Language-specific theories of sentence processing suggest that individuals interpret sentences based on the characteristics of their native language (e.g., Bates & MacWhinney, 1989). As such, competing linguistic cues are taken into account (including word order, morphology, and animacy) and the cue selected is most likely to yield a correct interpretation in the native language. However, research in this area has produced conflicting results. MacWhinney (2005) has proposed that examining the role of perspective shifting in sentence comprehension may demonstrate how cognitive and syntactic factors work together to facilitate sentence comprehension. The aim of the current study is to investigate the role of perspective shifting in the processing of relative clauses by bilingual children. A total of 16 bilingual and 13 monolingual children in grades 3 and 5 participated in this study. Difficulty in Spanish and English sentence processing was assessed using four types of relative clauses, that varied in the complexity of perspective shift, and a control sentence. A sentence comprehension task was devised using Mouse Tracker software (Freeman & Ambady, 2010) to assess the participant's ability to identify whether or not the presented picture reflected the relationship described in the oral sentence presentation. Difficulty in sentence processing was determined using measures of accuracy (percent correct and d') and response time (RT). Data were compared across languages for the bilingual children and with an monolingual English control group. MANOVA results revealed a significant main effect for sentence type and no effect of language in all analyses. Hence, bilingual participant performance on the sentence processing task was similar across languages and across language groups when compared to those monolingual English speakers. In general, accuracy levels and d' values were greater for the 0 switch and control conditions. RTs were longer for the more complex relative clauses. The 1+ condition consistently appeared to be the most difficult. These findings indicate that participants processed the relative clauses in a similar way across languages and that more complex perspective shifts resulted in poorer performance. These results suggest that perspective shifting is a relevant factor in syntax comprehension, but that the number of perspective shifts is less important. Instead, the direction of perspective shift and the role of the relative clause (subject versus object-modifying) seem to be more essential. These results support the Unified Competition Model (MacWhinney, 1997) by demonstrating the use of shared cognitive processes across languages. However, one cannot rule out the role of language dominance and language structure in relative clause processing as the sentences in this experiment maintained parallel syntactic structures across languages. Clinical and educational implications are provided.

No description available.

<p><strong>Background: </strong>Many persons with aphasia (PWA) show deficits in sentence production and comprehension which are, in part, attributed to an inefficient mapping between messages and syntactic structures. Structural priming—the tendency to repeat a previously encountered sentence structure—has been shown to support implicit syntactic learning within and across production and comprehension modalities in healthy adults. Structural priming is effective in facilitating the production or comprehension of sentences in PWA. However, less is known about whether priming in one modality changes PWA’s performance in the other modality, which is crucial evidence needed for developing structural priming as a cost-effective intervention strategy in aphasia.</p> <p><strong>Aims</strong>: This study examined (a) whether production to comprehension cross-modality priming is effective in PWA, (b) whether priming-induced changes in syntactic comprehension lasted even in the absence of an immediate prime, and (c) whether there is a significant correlation between individuals’ priming effects and the change in their comprehension following priming.</p> <p><strong>Methods & Procedures: </strong>Thirteen PWA and 13 age-matched control participants completed a training study comprised of three phases: a pre-test, a production-to-comprehension priming block, and a post-test. In the pre- and post-tests, participants completed a sentence-picture matching task with sentences involving interpretations of an ambiguous prepositional phrase (e.g., The teacher is poking the monk <u>with a bat</u>). Participants were free to choose a picture corresponding to a high attachment (HA; e.g., the teacher is using the bat to poke the monk) or a low attachment (LA; e.g., the monk is the one holding the bat) interpretation. In the priming block, participants produced LA sentences as prime and then completed a sentence-picture matching task for comprehension targets, similar to the pre-test. </p> <p><strong>Results</strong>: Age-matched controls and PWA showed a significant priming effect when comparing the priming block to the pre-test. In both groups, the priming effect persisted when comparing picture selections in the pre- and post-tests. At the individual level, age-matched controls who showed larger priming effects also selected more LA pictures in the post-test compared to the pre-test, indicating that the priming effect accounted for the magnitude of change from the pre- to post-test. This correlation was also found in PWA.