Magister Commercii - MCom / This thesis focuses on the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) of South Africa between 1998 and 2017, by looking at whether it acts as an independent institution and if it strengthens the quality of democracy in the country. The research addresses various sub-research questions such as, what is independence? What is a quality democracy? Is the NPA able to foster democratic accountability? It further assesses to which extent executive influence and leadership instability affect the independence of the NPA, by looking at the relationship between the executive – the state Presidents’ and government officials – and the NPA, over the years, in terms of the law practiced. And lastly, whether the role of ANC has affected the NPA. These questions arise out of my interest to understand the NPA in terms of its constitutional mandate and how it impacts democracy. The principal concepts used to date indicates that democracy comprises several procedural norms. These democratic norms – accountability, the constraint of executive power, the separation of powers, and the rule of law form the bases for my research study; while other integral factors include independence, state capture, and dominant party systems. The research methodology for this thesis incorporated qualitative research, a case study, and triangulation. The research also included interviews, with Advocate Shaun Abrahams, Dr Silas Ramaite, Advocate Vusi Pikoli, Advocate Glynnis Breytenbach, Mr Steven Swart, Mr Lawson Naidoo, Mr Paul Hoffman, Dr Jeff Rudin, Professor Lukas Muntingh, Professor Lovell Fernandez, Mr Gareth Newham, and Advocate Mike Pothier as the interviewees. The data analysis and synthesis suggest that the lack of oversight of the NPA alongside the political dominance of the ANC has allowed for an infiltration of political influence within the institution resulting in the selective prosecution of high-profile cases. The data highlights the blurring of lines as a result of state capture which has tainted the NPA’s independence. The importance of this research study lies in the relationship of the NPA and democracy, as an erosion of the NPA essentially correlates with the weakening of democracy. Therefore it is vital to protect our independent institutions, like the NPA, as they strengthen our democracy, assist in upholding the rule of law and the Constitution.

A presente dissertação possui por objeto discutir o controle judicial da atividade normativa das agências reguladoras no direito brasileiro. O trabalho é dividido em três partes. Na primeira, é analisa a evolução do princípio da separação de poderes ao longo dos séculos XIX e XX, bem como a receptividade dele no início do século XXI, notadamente em virtude do processo de retirada do Estado da intervenção direta na economia, como prestador de serviços aos cidadãos, e sua recolocação como regulador das atividades econômicas. Também é analisada na primeira parte como tais mudanças econômicas e sociais implicaram em uma alteração do papel do Poder Judiciário que, inicialmente criado como o menos ativo dos poderes, tornou-se órgão central para a efetivação dos direitos da democracia contemporânea. Na segunda parte, é analisada a atividade normativa das agências reguladoras, com a defesa da tese da delegação legislativa, bem como com a verificação dos requisitos procedimentais e materiais que devem ser observados pelas agências reguladoras na expedição dos atos normativos e de como tais requisitos acabam por limitar a discricionariedade dos entes reguladores. Na terceira parte, é feita a verificação do controle judicial da regulação, tendo como premissas a adoção pelo direito brasileiro do sistema da unidade de jurisdição e as diferenças funcionais entre o Judiciário e a Administração no estabelecimento de políticas públicas, com a defesa de que o controle judicial dos atos normativos das agências reguladoras deve se dar de modo negativo, ou seja, sem que o Judiciário possua competência para a estipulação da política regulatória a ser seguida, e de forma responsiva, ou seja, com a análise das consequências do controle judicial sobre o setor regulado, devendo o magistrado analisar não apenas os aspectos de legalidade do normativo questionado, mas também a finalidade do sistema regulado e os impactos que a decisão judicial terá sobre ele. / The object of the current thesis is to discuss the judicial control of the normative activity of the regulatory agencies according to Brazilian law. This paper is divided into three parts. At first, the evolution of the principle of the separation of powers across the Nineteenth and the Twentieth century will be analyzed, as well as the reception of such principle in the early Twenty-one century, especially due to the process of disengagement of the State from the direct intervention in the economy (as a provider of services to the citizens) and its replacement as a regulator of economic activities. Also in the first part, it will be analyzed how such economical and social changes caused a modification of the role of the Judiciary branch which, initially, was created as the less active of the State powers, becoming the central body for the effectiveness of the contemporary democracy rights. The second part analyzes the normative activity of the regulatory agencies, with the defense of the thesis of legislative delegation, as well as with the verification of the procedural and material requirements that must be observed by the regulatory agencies in the issuance of normative rulings and how such requirements end up limiting the discretion of the regulatory bodies. In the third part the verification of the judicial control of such regulation is carried out, having as its premises the adoption, by Brazilian law, of the unity of jurisdiction system and the functional differences between the Judiciary branch and the Public Administration in the establishment of public policies, being defended that the judicial control of the regulatory agencies normative rulings must be made in a negative manner, i.e., without the Judiciary having the competence for the stipulation of the regulatory policy to be followed, as well as in a responsive manner, i.e., with the analysis of the consequences of the judicial control over the regulated sector, being the magistrate responsible for analyzing not only the aspects of legality of the questioned normative rulings, but also the objective of the regulated system and the impacts of the judicial decision on it.

