L’enseignement / l’apprentissage du français dans les classes de FLE en Chine devient aujourd’hui un sujet d’étude suscitant de vives discussions en raison du nombre agrandissant des apprenants de français au sein du pays. A la différence des travaux rédigés en Chine qui s’appuient majoritairement sur la description des expériences des enseignants pour aboutir à des réflexions et des propositions concrètes sur la didactique de FLE dans la classe, le présent travail s’intéresse à l’étude des interactions verbales à l’intérieur des classes de FLE dans le contexte chinois. Nous choisissons de travailler à partir des corpus recueillis dans les classes des deux situations d’enseignement de FLE en Chine dont l’une concerne l’Alliance française de Shanghai et l’autre les départements de français dans les universités en espérant ainsi pouvoir répondre à une série de questions : comment enseigne-t-on le français dans des classes de FLE en Chine ? Quelles sont les caractéristiques des interactions verbales dans les deux situations d’enseignement qui nous intéressent particulièrement pour notre travail ? Si elles se déroulent différemment comme nous en faisons l’hypothèse, quels sont les facteurs qui auraient entraîné ces modifications ? La thèse se compose de trois chapitres. Le premier chapitre est consacré à la présentation de l’objet d’étude et des concepts théoriques sur lesquels reposent nos analyses durant cette recherche, à savoir les interactions verbales, l’ethnographie de la communication, l’agir professoral et l’interculturel. Le deuxième et le troisième chapitres se réfèrent respectivement aux investigations que nous avons menées dans les deux situations d’enseignement où nous évoquerons tout d’abord le contexte historique de chaque type d’établissement pour passer ensuite à l’aperçu général de la situation actuelle impliquant les ressources humaines et le dispositif matériel. Les études des interactions verbales se concrétisent par des analyses minutieuses réalisées autour de trois thèmes où nous constatons l’intensité des mouvements d’interactions : des relations interpersonnelles en classe, des particularités des interactions verbales dans des unités de travail et l’enjeu interculturel dans la communication de classe. L’inverstigation des classe de FLE dans le contexte chinois nous a permis d’appliquer l’approche interactionniste sur un nouveau terrain de recherche, les constats que nous avons pu faire nous paraissent pouvoir être profitables aussi bien pour les recherches portant sur la linguistique interactionnelle que pour celles portant sur l’enseignement de FLE en Chine. / The rapid increase of Chinese as French learners these years makes French teaching research a focus for French teachers and researchers in China. Distinguished from practices in corresponding domestic researches such as introduction of situation concerning French classroom teaching, statement of personal opinion and presentation of concrete suggestions on French teaching methods, the paper takes advantages of relevant theories on Sociolinguistic interactional prevailing in the western linguistic field nowadays and gives a new interpretation of French classroom interaction in China after collection and analysis of first-hand linguistic materials in the aspect. Targeting at two French teaching environments in China, i.e. Shanghai French Training Center (that is, Alliance Française de Shanghai) and French classroom in universities, linguistic materials are collected to find solutions to following questions in the paper: How are French classroom teaching operated in China? What characteristics do the two kinds of French teaching environments display in aspect of classroom linguistic interaction? If there are differences in classroom interactions for two French teaching environments mentioned above as presupposed, which factors account for differences after all? The paper is extended in three chapters: Chapter One introduces the research objectives and theoretical basis quoted in analysis of classroom linguistic interaction. It offers the main theoretical basis including linguistic interaction, culture of communication, fundamental theories and concepts involved in interaction research by Goffman, behaviors of teachers and inter-cultural theories. Chapter Two and Chapter Three present a series of characteristics of linguistic interaction through analysis and research of French classroom teaching in two teaching environments. In the two Chapters, the author first reviews and summarizes historic backgrounds of the two teaching organizations and makes introduction of their basic situations such as teaching staff, teaching equipments etc; then divides the research on classroom linguistic interaction into three topics for observation and analysis according to frequency and strength of linguistic interaction activities observed in classrooms: interaction relationships in classrooms, linguistic interaction in teaching units and manifestation of intercultural elements in classroom linguistic interaction. The paper makes the first trial to apply theories of linguistic interaction to researches of French classroom teaching in China, the findings of this study make new contribution to linguistic interaction research. Meanwhile, if the rapid increase of French learners in China is taken into consideration, the research is of completely new referential value for researches on French classroom teaching in China and plays an enlightening role in French classroom teaching in other countries and regions as well.