</p> <p><strong>Conclusion</strong>: The findings of this study suggest that production-to-comprehension cross-modality priming is effective and persistent in PWA and controls, in line with the view that structural priming is a form of implicit learning. Further, the findings support sentence processing models that suggest syntactic representations are shared between production and comprehension, and therefore, production influences future comprehension. Cross-modality priming from production to comprehension has clinical potential to improve sentence processing in PWA. </p>

Teil I dieser Arbeit untersucht Effekte einer semantischen Eigenschaft von syntaktisch transitiven Prädikaten auf die Satzverarbeitung: den Grad der Affiziertheit, den solch ein Prädikat für eines seiner Argumente impliziert, also das Ausmaß in dem ein Teilnehmer eine Zustandsveränderung während des ausgedrückten Ereignisses erfährt. Drei Experimente (zu Akzeptabilitätsurteilen, Lesezeiten & ereigniskorrelierten Potentialen [EKP]) überprüften den Einfluss von Affiziertheit auf die lexikalisch-semantische Verarbeitung des Prädikats und die Integration folgender Argument-Nominalphrasen (NPn) beim Satzlesen. Um den Effekt von Affiziertheit auf Verarbeitungsprozesse beim Argumentlinking zu maximieren, machten die Experimente Gebrauch von deverbalen, eventiven, deutschen -ung-Nominalisierungen, die von Verben mit verschiedenem Affiziertheitsgrad abgeleitet sind. Hierbei wurde der Einfluss der Affiziertheit ausgenutzt, folgende Objekts- oder Subjektsgenitive als Argument zu lizensieren. Während sich keine klaren Effekte bei der Verarbeitung der Nominalisierungen ergaben, zeigten die Ergebnisse zur Integration der Genitiv-NPn eine spezifische Interaktion zwischen dem Grad der Affiziertheit und der Akzeptabilität, einen Objekts- bzw. Subjektsgenitiv zu verwirklichen. Dieser Befund wurde von übereinstimmenden Lesezeiten- und EKP-Interaktionseffekten begleitet. Die EKP-Ergebnisse legen eine zentrale Rolle von zwei späten Positivierungen bei der Integration der Genitivargumente nahe. Diese Befunde werden im Kontext theoretischer Modelle von abgestufter Affiziertheit und von Satzverarbeitungsmodellen diskutiert, mit Fokus auf der möglichen Rolle der Prototypikalität von Argumenten und Unterschieden zwischen prädikatsinduzierter und argumentinhärenter semantischer Argumentprominenz. Teil II stellt zwei Softwarepakete für die statistische Umgebung R vor, die Schnittstellen für die zur Analyse der EKP-Daten verwendeten WFMM Software (Morris & Carroll, 2006) bieten. / Part I of this thesis investigates the effects of a semantic feature of syntactically transitive predicates on online sentence processing: the degree of affectedness such a predicate implies for one of its arguments, taken to indicate the extent to which an event participant undergoes a change of state during the event expressed. Three experiments (using acceptability judgements, reading times & event-related potentials [ERPs]) probed the effects of affectedness on the processing of the predicate and on the integration of following argument noun phrases (NPs), thus assessing the impact of affectedness on lexical-semantic processing and its influence on processes related to online argument linking. Maximising the effects of affectedness on linking-related processes, the experiments used German -ung nominalisations derived from verbs implying different degrees of affectedness, exploiting a paradigm involving the linking of either object or subject genitive argument NPs to deverbal, eventive nominalisations. While no clear effects of affectedness emerged for the processing of the nominalisations, results related to the integration of genitive NPs revealed a specific interaction between the degree of affectedness and the acceptability of realising either object or subject genitives. This pattern was accompanied by consistent reading time and ERP interaction effects. ERP results suggest a prominent role of two late positivities with different spatial foci in the integration of the genitive arguments. These findings are discussed in the context of theoretical models of graded affectedness and sentence processing models, considering possible roles of argument prototypicality and differences between predicate-induced and argument-inherent semantic argument prominence. Part II introduces two software packages for the statistical platform R, offering interfaces for the WFMM software (Morris & Carroll, 2006) used for the analysis of the ERP data in part I.

