Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T12:54:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTACAO_GUSTAVO ANDRE DOS SANTOS.pdf: 679748 bytes, checksum: 9c99eb7bf238a3f423e6c5d8d418dfb6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-01-19 / This theses aims to analyze the inter-institutional dialogue from the complex relationship between law and politics. It starts with an understanding of deliberative democracy from the tension between popular sovereignty and fundamental rights, as is proposed by the philosopher Jürgen Habermas. Therefore, it is sought to reconstruct the Brazilian constitutional history and strengthening the role of the judiciary over time, pointing out the problems that this stance produced in relations between the powers and the assumption of responsibilities by the Executive and the Legislature and the civil society, about the effectiveness of the Constitution. The rhetoric of "guardian of the Constitution" of the Supreme Court is analyzed in the broader context of democracy and the expansion of this apex body of the Judiciary. It points out how the enhanced model of judicial review into force accentuates one pole of the tension between public and private autonomy. Finally, it is sought to demonstrate that the recognition of a dialogical perspective in the constitution reading can contribute to increasing the legitimacy of the current judicial review, particularly in the complex relationship between constitutionalism and democracy, and foster the development of a feeling constitutional in Brazilian society. / O presente trabalho objetiva analisar o diálogo interinstitucional a partir da complexa relação entre direito e política. Parte-se de uma compreensão de democracia deliberativa no cerne da tensão entre soberania popular e direitos fundamentais, tal qual proposta pelo filósofo Jürgen Habermas. Diante disso, busca-se reconstruir a história constitucional brasileira e o reforço do papel do Poder Judiciário ao longo do tempo, apontando os problemas que essa postura produziu nas relações entre os poderes e na assunção das responsabilidades por parte do Executivo, do Legislativo e pela sociedade civil, quanto à eficácia da Constituição. A retórica do guardião da constituição é objeto de análise no contexto mais amplo da redemocratização e da expansão dos poderes do Supremo Tribunal Federal. Aponta-se como o modelo reforçado de controle de constitucionalidade em vigor acentua um dos polos da tensão entre autonomia pública e privada. Por fim, busca-se demonstrar que o reconhecimento de uma perspectiva dialógica na leitura da constituição pode contribuir para o aumento da legitimação do controle de constitucionalidade vigente, sobretudo no âmbito da complexa relação entre constitucionalismo e democracia, além de fomentar o desenvolvimento de um sentimento constitucional na sociedade brasileira.

Após a promulgação da Constituição de 1988, o Supremo Tribunal Federal passou a integrar a vida cotidiana da população, por meio das diversas informações sobre seus julgamentos, os quais envolvem, cada vez mais, questões políticas, com impacto sobre a vida dos cidadãos. Essa atuação da Corte tem despertado algumas críticas, relacionadas principalmente à sua legitimidade democrática para decidir sobre assuntos políticos e a uma suposta violação do princípio da separação de Poderes. Esse debate está inserido no contexto mais amplo de protagonismo do Poder Judiciário brasileiro no século XXI, expressado principalmente pela expansão da jurisdição constitucional, o que, por sua vez, se deve à consolidação do sistema de controle de constitucionalidade e a uma nova interpretação constitucional. Com efeito, a Constituição de 1988 expandiu as competências do Supremo, incitando o exercício de sua função política. As críticas feitas à Corte em razão de sua atuação com relação a questões políticas estão relacionadas a dois fenômenos, a judicialização da política e o ativismo judicial, sendo este considerado por parte da doutrina como uma indevida interferência do Poder Judiciário no âmbito de atuação dos Poderes Legislativo e Executivo. Casos como o reconhecimento da união estável homoafetiva foram considerados expressão desse ativismo. No entanto, é possível abordar o assunto da legitimidade democrática da Corte e da separação de Poderes de forma diferente, mais flexível. As teorias do diálogo, nessa medida, apresentam uma nova proposta de interação entre o Supremo Tribunal Federal e o Poder Legislativo, conferindo compreensão mais atual da democracia e da separação de Poderes. Isso porque prescinde da opção de predomínio do Legislativo ou do Judiciário em dar a última palavra sobre a constitucionalidade de leis e atos normativos. Desse modo, este trabalho visa a demonstrar, que há de se procurar saídas à rígida estrutura da Teoria da Separação de Poderes de Montesquieu, a fim de que a Constituição possa ser concretizada mediante uma efetiva colaboração dos Poderes. / After the promulgation of the Constitution of 1988, Brazilian Supreme Court became part of everyday life of the population due to the various information about its trials, which involve, increasingly, political issues that impact the life of Brazilian population. Such performance of the Court has aroused some criticism, mainly related to its democratic legitimacy to decide on political affairs and to the violation of the principle of the separation of Powers. This debate is embedded in the broader context of the Brazilian Judiciary protagonism in the XXI Century, specially expressed by the expansion of constitutional jurisdiction, which is due to the consolidation of the judicial review system and a \"new\" constitutional interpretation. Indeed, Constitution of 1988 expanded the powers of the Supreme Court, urging the exercise of its political function. The criticisms addressed to the Court by reason of its performance with respect to policy issues are related to two phenomena: the \"judicialization of politics\" and \"judicial activism\", which are considered by the doctrine as an undue interference by the Judiciary on the performance of the Legislative and Executive branches. Cases such as the recognition of homo-affective union were considered stable expression of activism. However, it is possible to approach more flexibly the issue of democratic legitimacy of the Court and of the separation of powers more flexibly. Theories of dialogue present a new proposal for interaction between the Supreme Court and the legislature, giving more current understanding of democracy and separation of powers. It reveals an alternative to waive predominance of the Legislature or the Judiciary to give the \"last decision\" on the constitutionality of laws and normative acts. Thus, this study aims to demonstrate, there to seek outlets to the rigid structure of Montesquieus Separation of Powers, so that the Constitution can be achieved through effective collaboration of Powers.