This dissertation traces the emergence of the air raid shelter as the paradigmatic architecture of air defense under the Nationalist Party government in China during the War of Resistance against Japan (1937–1945). More broadly, it explores how air defense in general became an integral technology for the Nationalists’ “war of resistance and reconstruction” (kangzhan jianguo), a fascist project derived from total war, the globally circulating military-political idea that modern wars would enlist the entire populations and economies of nations in warfare while subjecting national populations and infrastructures to equally comprehensive violence. The Nationalists joined the world in confronting aerial bombing after the Empire of Japan bombed Shanghai in 1932. In response, the government and its military constructed air defense, a political and technological complex combining mass mobilization, through air raid drills and air defense organizations, with material technologies, like searchlights, anti-aircraft guns, and bomb shelters. The Nationalists found in air defense more than a military technology. To them, it also offered a set of tools and resources for fortifying their flailing attempts to unite China in a common national project, and even recasting the substance of that project. Air defense could forge a new society that invested all Chinese people in war as a necessary precondition for overcoming China’s colonial subjection. Where democratic institutions collapsed and appeals to common heritage and customs failed, the Nationalists used air defense to turn survival (shengcun) into the bedrock value of the national community. Meanwhile, a group of young architects associated with the journal Xin jianzhu in Canton identified air defense as an organizing problem for the nascent professional field of architecture. Rather than the stale historicism endorsed in Nanjing, and against China’s craft building traditions, the group championed modernist architecture, especially the International Style, whose principles of simplicity, functionalism, and rationality they saw as necessary for building modern, industrial, and hygienic Chinese cities capable of enhancing human life. Moreover, they argued that the technological instrumentality informing modernism made it the only style capable of preserving Chinese cities and people from modern threats like bombing. After the fall of Canton in 1938, members of the group took their mission to Chongqing, where they joined the Nationalist government in building air defenses in the wartime capital. In particular, this dissertation argues that the air raid shelter and air defense focused contradictions in the Nationalists’ fascist project for uniting and revolutionizing China as it traveled to Chongqing following the Nationalist escape from Japan’s invasion of the coast. Over the course of the War of Resistance, the principal technology of air defense shifted away from mass mobilization, as the Nationalists came to administer refugees and displaced people they had never governed before, and became located in infrastructure like city plans and air raid shelters. Air defense served to exclude surplus populations like women and the elderly, rendered redundant according to the state’s wartime needs for industrial production and conscripts, by dispersing them in satellite settlements outside the city, from which they constantly returned in search of work or material goods. Shoddy air raid shelters, in the meantime, revealed the fragile biology of real bodies beneath the fascist fantasy of the heroic political subject, as shelters failed to provide for basic needs like respiration. Over time, these two problems collided, as the state closed shelters in the city to dispersed people, exposing surplus populations to bombing, while civilians also languished in shelters that could still kill them. The goal of building national unity through survival collapsed into a confusion of inclusion and exclusion, life and death, with disastrous results, like the asphyxiation of around one thousand people in Chongqing’s largest public air raid shelter in June 1941. In these circumstances, professionals like the Cantonese architects and new state regulatory bodies produced proposals and standards for building better shelters, offering a technological resolution of air defense’s political contradictions and consolidating the transformation of air defense into a technical expertise.