O presente trabalho analisa as hipóteses em que cabe às agências reguladoras exercer função normativa (compreendida como a edição de textos normativos gerais e abstratos), examinando a natureza dessa função, suas relações com as outras competências e instrumentos normativos do Poder Executivo e do Poder Legislativo e o controle jurisdicional que se realiza sobre essa atividade das agências reguladoras. Nessa tarefa, é examinada a evolução doutrinária e jurisprudencial, no sistema brasileiro e nos ordenamentos jurídicos que mais nos influenciaram nessa matéria, sobre a compreensão a respeito dos princípios da separação dos Poderes e da legalidade. As principais questões enfrentadas referem-se à identificação dos limites da válida edição de atos normativos pelas agências reguladoras, ao regime jurídico aplicável a essa figura normativa e às possíveis soluções para eventuais conflitos de normas envolvendo atos normativos editados pelas agências reguladoras. / This paper examines the assumptions according to which it is possible for the regulatory agencies exert regulatory function (understood as the enactment of general and abstract normative texts), examining the nature of such function, its relations with other powers and legislative instruments used by the Executive Branch and the Legislative Branch and the judicial review over the activities performed by the regulatory agencies. In this task, it\'s analysed the doctrinal and jurisprudential developments, in the Brazilian system and the legal systems that most influenced Brazil in this area, on the understanding about the principles of separation of powers and legality. The main issues addressed relate to identifying the limits of valid normative acts enacted by regulatory agencies, the legal regime applicable to such normative figure and possible solutions for conflicts of rules involving normative acts issued by regulatory agencies.