Este trabalho trata dos vetos presidenciais ocorridos no Brasil entre outubro de 1988 e dezembro de 2000. Seu objetivo é identificar eventos que estejam associados ao uso do veto pelo presidente, e que permitam prever com alguma precisão as chances de sua ocorrência. O universo de análise é composto pelos 1322 projetos aprovados no período, excluindo-se os projetos relativos ao Orçamento e aqueles de autoria do Judiciário. São observadas cerca de duas dezenas de variáveis, classificadas em dois grupos: no primeiro estão as variáveis ligadas diretamente aos projetos e aos seus respectivos processos de tramitação; no segundo grupo estão as variáveis referentes ao ambiente político e às condições gerais da relação Executivo-Legislativo. A hipótese testada é que as variáveis do primeiro grupo têm um impacto muito maior sobre as chances de ocorrência de veto que as do segundo, indicando que o contexto político pouco afeta o uso do veto, e que este se dá predominantemente por meio de exames caso a caso. Os resultados, obtidos por meio de regressões logísticas e testes de pós-estimativa, corroboram a hipótese, e apontam uma diferença crucial entre os vetos parciais e os vetos totais. Enquanto os primeiros são difíceis de prever e envolvem uma gama maior fatores, os últimos são usados sistematicamente contra as propostas do Poder Legislativo, impedindo-as de entrar em vigor / This work accesses the presidential vetoes occurred in Brazil from October/1988, when the current Constitution was approved, to December/2000. Its goal is to identify events that may be related to the use of the veto, which can help foreseeing its occurrence. The analyzed database contains the 1322 bills approved during that period, excluding appropriations bills and those presented by the Judiciary. Near twenty variables are observed, divided in two groups: one containing factors directly linked to the projects and their legislative procedures; the other composed by factors concerning the political environment and the general conditions of the Executive-Legislative relation. The hypothesis is that the variables in the first group have much bigger impact on the chances of a veto occurring than the variables in the second group. This indicates that there is no such thing as a veto-prone political context, and that the vetoes occur due to a case-to-case basis analysis. The results obtained by logistical regressions and post-estimative tests support the hypothesis, and show a crucial difference between line-item vetoes and total vetoes. The formers are hard to predict, and are affected by a high number of factors, while the last are systematically used against bills proposed by the legislators , preventing them to become effective

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This diploma thesis deals with the topic of the independence of the judiciary, which is grasped in its full complexity. The thesis aims to answer two research questions: what techniques of influencing of the independence of the judiciary exist and how could be the resistance of the Czech judiciary against these techniques strengthened. In order to answer these two questions, thesis introduction elaborates the theory of the concept of an independent judiciary, independent court and independent judge and explains the difference between the concepts of judicial independence and judicial impartiality. After the introduction, the thesis describes in detail the steps which have been undertaken in Hungary and Poland since 2010 and which enabled to paralyze the independence of the judiciary in these states. The detailed description of the attacks against the independent judiciary helps to conceive different kinds of techniques by which can be the judiciary influenced. These techniques are categorized in the third part of the thesis. More attention is given to the court- packing technique and to the technique of disciplinary proceedings with judges. Another part of the thesis is dedicated to the second research question - how one can successfully fight against techniques of influencing an independent...