Dans un contexte de pressions démographique, économique et écologique, la plupart des pays s’engagent dans une transition écologique, pour préparer des modes de vie « post-pétrole », pour réduire leur empreinte écologique, pour prévenir les effets du réchauffement climatique. L’approche systémique et la performance écologique constituent des leviers du développement harmonieux des métropoles.Dans le but de pouvoir mieux évaluer les stratégies d’aménagement et mesurer le progrès réalisé sur un territoire, notre thèse s’attache à formuler une approche systémique de la performance écologique et à développer un cadre conceptuel, une méthodologie et des outils. Ces outils sont conçus pour mesurer la performance des métropoles de manière objective et scientifique. Afin de les tester, nous les avons appliqués à la métropole de Shanghai.La Chine, poursuivant une croissance économique, déjà fulgurante depuis 30 ans, a besoin de ressources naturelles, de technologies et de savoir-faire pour mieux maîtriser son développement, améliorer son environnement et offrir des conditions de vie plus qualitatives. Menant un vaste programme d’urbanisation depuis 1978, elle tente de faire migrer en ville 400 millions de paysans entre 2000 et 2030. Si la Chine adopte « l’économie circulaire », inspirée de l’écologie industrielle, intègre-t-elle les notions de performance écologique en urbanisme et aménagement ? Le profil organisationnel, la forme et les pratiques des villes, sont-ils améliorés ? Comment peut-elle, notre approche de la performance écologique, aider la Chine à améliorer l’aménagement de son territoire ? / Cities consume enormous amounts of energy and resources, and generate most of the world’s CO2 emissions and waste. Demographic, urban and ecological pressures require us to re-evaluate 20th-Century urban design models, especially in China and India (750 million additional urban residents by 2030), to create more sustainable cities and societies.Applying a systems approach and industrial ecology to cities is perhaps the best way to accelerate progress. This thesis proposes a unique methodology and tools for evaluating the ecological performance of cities, and then tests them on Shanghai. Future research will focus on comparative studies of cities, based on the same variables. Once this is accomplished, it will be possible to create an Observatory of the Ecological Performance of Cities.

Under global urbanization backgrounds with physical population migrations and relocations, corresponding consequences in society developments, cultural transformations, technology inventions and interactions between regions and countries, etc. are considered as having a huge impact on normal urban dwellers. For human beings always have intentions towards managements and benefits from natural surroundings, urban dweller demands under the modern challenges and their interactions are necessary to be concerned about. Urban ecosystem is considered as a highly developed civilization, but also with features of resources and energy demands and pollution and distributional exports. As the only natural element in this ecosystem, UGI (urban green infrastructures) is considered as an important human-environment interaction provider with urban ecosystem services (UES) largely focused by academic scholars, urban planners and policy managers. As one of the fastest urbanizing cities in the world, Shanghai is considered as having huge cultural and social developments combined with socioeconomic acceleration. Under the unique background of policy planning and traditional Confucian culture transformation, the impacts to urban dweller demands, whether these newly developed modern demands can be satisfied by UES provided by UGI and how the understandings of these normal dwellers to UGI in Shanghai are necessary for academic researches. By considering the interactions with urban dwellers, six urban parks in the center of Shanghai are chosen as research sites in this study. Combined with factors of urbanization processes and observed patterns of visitor interactions, the indicator of “park age” is concerned with three old parks (older than 25 years old) and three new parks (younger than 25 years old). With methodologies of fieldwork mapping, questionnaires, indicator based evaluation system constructions, etc., the quantitative and qualitative analyses were carried out to habitat diversity, cultural and regulation UES results, and the background reasons caused by political and financial influences are subject to further discussion. The visitors to urban parks of Shanghai are classified into four sorts: “retired dwellers”, “dwellers for children care”, “tourist visitors” and “other visitors”, we found out that related demands and interactions with urban parks have significant differences. After detailed discussions, it could be figured out that the visitors demands play a significant role, and the interactions between visitors and UES in Shanghai are comprehensively influenced by multiple factors of “visiting objectives”, “park cultures (ages, popularities, etc.)” and “personal identities (educations, incomes, etc.)”. Based on this, the detailed differences of policy, finance, Confucian culture, nature understanding, and community society between old and new parks were further discussed. With all aspects of physical, mental, psychological and other demand aspects especially focused on, the typical features in Shanghai are also highly concentrated on dominant activities. For China is suffering from national environmental and urbanization problems but lack in related concerns combined with dweller demands, this research work may make certain efforts on model assessment methodologies constructions and national implementations. Also, with a combined background of top-down policy systems and natural understandings under socioeconomic duress, this research could also make significant efforts in dweller-UES interactions researches in similar cases of other countries and newly developed urban ecosystems in the world.