本文以兩個眼動閱讀實驗探討語意訊息 (semantic cues) 和句法訊息 (syntactic cues) 如何在中文關係子句的處理中運作及交互作用。實驗一旨在研究兩種動詞與論元之間的合理性關係 (plausibility) 是否會影響讀者理解不同結構的關係子句。結果顯示，當兩個論元都是合理施事者 (agent) 時，論旨角色的指派 (thematic roles) 有歧義，較難理解；而當只有一個論元是合理的施事者時，讀者趨向指派正確的論旨角色，且較快整合句法上的困難。此外，因中文句法結構特殊，讀者在關係詞之前就處理主語關係子句 (subject relative clauses) 的歧義，在主要動詞上則會遇到賓語關係子句 (object relative clauses) 的理解困難。此發現解決了Hsiao & Gibson (2003) 和 Lin (2006) 的歧見，證明中文讀者在不同位置會遇到不一樣的困難。實驗二所關注的語意訊息為論元的生命性 (animacy)，關係子句中的兩個論元分屬有生命的 (animate) 及無生命的 (inanimate) 名詞。結果發現論旨角色的指派和生命性相互關聯，有生命性的論元較傾向當施事者，而無生命的論元傾向當受事者。讀者仍在關係詞之前遇到主語關係子句的理解困難，但在主要動詞，讀者主要依循生命性的引導來指派論旨角色，句法訊息的影響並不顯著。因此語意訊息在中文的語句處理扮演重要的角色，結果大致上與Traxler (2002)的研究相符。讀者同時受到當下的句法訊息以及語意訊息影響，在不同的位置會遇到不一樣的歧義性，而產生花園路徑效果 (garden-path effect)。 / Two eye movement experiments were conducted to investigate how semantic cues and syntactic structural cues function and interact in Mandarin Chinese relative clause (RC) processing. Mandarin Chinese is unique in combining head-final RCs with a VO basic order (Dryer, 1992, 2003) and also in relying solely on word order as structural cues, without case marking or agreement. However, Mandarin Chinese still preserves flexibility in word order that is motivated by pragmatics. Semantic cues, including the plausibility of the argument-verb relation and argument animacy within RCs, may be crucial to sentence processing in Mandarin Chinese. Experiment 1 aims to examine whether the meaning of the verb allowing only one of the two animate arguments to be a plausible agent may lead to reduction of ORC difficulty (cf. Traxler, 2002). The results showed that the plausibility effects were robust at the head noun and the main verb. A bias of thematic role assignment in the irreversible relation leads readers to correct interpretations, while the reversible relation does not elicit such a bias. The results also solved the discrepancy between the two previous studies (Hsiao and Gibson, 2003 & Lin, 2006) by unveiling a dynamic process in which readers encounter diverse ambiguities at different positions for different structures. Chinese readers disambiguate SRCs earlier due to their non-canonical word order and have trouble integrating the main verb in ORCs owing to perspective shifting. The interaction between plausibility and RC type on re-reading rate suggested that plausibility cues were used to solve syntactic ambiguity. Experiment 2 manipulated contrastive argument animacy in order to investigate whether thematic role assignment correlates with animacy. The results confirmed the hypothesis that while animate entities bias towards agent roles, inanimate ones incline towards patient roles (c.f., Valin & LaPolla, 1997). Besides, inanimate entities are conceptually less accessible than animate ones. Contrastive animacy shows its impact on syntactic processing with robust interactions at different positions. The findings of interactions between semantic cues and RC types in two experiments suggest that semantic cues play an important role in Chinese relative clause processing. Semantic plausibility and argument animacy can influence the process of thematic role assignment. The semantic cues that accord with the biases of thematic role assignment then would ease the syntactic ambiguities. Not only syntactic cues but also semantic cues are utilized by readers in sentence comprehension. In this thesis, the eye movement data provide clear evidence indicating that readers solve various temporary ambiguities syntactically and semantically at different positions of the sentence with relative clauses.