[pt] O presente trabalho se propõe a demonstrar o caráter contramajoritário do Senado sob a óptica do governo misto e da separação de poderes e suas implicações na formação do bicameralismo brasileiro. Para tanto, demonstraremos como as idéias de Políbio, através do governo misto, e de Montesquieu, pela teoria da separação de poderes, operaram a divisão de classes e institucionalizaram a separação político-social. A seguir, com base nos autores dos artigos do Federalista, veremos de que forma o sistema de checks and balances atuou como freio ao ímpeto popular. Mostraremos que o Senado é uma peça importante dentro do sistema de freios e contrapesos, destinada a limitar a soberania popular. Por fim, analisando o processo de formação do bicameralismo no Brasil, mostraremos como esse sistema serve para manter os privilégios de uma classe econômica privilegiada. Não obstante o argumento de que o Senado é a casa de representação dos Estados federados, veremos que sua principal função tem sido a de conservadorismo e moderação. / [en] This article tries to demonstrate the anti-majority aspect of the Senate from a Mixed Government perspective and the separation of powers and its implications in forming Brazilian bicameralism. We will therefore show how Polybius’, through the Mixed Government, and Montesquieu s ideas, through the power separation theory, operated the division of classes and institutionalized political social separation. After that, based on articles of the authors of the Federalist Papers, we shall see how the checks and balances system has acted as a brake on the popular impetus. We will show how Senate is an important piece inside the system of brakes and counterweights intended to limit people s sovereignty. Finally, by analyzing the process to create bicameralism in Brazil, we will show how this system can maintain the privileges of a privileged economic class. Notwithstanding the argument that Senate is the house for representation of the Federate States, we will see that its main function has been that of conservatism and moderation.

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The purpose of this dissertation is to examine if, and how, the executive-centered approach to public administration, which emphasized public administrators' unwavering loyalty to the president, intellectually shaped the founding and growth of Korean mainstream public administration in the 1962-1987 period. Specifically, this dissertation identifies the four normative tenets underlying the executive-centered approach and conducts comprehensive qualitative content analysis of mainstream scholars' journal articles and book chapters to investigate if, and how, such normative tenets framed the intellectual trajectory of Korean mainstream public administration in the 1962-1987 period. The major findings of this dissertation indicate that: 1) Korean public administration was intellectually founded upon the four tenets of the executive-centered approach and such tenets became fully entrenched as unassailable normative beliefs in Korean mainstream public administration scholarship in the 1962-1987 period and 2) Korean mainstream public administration scholars' strong commitment to the executive-centered approach led them to uphold executive-centered governing order, in which the president exercised exclusive control of public administrators, and to champion the authoritarian developmental state, in which the authoritarian president pushed administrators into controlling civil society and market in line with his political and policy agenda, in the 1962-1987 period. This dissertation also contends that in the post-1987 period, the advent of the new governing order of separation of powers created an intellectual dilemma for Korean public administration scholars because their blind adherence to the executive-centered approach, which stressed administrators' exclusive responsiveness to the president, came into essential tension with the new governing order of separation of powers, in which administrators were required to be simultaneously responsive to not only the president, but also the legislative and judicial branches. / Ph. D.

This short dissertation deals with separation of powers and federalism in African constitutionalism through the South African case. It investigates the extent to which the new South Africa complies with these two principles. The separation of powers in the new South Africa gives rise to a sui generis parliamentary regime, which is borrowing both from the Westminster model and the presidential one. On the other hand, the principle of federalism has been taken into consideration seriously, but South Africa has not become a fully-fledged federation. The result is a well-matched marriage between semi-parliamentarism and quasifederalism, which is the South African contribution to constitutionalism and democracy required by the African Renaissance. The dissertation comes to the conclusion that all in all the new South Africa complies with the two constitutional principles under consideration. It is a constitutional state, one of the very few exceptions on a continent laboriously emerging from authoritarianism. / Law / Thesis (LL.M.)--University of South Africa, 1998. / LL. M. (Law)

This short dissertation deals with separation of powers and federalism in African constitutionalism through the South African case. It investigates the extent to which the new South Africa complies with these two principles. The separation of powers in the new South Africa gives rise to a sui generis parliamentary regime, which is borrowing both from the Westminster model and the presidential one. On the other hand, the principle of federalism has been taken into consideration seriously, but South Africa has not become a fully-fledged federation. The result is a well-matched marriage between semi-parliamentarism and quasifederalism, which is the South African contribution to constitutionalism and democracy required by the African Renaissance. The dissertation comes to the conclusion that all in all the new South Africa complies with the two constitutional principles under consideration. It is a constitutional state, one of the very few exceptions on a continent laboriously emerging from authoritarianism. / Law / Thesis (LL.M.)--University of South Africa, 1998. / LL. M. (Law)