This dissertation traces the emergence of the air raid shelter as the paradigmatic architecture of air defense under the Nationalist Party government in China during the War of Resistance against Japan (1937–1945). More broadly, it explores how air defense in general became an integral part of the Nationalists’ “war of resistance and reconstruction” (kangzhan jianguo), a fascist project derived from total war, the globally circulating military-political idea holding that modern warfare would enlist entire nations and their economies in war while also subjecting them to comprehensive enemy violence. The Nationalists joined the world in confronting aerial bombing after the Empire of Japan bombed Shanghai in 1932. In response, the government and its military constructed air defense, a political and technological complex combining mass mobilization, through air raid drills and air defense organizations, with material technologies, like searchlights, anti-aircraft guns, and bomb shelters. The Nationalists found in air defense more than a military technology. To them, it also offered a set of tools and resources for fortifying their flailing attempts to unite China in a common national project, and even recasting the substance of that project. Air defense could forge a new society that invested all Chinese people in war as a necessary precondition for overcoming China’s colonial subjection. Where democratic institutions collapsed and appeals to common heritage and customs failed, the Nationalists used air defense to turn survival (shengcun) into the bedrock value of the national community. Meanwhile, a group of young architects associated with the journal Xin jianzhu in Canton identified air defense as an organizing problem for the nascent professional field of architecture. Rather than the stale historicism endorsed in Nanjing, and against China’s craft building traditions, the group championed modernist architecture, especially the International Style, whose principles of simplicity, functionalism, and rationality they saw as necessary for building modern, industrial, and hygienic Chinese cities capable of enhancing human life. Moreover, they argued that the technological instrumentality informing modernism made it the only style capable of preserving Chinese cities and people from modern threats like bombing. After the fall of Canton in 1938, members of the group took their mission to Chongqing, where they joined the Nationalist government in building air defenses in the wartime capital. In particular, this dissertation argues that the air raid shelter and air defense focused contradictions in the Nationalists’ fascist project for uniting and revolutionizing China as it traveled to Chongqing following the Nationalist escape from Japan’s invasion of the coast. Over the course of the war, the principal technology of air defense shifted away from mass mobilization, as the Nationalists came to administer refugees and displaced people they had never governed before, and became located in infrastructure like city plans and air raid shelters. Air defense served to exclude surplus populations like women and the elderly, rendered redundant according to the state’s wartime needs for industrial production and conscripts, by dispersing them in satellite settlements outside the city, from which they constantly returned in search of work or material goods. Shoddy air raid shelters, in the meantime, revealed the fragile biology of real bodies beneath the fascist fantasy of the heroic political subject, as shelters failed to provide for basic needs like respiration. Over time, these two problems collided, as the state closed shelters in the city to dispersed people, exposing surplus populations to bombing, while civilians also languished in shelters that could still kill them. The goal of building national unity through survival collapsed into a confusion of inclusion and exclusion, life and death, with disastrous results, like the asphyxiation of around one thousand people in Chongqing’s largest public air raid shelter in June 1941. In these circumstances, professionals like the Cantonese architects and new state regulatory bodies produced proposals and standards for building better shelters, attempting a technical resolution of air defense’s political contradictions and consolidating the transformation of air defense into a primarily technological discipline.

