in office till his death in 1705. The scope of this thesis corresponds with the terms of office of these two Abbots who significantly contributed to the improvement in the economic situation of the monastery and the expansion of the personnel of the convent in Žďár and who are indisputably among the significant personalities of the Žďár Abbey. The outset of the thesis provides an overview of the available archival sources and existing literature on the topic. The first chapter outlines the history of the Žďár monastery from its establishment in the middle of the 13th century. The second chapter captures the transformation of the...

La présente étude conduit les traditions fragmentées de la culture littéraire de Trieste vers les préoccupations contemporaines de la littérature mondiale à l’époque actuelle où la mondialisation est largement perçue comme le paradigme historique prédominant de la modernité. Ce que j’appelle la « littérature globalisée » renvoie à la refonte de la Weltliteratur – envisagée par Goethe et traduite comme « world literature » ou la « littérature universelle » – par des discours sur la culture mondiale et le post-nationalisme. Cependant, lorsque les études littéraires posent les questions de la « littérature globalisée », elles sont confrontées à un problème : le passage de l’idée universelle inhérente au paradigme de Goethe entre le Scylla d’un internationalisme relativiste et occidental, et le Charybde d’un mondialisme atopique et déshumanisé. Les spécialistes de la littérature mondiale qui tendent vers la première position acquièrent un fondement institutionnel en travaillant avec l’hypothèse implicite selon laquelle les nations sont fondées sur les langues nationales, ce qui souscrit à la relation entre la littérature mondiale et les littératures nationales. L’universalité de cette hypothèse implicite est réfutée par l’écriture triestine. Dans cette étude, je soutiens que l’écriture triestine du début du XXe siècle agit comme un précurseur de la réflexion sur la culture littéraire globalisée du XXIe siècle. Elle dispose de sa propre économie de sens, de sorte qu’elle n’entre pas dans les nationalismes littéraires, mais elle ne tombe pas non plus dans le mondialisme atopique. Elle n’est pas catégoriquement opposée à la littérature nationale; mais elle ne permet pas aux traditions nationales de prendre racine. Les écrivains de Triestine exprimaient le désir d’un sentiment d’unité et d’appartenance, ainsi que celui d’une conscience critique qui dissout ce désir. Ils résistaient à l’idéalisation de ces particularismes et n’ont jamais réussi à réaliser la coalescence de ses écrits dans une tradition littéraire unifiée. Par conséquent, Trieste a souvent été considérée comme un non-lieu et sa littérature comme une anti-littérature. En contournant les impératifs territoriaux de la tradition nationale italienne – comme il est illustré par le cas de Italo Svevo – l’écriture triestine a été ultérieurement incluse dans les paramètres littéraires et culturels de la Mitteleuropa, où son expression a été imaginée comme un microcosme de la pluralité supranationale de l’ancien Empire des Habsbourg. Toutefois, le macrocosme projeté de Trieste n’est pas une image unifiée, comme le serait un globe; mais il est plutôt une nébuleuse planétaire – selon l’image de Svevo – où aucune idéalisation universalisante ne peut se réaliser. Cette étude interroge l’image de la ville comme un microcosme et comme un non-lieu, comme cela se rapporte au macrocosme des atopies de la mondialisation, afin de démontrer que l’écriture de Trieste est la littérature globalisée avant la lettre. La dialectique non résolue entre faire et défaire la langue littéraire et l’identité à travers l’écriture anime la culture littéraire de Trieste, et son dynamisme contribue aux débats sur la mondialisation et les questions de la culture en découlant. Cette étude de l’écriture triestine offre des perspectives critiques sur l’état des littératures canoniques dans un monde où les frontières disparaissent et les non-lieux se multiplient. L’image de la nébuleuse planétaire devient possiblement celle d’un archétype pour le monde globalisé d’aujourd’hui. / The present study brings the fragmented traditions of Triestine literary culture to bear on contemporary preoccupations with world literature at a time when globalization is widely perceived as the predominant historical paradigm that informs modernity. What I am calling “global literature” refers to the refashioning of Weltliteratur – envisioned by Goethe and translated as “world literature” or “littérature universelle” – by discourses on global culture and post-nationalism. However, when literary studies take on questions of global literature they are faced with a problem, navigating the universal idea of Goethe’s paradigm between the Scylla of a relativist, occidental internationalism and the Charybdis of a dehumanized, atopian globalism. Proponents of world literature who lean towards the former position gain an institutional foothold by working with the implicit hypothesis that nations are based in language, which underwrites the relationship between world literature and national literatures. The universality of this implicit hypothesis is what Triestine writing disproves. In this study, I argue that Triestine writing in the first decades of the twentieth century acts as a precursor to thinking about global literary culture for the twenty-first century. It has its own economy of sense, whereby it doesn’t fit into literary nationalisms, but it doesn’t fall into atopian globalism either. It is not emphatically opposed to national literature; rather it does not admit national traditions to take root. Triestine writers expressed a desire for a sense of unity and belonging, as well as a critical conscience that undoes that desire. It resists the idealization of its particularities, and never successfully coalesces into a unified literary tradition. Consequently, Trieste has often been thought of as a non-place and its literature as antiliterature. In bypassing the territorial imperatives of the Italian national tradition – as the case of Italo Svevo illustrates – Triestine writing was later caught up in the literary-cultural