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2017-07-03T17:03:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Clarissa Tassinari_.pdf: 2195126 bytes, checksum: 338613a5ca3556d91ebca2bf1513c78d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-03T17:03:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Clarissa Tassinari_.pdf: 2195126 bytes, checksum: 338613a5ca3556d91ebca2bf1513c78d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-19 / Nenhuma / Nos últimos dez anos, começa a ser difundida no Brasil uma hipótese teórica que torna supremacia judicial um conceito naturalizado, ou seja, algo inerente às prerrogativas funcionais do Supremo Tribunal Federal – um modo específico de compreender sua atuação, que é extraído do argumento constitucional (daquilo que se afirma estar previsto pela constituição). O objetivo da tese é desconstruir esse imaginário, demonstrando que não existe um vínculo pressuposto (natural) entre supremacia judicial e controle de constitucionalidade. Para alcançar tal objetivo, observa-se que a supremacia judicial do STF é fruto de um contexto político, que emerge da incorporação da leitura que é feita no Brasil sobre o papel do judiciário em duas tradições: do constitucionalismo norte-americano (em especial, da dimensão política da atuação da Suprema Corte dos Estados Unidos) e da experiência constitucional alemã (que atribui ao Tribunal Constitucional Federal o dever de concretização de direitos). Conjugando esses dois elementos, observa-se que a supremacia judicial se manifesta no contexto brasileiro através da concessão de três autoridades ao STF – interpretativa, política e simbólica –, o que está ligado à criação dos seguintes pressupostos: de que o Tribunal possui a última palavra na construção do direito, de que sua atuação sobrepõe-se a das instâncias majoritárias e de que ele é o poder mais habilitado (capaz) de traduzir os anseios sociais. A tese contesta a possibilidade de dar amparo constitucional a esse tríplice modo de visualizar a o exercício da jurisdição constitucional, problematizando a relação entre os poderes do estado sob os aportes da relação direito e política, o que significa a imersão na diferença existente entre a esfera jurídica e o campo político, na análise da interação entre os três poderes do estado, bem como na distinção entre decisão judicial e escolha política. Chega-se, assim, à conclusão da existência de uma supremacia judicial consentida (não decorrente do texto constitucional), isto é, construída teoricamente (através do reconhecimento da supremacia judicial pelos juristas) e institucionalmente (pelos incentivos dos poderes eleitos ou pela auto-investidura do STF). A tese foi desenvolvida através do método hermenêutico-fenomenológico, estando inserida no eixo temático que a Crítica Hermenêutica do Direito de Lenio Streck proporcionou ao direito. / From the last tens years on, a theoretical hypothesis that naturalises judicial supremacy began to be disseminated in Brazil, or, that it is something inherent to the functional prerogatives of the Federal Supreme Court – a specific way of understanding its role, which is extracted from a constitutional argument (that is claimed to be provided by the Constitution). The purpose of the thesis is to deconstruct this idea, demonstrating that there is no presupposed (natural) relationship between judicial supremacy and constitutionality control. In order to do so, it has been observed that the judicial supremacy of the STF is the result of a political context, which emerges from the incorporation of the reading made in Brazil on the role of the judiciary from two traditions: American constitutionalism (in particular, the political dimension of the role of the Supreme Court of the United States) and the constitutional experience of Germany (which gives the Federal Constitutional Court the duty to enforce rights). Combining these two elements, it has been observed that the judicial supremacy manifests itself in the Brazilian context through the granting of three authorities to the STF – interpretative, political and symbolic –, which is then linked to the creation of the following assumptions: that the Court has the last word on the construction of law, that its duty overlaps with those of the majority bodies, and that it is the most enabled (able) branch to translate social desires. The thesis disputes the possibility of granting constitutional protection to this triple way of visualising the exercise of constitutional jurisdiction, problematising the relationship between the branches of government under the contributions of the relationships between law and politics, which means an immersion in the existing difference between the legal sphere and the political field in the analysis of the interaction between the three branches of government, as well as in the distinction between judicial decision and political choice. This leads to the conclusion of the existence of a consented judicial supremacy (not derived from the constitutional text), that is, theoretically (through the recognition of the judicial supremacy by lawyers) and institutionally (by the incentives of elected officials or self- investiture of the STF) constructed. The thesis was developed through the hermeneutic-phenomenological method, being inserted in the thematic axis that Lenio Streck's Hermeneutic Critique of Law provided to Law.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-12-21T11:26:21Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Beatriz Meneghel Chagas Camargo.pdf: 1131638 bytes, checksum: 901a754fca66a7e2d1aaf9c639a3132b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-21T11:26:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Beatriz Meneghel Chagas Camargo.pdf: 1131638 bytes, checksum: 901a754fca66a7e2d1aaf9c639a3132b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-11 / The present study aimed to analyze whether the checks and balances in the Federal Constitution of 1988 ensure the balance between the Executive, Legislative and Judicial Powers. The separation of powers and the mechanisms of checks and balances were conceived with the intention of, in containing the abuse of the holders of the powers, to guarantee the fundamental rights of the individuals. The question that arises in this study is whether the way in which such instruments of mutual control are distributed among the three Powers, in the Federal Constitution of 1988, responds to the current Brazilian reality, in which the Judiciary has been gaining a prominent position / O presente estudo tem como objetivo analisar se os freios e contrapesos na Constituição Federal de 1988 asseguram o equilíbrio entre os Poderes Executivo, Legislativo e Judiciário. A separação dos poderes e os mecanismos de freios e contrapesos foram concebidos com o intuito de, ao conter o abuso dos titulares dos poderes, assegurar os direitos fundamentais dos indivíduos. Questão que se coloca neste estudo é se a forma como distribuídos tais instrumentos de controle recíproco entre os três Poderes, na Constituição Federal de 1988, atende à atual realidade brasileira, em que o Poder Judiciário vem ganhando posição de preeminência