Gottbegrüßungsprozession (迎神赛会, oder Gottempfangsprozession) ist die eines der wichtigsten volksreligiösen Rituale, die zu den bedeutendsten Zeremonien des Religionslebens des chinesischen Volks zählen dürften. Der Ausgangspunkt meiner Forschung ist die 1995 veröffentlichte Studie Demon Hordes and Burning Boats: The Cult of Marshall Wen in Late Imperial Chekiang von Paul Katz, in der „Zivilgesellschaft und Volksreligion“ zum ersten Mal in der Forschung über die chinesische Kultur thematisiert. Um Katz’ Schwächen in der Studie zum Marschall Wen - sowohl an Quellen als auch in Theorie - auszugleichen, folgen ich in meiner Arbeit vertiefend zwei Grundlinien und damit sie grob in zwei Teile teilen, nämlich einen theoretischen und einen empirischen Teil. Im theoretischen Teil müssen zwei Fragen beantwortet: Was ist Zivilgesellschaft? Wie könnte die Zivilgesellschaftstheorie für diese religionswissenschaftliche Forschung nützlich sein? Um eine präzise Arbeitsdefinition geben und eine operationalisierbare Fragestellung aufstellen zu können, verfolge ich zunächst im ersten Teil die Begriffsgeschichte von „Zivilgesellschaft“ und „Öffentlichkeit“ im abendländischen Kontext zurück. Ein dreieckiges Problemfeld zwischen Staat, Privatsphäre und Ökonomie, zwei Ansätze der Zivilgesellschaftstheorie (der analytisch-deskriptive und der Idealistisch-präskriptive) werden zusammengefasst. Sieben Merkmale (öffentliche Assoziationen, Autonomie, Pluralität, Legalität, zivilisiertes Verhalten und utopisches Potenzial) und sechs Modelle (Das Trennungs-, Oppositions-, Öffentlichkeits-, Unterstützungs-, Partnerschaftsmodell und die globale Zivilgesellschaft) werden in der Forschung angeführt. Anschließend setze ich mich mit der Zivilgesellschaftsdiskussion im chinesischen Kontext auseinander. Aus der „Modern China Debate“ in den U. S. A. und der daran angeschlossenen chinesischen Diskussion wird eine Bilanz gezogen. Die „teleologische Annahme“ und der „China-Hat(te)-Auch-Komplex“ werden herausgefunden, die in einer historischen Forschung nicht legitimierbar sind. Danach wird die bisherige Erörterung über die Beziehung zwischen Zivilgesellschaft und Religion kurz zusammengefasst. Zum Ende des theoretischen Teils beschließe ich auf den idealistisch-präskriptiven Ansatzes zu verzichten. Die Zivilgesellschaftstheorie als Idealtypus im Weberschen Sinn benutzt, um die Kulturbedeutung der volksreligiösen Feste in China zu erkennen. Besonders die Organisation und die politische Auseinandersetzung der Prozession sollen in Betrachtung der Zivilgesellschaftstheorie gezogen werden, um die chinesische Gesellschaft besser zu verstehen. Im empirischen Teil der Arbeit werden Regionalbeschreibungen, Archivakten und Zeitungsartikel als Hauptquelle benutzt. Weil bisher keine systematische Forschung im Bereich der Religionswissenschaft zur Gottbegrüßungsprozession vorliegt, wird zuerst eine ausführliche Einführung in die Prozessionen in China gegeben, um ein zuverlässiges Bild von den Prozessionen innerhalb der chinesischen Religionslandschaft entwerfen zu können. Die Etymologie, die Arbeitsdefinition und die kosmologische Ordnung hinter der Prozession werden anschließend vorgestellt. Ich schlage vor, die Prozession als das Kennzeichen der kommunalen Religion Chinas anzusehen. Durch einige Sammelbände zur Folklore in China wird dann deutlich belegt, dass zahlreiche Gottbegrüßungsprozessionen ab Anfang der Qing-Zeit bis in die Republikzeit hinein kontinuierlich in fast allen Provinzen Chinas stattfanden. Danach werden die gesetzlichen Verbote in der Kaiserzeit dargestellt. Die Forschungsgeschichte zur Prozession und deren Problematik werden daraufhin zusammengefasst. Nachdem die Grundform bzw. die alternativen Formen, der Aufbau des Umzugs, Gottheiten, Dauer und Häufigkeit der Prozessionen in einem weiter begrenzten geographischen Raum, nämlich dem heutigen Shanghai, und zeitlich Raum, nämlich der Republikzeit (1912-49), dargestellt werden, werden die Haltung der Regierung und die mediale Präsentation solcher Prozessionen während der Republikzeit rekonstruiert, um die potenzielle Spannung zwischen dem Staat und den religiösen Gemeinschaften als eine der wichtigsten kollektiven Einstellungen zur Prozession zu zeigen. Die Zwischenfälle in der Nachbarregion werden wiedergegeben. Sodann werden drei detailreiche historische Fallbeispiele stichprobenartig angeführt und analysiert, um die weitere Behandlung der Fragestellung empirisch zu untermauern. Das erste historische Fallbeispiel ist der Stadtgott-Inspektionsrundgang. In diesem Fallbeispiel werden besonders die Finanzierung, die Aktivisten und Organisationen berücksichtigt, um ein Licht auf die Durchführung und Verwaltung der Prozessionen zu werfen. Darüber hinaus werden die Streite, Auseinandersetzungen und Konflikte zwischen den lokalen Behörden und dem Aufsichtsrat des Stadtgotttempels beleuchtet, um deren Verläufe, Hintergründe und Ursachen zu erforschen. Das zweite Fallbeispiel handelt sich um die Prozessionen und die Konflikte in Pudong von 1919 bis 1935. Die Verbote, die Gegenmaßnahmen der Regierung und die Verstöße gegen das Prozessionsverbot werden ausführlich geschildert, um die tatsächliche Ursachen der Konflikte zu finden. Zum Schluss des Kapitels wird die Polizei als Beispiel der damaligen Staatsmacht analysiert. Das dritte Fallbeispiel ist die Prozession im Dorf Jiangwan. Im Jahr 1935 wurde die dortige Prozession von der lokalen Feuerwehr schikaniert. Die Nachwirkung und die direkte Einmischung der Parteidirektion werden auch detailreich dargelegt. In der Schlussfolgerung der Arbeit werden die Beteiligten der Prozession in drei Gruppen, nämlich den Schaulustigen, den Aktivisten, den Unterstützer und die Förderer, eingeteilt. Ihre unterschiedlichen Funktionen und Motivationen getrennt zusammengefasst. Die