parameters of Mitteleuropa, where its literary expression was imagined as a microcosm of the former Habsburg Empire’s supranational plurality. However, the projected macrocosm of Trieste is not a unified image, like a globe; but instead it is a nebula – as Svevo had imagined it – where no universal idealizations could gain a foothold. This study interrogates the image of the city as a microcosm and as a nowhere and how that relates to the macrocosm of the atopias of globalization, in order to demonstrate that Triestine writing is global literature ante litteram. The unresolved dialectics of doing and undoing literary language and identity through the act of writing that animates Triestine literary culture plays out in globalization debates and the questions of culture that arise from it. Triestine writing offers critical perspectives on the status of canonic literatures in a world of disappearing borders and placeless places, where the nebula is a master image for today’s world.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:30:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alekssey Marcos Di Piero Sobral.pdf: 407855 bytes, checksum: 52f26e73224261f55429c5fe0e0dbb95 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-18 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The object of this investigation was to study the possibly notions of irrationality in the theories of some pioneers authors of Social Psychology, named Psychology of The Masses. Is believed that the presence of irrationality s notions in this theories could be an indication of a larger historic movement, described as a lurch to irrationality, whereby all the philosophical-scientific enterprise of the XIX century s end and XX century s beginning has crossed. This research is dedicated, therefore, to search for the underlying irracional element in the theories of Gabriel Tarde, Scipio Sighele and Gustave Le Bon, for the purpose of understand their coincidences and nuances and to scribe anything of their possible fate in the psychology s history. To accomplish this proposal, the work was unfolded in two ways of analysis: the first, lexical, in witch was investigated the plot of meanings in the theories that could point to a irracionality notion, and the second one, historical, that proposes to understand the way and the meaning of the trajectory of the irrationality s notions in the psychology and in the contemporary science in general. In the first analysis, the afterthought of Ludwig Wittgestein was used, upon the language-games. In the second one, the theories of Adorno and Horkheimer developed mainly in the Dialectic of Enlightment were the basis to a historical interpretation of history. When the analysis reach the end, is concluded in favor of the highlighted notion of the irrationality in each of the investigated authors, which notions are part of the veiled irrational subject in general, that had been posteriorly adduced to the psychoanalysis and, ultimately, popularized. This turning point toward irrationality observed in the sciences of mind had parallel in the natural science, as in the case of the emergency of quantum physics, one of the examples discussed. Far from imagine the irracionality notion as an threat to rationality and science, we can see it, in a dialetical perspective, as a sign of openness toward the study of the concret world and man / A presente investigação teve por objeto o estudo de possíveis noções de irracionalidade nas teorias de alguns dos autores pioneiros da Psicologia Social, então nomeada Psicologia das Massas. Supô-se que a presença de uma noção de irracionalidade nessas teorias poderia ser indício de um movimento histórico mais amplo, descrito como uma guinada em direção à irracionalidade, pelo qual teria passado todo o empreendimento filosófico-científico no fim do século XIX e começo do século XX. A pesquisa se dedica, assim, a procurar pelo elemento irracional subjacente às teorias de Gabriel Tarde, Scipio Sighele e Gustave Le Bon a fim de entender suas coincidências e nuances e traçar algo de seu possível destino na história da psicologia. Para a realização da proposta, o trabalho desdobrou-se em duas formas de análise: a primeira, léxica, em que se investigou a trama de significantes nas teorias que poderiam apontar para uma noção de irracionalidade, e a segunda, histórica, que se propôs a entender o caminho e o significado da trajetória das noções de irracionalidade na psicologia e na ciência contemporânea, de uma forma geral. Na primeira análise, fez-se uso do pensamento tardio de Ludwig Wittgenstein acerca dos jogos de linguagem. Na segunda, as teses de Adorno e Horkheimer desenvolvidas principalmente na Dialética do Esclarecimento foram a base para uma interpretação da história. Quando as análises chegam a termo, conclui-se em favor da presença bem destacada de uma noção de irracionalidade em cada um dos autores investigados, noções estas constituidoras das formas gerais de um sujeito irracional velado, que teria sido posteriormente carreado para a psicanálise e enfim, popularizado. Tal virada em direção à irracionalidade observada nas ciências do espírito teve paralelos nas ciências naturais, como no caso da emergência da Física Quântica, um dos exemplos abordados. Longe de imaginarmos a noção de irracionalidade como uma ameaça à razão e a ciência, podemos vê-la, numa perspectiva dialética, como um sinal de abertura em direção ao estudo do mundo e do homem concretos

La SLUB di Dresda riflette nella sua collezione italiana di manoscritti e antiche stampe non solo l’eclettismo dei gusti dei bibliofili sassoni o le diverse fortune dei loro agenti in Italia, ma la varietà dell’offerta culturale italiana, riflessa in modelli linguistici diversi per ragioni geografiche, sociali o anche solo diafasiche. Il giovane Cristiano I fu educato all’italiano probabilmente su due grammatiche in contrasto fra loro per motivi ideologici, una italianista, l’altra toscanista, come mostra il confronto delle loro marche d’uso. Allo straniero italofilo era richiesta una paziente tolleranza della variabilità, alimentata da accese questioni della lingua e da un polimorfismo ineliminabile in un paese da sempre poli-centrico e conflittuale.