La présente thèse utilise la technique des potentiels évoqués afin d’étudier les méchanismes neurocognitifs qui sous-tendent la compréhension de la phrase. Plus particulièrement, cette recherche vise à clarifier l’interaction entre les processus syntaxiques et sémantiques chez les locuteurs natifs et les apprenants d’une deuxième langue (L2). Le modèle “syntaxe en premier” (Friederici, 2002, 2011) prédit que les catégories syntaxiques sont analysées de façon précoce: ce stade est reflété par la composante ELAN (Early anterior negativity, Négativité antérieure gauche), qui est induite par les erreurs de catégorie syntaxique. De plus, ces erreurs semblent empêcher l’apparition de la composante N400 qui reflète les processus lexico-sémantiques. Ce phénomène est défini comme le bloquage sémantique (Friederici et al., 1999). Cependant, la plupart des études qui observent la ELAN utilisent des protocoles expérimentaux problématiques dans lesquels les différences entre les contextes qui précèdent la cible pourraient être à l’origine de résultats fallacieux expliquant à la fois l’apparente “ELAN” et l’absence de N400 (Steinhauer & Drury, 2012). La première étude rééevalue l’approche de la “syntaxe en premier” en adoptant un paradigme expériemental novateur en français qui introduit des erreurs de catégorie syntaxique et les anomalies de sémantique lexicale. Ce dessin expérimental équilibré contrôle à la fois le mot-cible (nom vs. verbe) et le contexte qui le précède. Les résultats récoltés auprès de locuteurs natifs du français québécois ont révélé un complexe N400-P600 en réponse à toutes les anomalies, en contradiction avec les prédictions du modèle de Friederici. Les effets additifs des manipulations syntaxique et sémantique sur la N400 suggèrent la détection d’une incohérence entre la racine du mot qui avait été prédite et la cible, d’une part, et l’activation lexico-sémantique, d’autre part. Les réponses individuelles se sont pas caractérisées par une dominance vers la N400 ou la P600: au contraire, une onde biphasique est présente chez la majorité des participants. Cette activation peut donc être considérée comme un index fiable des mécanismes qui sous-tendent le traitement des structures syntagmatiques. La deuxième étude se concentre sur les même processus chez les apprenants tardifs du français L2. L’hypothèse de la convergence (Green, 2003 ; Steinhauer, 2014) prédit que les apprenants d’une L2, s’ils atteignent un niveau avancé, mettent en place des processus de traitement en ligne similaires aux locuteurs natifs. Cependant, il est difficile de considérer en même temps un grand nombre de facteurs qui se rapportent à leurs compétences linguistiques, à l’exposition à la L2 et à l’âge d’acquisition. Cette étude continue d’explorer les différences inter-individuelles en modélisant les données de potentiels-évoqués avec les Forêts aléatoires, qui ont révélé que le pourcentage d’explosition au français ansi que le niveau de langue sont les prédicteurs les plus fiables pour expliquer les réponses électrophysiologiques des participants. Plus ceux-ci sont élevés, plus l’amplitude des composantes N400 et P600 augmente, ce qui confirme en partie les prédictions faites par l’hypothèse de la convergence. En conclusion, le modèle de la “syntaxe en premier” n’est pas viable et doit être remplacé. Nous suggérons un nouveau paradigme basé sur une approche prédictive, où les informations sémantiques et syntaxiques sont activées en parallèle dans un premier temps, puis intégrées via un recrutement de mécanismes contrôlés. Ces derniers sont modérés par les capacités inter-individuelles reflétées par l’exposition et la performance. / The present thesis uses event-related potentials (ERPs) to investigate neurocognitve mechanisms underlying sentence comprehension. In particular, these two experiments seek to clarify the interplay between syntactic and semantic processes in native speakers and second language learners. Friederici’s (2002, 2011) “syntax-first” model predicts that syntactic categories are analyzed at the earliest stages of speech perception reflected by the ELAN (Early left anterior negativity), reported for syntactic category violations. Further, syntactic category violations seem to prevent the appearance of N400s (linked to lexical-semantic processing), a phenomenon known as “semantic blocking” (Friederici et al., 1999). However, a review article by Steinhauer and Drury (2012) argued that most ELAN studies used flawed designs, where pre-target context differences may