andere Partei, die Kontrolleure der Prozession, wird anschließend behandelt. Alle historischen Beschreibungen werden im Spiegel der Zivilgesellschaftstheorie, v. a. der sieben Merkmale und sechs Modelle, evaluiert. Außerdem bringe ich zwei Einwände gegen die Dichotomie von C. K. Yang vor.:1. Vorbemerkung und Thematisierung: Zivilgesellschaft und volksreligiöse Feste in China...........................................................................................................................10 2. Zivilgesellschaftstheorie im abendländischen Kontext ........................................17 2.1. Terminologie: Einblick in den Zivilgesellschaftsdschungel ...................17 2.2. Das Problemfeld......................................................................................19 2.2.1. Zivilgesellschaft - Staat....................................................................19 2.2.2. Zivilgesellschaft - Privatsphäre........................................................21 2.2.3. Zivilgesellschaft - Ökonomie...........................................................22 2.3. Zwei Ansätze der Zivilgesellschaftstheorien ..........................................23 2.3.1. Der Analytisch-deskriptive Ansatz ..................................................23 2.3.2. Der Idealistisch-präskriptive Ansatz ................................................24 2.4. Merkmale der Zivilgesellschaft ..............................................................26 2.5. Modelle der Zivilgesellschaft .................................................................30 2.5.1. Das Trennungsmodell ......................................................................31 2.5.2. Das Oppositionsmodell....................................................................33 2.5.3. Das Öffentlichkeitsmodell ...............................................................34 2.5.4. Exkurs: Habermas’ Öffentlichkeitstheorie.......................................35 2.5.5. Das Unterstützungsmodell...............................................................39 2.5.6. Das Partnerschaftsmodell.................................................................40 2.5.7. Die globale Zivilgesellschaft ...........................................................41 3. Zivilgesellschaftsdiskussion im chinesischen Kontext.........................................43 3.1. Die „Modern China Debate“...................................................................44 3.1.1. Rowe ................................................................................................45 3.1.2. Rankin..............................................................................................47 3.1.3. Wakeman..........................................................................................48 3.1.4. Huang: The Third Realm .................................................................49 3.1.5. Fazit..................................................................................................49 3 3.2. Die chinesische Diskussion.....................................................................52 3.2.1. Ma Min: Die „Keim-These“ ............................................................52 3.2.2. Die Diskussionsrunde in Lishi Yanjiu (历史研究)...........................53 3.2.3. Fazit..................................................................................................55 4. Religion und Zivilgesellschaft ..............................................................................58 4.1. Zaret: Religion als Habermas’ „blinder Fleck“.......................................58 4.2. Casanova: Religion und Demokratisierung ............................................59 4.3. Zivilgesellschaft und Demokratisierung .................................................61 5. Operationalisierung der Fragestellung..................................................................64 5.1. Zusammenfassung des Forschungsstandes .............................................64 5.2. Die Gefahr des idealistisch-präskriptiven Ansatzes................................66 5.3. Zivilgesellschaftstheorie als Idealtypus im Weberschen Sinn ................67 5.4. Die ungelösten Fragen und der Nutzen der Zivilgesellschaftstheorie ....69 5.5. Volksreligiöses Fest als Indikator der chinesischen Gesellschaft ...........73 6. Einführung in die Gottbegrüßungsprozession in China........................................75 6.1. Etymologie und Sprachgebrauch ............................................................77 6.2. Arbeitsdefinition .....................................................................................80 6.3. Prozession als das Kennzeichen der kommunalen Religion...................81 6.3.1. Die Problematik des Begriffs „Volksreligion“.................................81 6.3.2. Ein Vier-Ebenen-Modell ..................................................................85 6.3.3. Die kommunale Religion Chinas.....................................................88 6.4. Die kosmologische Ordnung...................................................................91 6.5. Die Gottbegrüßungsprozessionen