Este trabalho se propõe a traçar o cenário em que se desdobraram os acontecimentos que instigaram o gênio de Montesquieu a buscar um padrão cientifico para os fenômenos sociais e políticos que tão argutamente observava. Combinando as nuances doutrinárias de Montesquieu, pretende o estudo abordar as premissas conceituais básicas de federação e a ideia clássica da separação de poderes para, em seguida, examinar as atribuições da chefia de Estado numa república que adote o modelo federativo e a separação de poderes como seus nortes estruturais, no contexto de um sistema presidencialista de governo. Com base nas premissas deduzidas examina-se o alinhamento do modelo brasileiro àquelas premissas institucionais que o inspiraram. / The purpose of this research is to depict the events that unfolded within the scenario that provoked Montesquieu to search for a scientific pattern in order to explain the social and political phenomena that he carefully observed in his time. Drawing on the variations of Montesquieu’s doctrines, The work aims to explore the basic conceptual argument of federation as well as the classic idea of separation of powers. Thereafter, It intends to examine the roles of state leadership in a republic whose foundation lies upon the federative model and the separation of powers in a presidentialist system of government. Based on this, the study is going to consider the alignment of the Brazilian model to those institutional propositions that initially provoked Montesquieu’s mind.

South Korea has been one of the most successful newborn republics since 1948, and yet, since the new millennium, it has been embroiled in a controversy over the issues of constitutionalism and successful government, with the public expressing concerns about transparency, democracy, and competitiveness. Of particular concern is the public's perception of constitutional government. The purpose of this study was to better understand the elements of governmental success and best practices for constitutionalism in the country's framework of democratic experimentalism. Three prongs of inquiry rooted in the democratic experimentalist tradition (lessons learned from private governance, national institutions, and new concepts of rights) were examined. Dorf and Sabel's theory of constitution of democratic experimentalism was used to help answer the research question, which was, how democratic experimentalism supports constitutional government in South Korea. Data were collected through interviews with 16 legal/government professionals under the age of 40, and then coded and thematically analyzed. Findings identified 9 identified key themes as vital for the success of constitutional government in South Korea. Results suggest that constitutionalism and democratic experimentation need to be considered together when seeking to understand the South Korean constitutional government. Implications for positive social change include helping future investigators to better interpret the Korean constitutional system and supporting decision makers and public servants in making better informed decisions to further more democratic and transparent government.

A Separação de Poderes tem sido um objeto de estudo constante do Direito Constitucional e das Ciências Políticas ante a sua natureza de organização dos poderes que existem dentro de um estado. Agora é necessária a análise também pelo Direito Internacional Público, uma vez a necessidade de construção de paradigmas aptos a construção do Direito da Integração. A América Latina, com especial atenção ao Brasil e a Argentina, são campos férteis para a análise da separação de poderes que foi majoritariamente adotada por esta região. No estudo da experiência argentina e brasileira é possível ver diversos pontos de convergência fortes o suficiente para a edificação de um modelo a ser utilizado pela integração sub-regional, além, claro, de contar com as semelhanças históricas de sua colonização, independência, influência do modelo de separação de poderes Norte-Americano, os regimes militares e o sensível processo de redemocratização. O Estudo comparado pode fornecer ferramentas capazes de criar um mecanismo de integração sub-regional forte o suficiente para superar as tão frequentes instabilidades do processo de integração. / The separation of powers has been an object of constant study for the Constitutional Law and the Political Sciences before its nature of organization of powers that exist within a state. Now the analysis is also necessary through Public International Law, since theres a need to build paradigms suitable for the construction of Integration Law. Latin America, with special attention to Brazil and Argentina, are fertile grounds for the analysis of the separation of powers, which was mostly adopted by this region. In the study of the Argentinean and the Brazilian experience, it is possible to see several points of convergence that are strong enough to build a model to be used by sub-regional integration, besides of having the historical similarities of their colonization, independence, influence of the North-American model of separation of powers, military regimes and the sensitive process of redemocratization. The comparative study can provide tools capable of creating a sub-regional integration mechanism, strong enough to overcome the so frequent instabilities of the integration process.

Thesis (LL.M.)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2008.

No description available.