have caused ELAN-like artifacts as well as the absence of N400s. The first study reevaluates syntax-first approaches to sentence processing by implementing a novel paradigm in French that included correct sentences, pure syntactic category violations, lexical-semantic anomalies, and combined anomalies. This balanced design systematically controlled for target word (noun vs. verb) and the context immediately preceding it. Group results from native speakers of Quebec French revealed an N400-P600 complex in response to all anomalous conditions, providing strong evidence against the syntax-first and semantic blocking hypotheses. Additive effects of syntactic category and lexical-semantic anomalies on the N400 may reflect a mismatch detection between a predicted word-stem and the actual target, in parallel with lexical-semantic retrieval. An interactive rather than additive effect on the P600 reveals that the same neurocognitive resources are recruited for syntactic and semantic integration. Analyses of individual data showed that participants did not rely on one single cognitive mechanism reflected by either the N400 or the P600 effect but on both, suggesting that the biphasic N400-P600 ERP wave can indeed be considered to be an index of phrase-structure violation processing in most individuals. The second study investigates the underlying mechanisms of phrase-structure building in late second language learners of French. The convergence hypothesis (Green, 2003; Steinhauer, 2014) predicts that second language learners can achieve native-like online- processing with sufficient proficiency. However, considering together different factors that relate to proficiency, exposure, and age of acquisition has proven challenging. This study further explores individual data modeling using a Random Forests approach. It revealed that daily usage and proficiency are the most reliable predictors in explaining the ERP responses, with N400 and P600 effects getting larger as these variables increased, partly confirming and extending the convergence hypothesis. This thesis demonstrates that the “syntax-first” model is not viable and should be replaced. A new account is suggested, based on predictive approaches, where semantic and syntactic information are first used in parallel to facilitate retrieval, and then controlled mechanisms are recruited to analyze sentences at the interface of syntax and semantics. Those mechanisms are mediated by inter-individual abilities reflected by language exposure and performance.

<p>Previous research has shown that the type of ditransitive sentence preferred by English speakers in a particular linguistic context is significantly influenced by the relative ‘givenness’ of the post verbal arguments (i.e. the assumption that the referent of a linguistic expression is known to the speaker/hearer). This ‘givenness constraint’ has also been shown to play a role in the ditransitive sentence preferences of bilingual English speakers. Some have claimed that the realization of the givenness constraint in the ditransitive sentence preferences of bilingual English speakers is significantly influenced by the characteristics of their dominant language; however, no studies that I am aware of have explicitly compared the preferences of speakers whose dominant languages feature different sets of ditransitive sentence types, making this claim difficult to evaluate. Additionally, the effects of task type (i.e. the experimental task(s) employed by a particular study), and variables related to speakers’ experience with English and English proficiency, relative to language background are unclear. This study attempts to clarify the role of language background in the realization of the givenness constraint by recruiting three groups of English speakers: German-English bilingual speakers living in Germany, Spanish-English bilingual speakers living in Mexico, and monolingual English speakers living in the United States. The three groups completed three tasks, all of which were administered over the internet: a scalar acceptability judgement task, a forced choice task, and a self-paced reading task. The results from the two bilingual groups showed significant effects of language background, even after factors related to English proficiency and English experience were taken into account. The results support an interpretation where language background plays a significant role in the realization of the givenness constraint on bilingual speakers’ ditransitive sentence preferences. </p>