in den Provinzen Chinas...................93 6.6. Gesetzliche Verbote in der Kaiserzeit ...................................................102 6.7. Forschungsgeschichte und Problematik................................................106 6.8. Anhang: Karten und Tabellen ...............................................................114 7. Die Gottbegrüßungsprozessionen in Shanghai ...................................................125 7.1. Eingrenzung des Forschungsgegenstandes...........................................125 7.1.1. Zeitliche Eingrenzung: die Republikzeit .......................................125 7.1.2. Räumliche Eingrenzung: Shanghai................................................129 4 7.2. Quellen..................................................................................................130 7.3. Grundform einer Prozession .................................................................132 7.4. Die alternativen Formen .......................................................................135 7.5. Aufbau eines Umzuges .........................................................................137 7.6. Glaubensgegenstand: Gottheiten der Prozessionen ..............................144 7.7. Häufigkeit und Dauer............................................................................146 7.8. Geographische Differenzierung ............................................................148 7.9. Anhang: Karten und Tabellen ...............................................................149 8. Die Haltung der Regierung und ihre mediale Repräsentation ............................160 8.1. Die schlechte Erinnerung: Der Vorfall aus dem 18. Jahrhundert..........160 8.2. Die Vorschriften und Gegenmaßnahmen der Behörden .......................162 8.3. Die Zwischenfälle in Shanghai .............................................................164 8.3.1. Der Brandanschlag auf die Polizeiwache in Luodian (1914) ........164 8.3.2. Das Janusgesicht der staatlichen Macht (1926) .............................165 8.4. Die Zwischenfälle in der Nachbarregion und ihre mediale Repräsentation in Shanghai.........................................................................................................167 8.4.1. Die Prozessionen in Zhenjiang (1919-20) .....................................167 8.4.2. Der Zwischenfall in Jiangshan zu Ningbo (1922) .........................168 8.4.3. Das Echo in Shanghai ....................................................................171 8.4.4. Die Ermahnungen (1936)...............................................................175 8.5. Die Situation in der Nachkriegszeit ......................................................175 8.5.1. Das bekräftigte Verbot ...................................................................175 8.5.2. Das wirkungslose Verbot (1946)....................................................176 8.6. Anhang..................................................................................................178 9. Stadtgott-Inspektionsrundgang (城隍出巡)........................................................179 9.1. Einleitung..............................................................................................180 9.1.1. Stadtgottglaube in der chinesischen Geschichte ............................180 9.1.2. Grundglaube, Vorstellung und Überlieferung................................182 9.1.2.1. Die Entstehungsgeschichte....................................................182 9.1.2.2.Stadtgötter: Jenseitige Verwaltungsbeamte aus dem Diesseits 5 183 9.1.3. Stadtgötter und Stadtgotttempel in Shanghai.................................186 9.1.3.1. Die Tempelgeschichte ...........................................................186 9.1.3.2.Stadtgötter..............................................................................188 9.1.3.3.Die Umgebung des Tempels..................................................189 9.2. Die Stadtgott-Inspektionsrundgänge in der Republikzeit .....................191 9.2.1. Der Neubau und der Aufsichtsrat des Stadtgotttempels ................192 9.2.1.1. Der Brand (1924) - Der auslösende Funke............................192 9.2.1.2. Neubau des Tempels (1926-7)...............................................194 9.2.1.3. Die Gründung des Aufsichtsrats (1926) ................................196 9.2.1.4. Die Satzungen des Aufsichtsrats (1927)................................197 9.2.1.5. Neueröffnung des Stadtgotttempels (1927)...........................200 9.2.1.6. Die Vorstandsmitglieder des Aufsichtsrats............................201 9.2.2. Besitz und Finanzierung des Stadtgotttempels ..............................210 9.2.2.1. Der Tempelbesitz...................................................................210 9.2.2.2. Der Finanzierungsplan gemäß der Satzung...........................211 9.2.2.3. Die tatsächlichen Einnahmen und Ausgaben ........................212 9.2.2.4. Analyse der Finanzierung......................................................217 9.2.3. Andere Selbstorganisationen: Aktivistenverbände ........................220 9.2.3.1. Der Aktivistenverband des Stadtgotttempels.........................221 9.2.3.2. Die Sanban-Gemeinde...........................................................223 9.2.3.3.Straßenhändlerverband vom Stadtgotttempel und Yu-Garten223 9.3. Ausführlicher Ablauf eines Stadtgott-Inspektionsrundgangs ...............225 9.3.1. Vorbereitungen vor dem festgelegten Tag......................................225 9.3.2. Am festgelegten Tag ......................................................................226 9.3.3. Das Verbot und die Wirklichkeit....................................................228 9.4. Die Streitpunkte zwischen der Regierung und dem Aufsichtsrat .........231 9.4.1. Der Streit ums Eigentumsrecht (1946) ..........................................232 9.4.2. Der Streit ums Steuerrecht .............................................................233 9.4.3. Die Auseinandersetzung mit der Sozialbehörde (1946-7) .............234 6 9.4.3.1. Der Anschuldigungsbrief (Nov. 1946) ..................................234 9.4.3.2. Der Bericht der Sozialbehörde (März 1947) .........................235 9.4.4. Auseinandersetzung mit der Zivilverwaltungsbehörde (1947-9) ..236 9.4.4.1. Der Anspruch auf Nachzahlung (1947-8) .............................236 9.4.4.2. Sinnesänderung der Regierung (1948-9)...............................238 9.4.5. Die Widersprüche der Polizei ........................................................240 9.4.5.1. Der Antrag auf Stadtgott-Inspektionsrundgang (1946) .........240 9.4.5.2. Die Anweisung des Polizeichefs (April 1947) ......................241 9.4.6. Ein Tag: zwei Prozessionen (am 13.11.1947)................................242 9.4.6.1. Die Anfrage (15. Nov. 1947) .................................................242 9.4.6.2. Zwei Berichte über zwei Prozessionen .................................243 9.4.6.3. Der Bericht des Polizeipräsidiums ........................................245 9.4.6.4. Die Erklärung des Aufsichtsrats ............................................246 9.4.6.5. Die internen Ermittlungen der Polizei...................................247 9.4.6.6. Die Analyse über die Polizei .................................................247 9.5. Fazit.......................................................................................................249 9.6. Anhang..................................................................................................256 10. Die Prozessionen und Konflikte in Pudong (1919-35)................................267 10.1. Die geographischen Gegebenheiten Pudongs.......................................267 10.2. Die Prozessionen und der Umzug.........................................................267 10.3. Die Prozessionen im Jahr 1919.............................................................269 10.3.1. Die Vorbereitungen der Tempelgemeinden ...................................269 10.3.2. Die Gegenmaßnahmen der Regierung ..........................................272 10.3.3. Die Prozession des Shezhuang-Tempels am 11. April ..................276 10.3.4. Der Zwischenfall des Wujiating-Tempels am 14. April ................278 10.3.4.1. Schüsse der Polizei..............................................................278 10.3.4.2. Die Nachwirkungen.............................................................280 10.3.4.3. Die Schlichtung und der Kompromiss ................................283 10.4. Die Prozession und der Zwischenfall im Jahr 1920..............................284 10.4.1. Das erneute Verbot ........................................................................284 7 10.4.2. Der Konflikt um die Zhangjialou-Kirche......................................286 10.4.3. Der Kommentar in Shenbao ..........................................................288 10.5. Der Zwischenfall im Jahr 1935.............................................................289 10.6. Die Analyse: Die Polizei als Beispiel der Staatsmacht.........................291 10.7. Anhang..................................................................................................296 11. Die verbrannten Götter: die Prozession in Jiangwan...................................297 11.1. Die drei Götter und der Dongyue-Tempel ............................................298 11.2. Der feierliche Umzug............................................................................299 11.3. Der Brandanschlag der Feuerwehr........................................................300 11.4. Das schwarze Armband und die Selbstrechtfertigung der Feuerwehr ..302 11.5. Die Einmischung der Parteidirektion....................................................303 11.6. Fazit.......................................................................................................305 12. Schlussfolgerung..........................................................................................308 12.1. Die Prozession: Die Beteiligten und Organisationen............................308 12.1.1. Die Schaulustigen..........................................................................308 12.1.2. Die Aktivisten bzw. Aktivistenverbände .......................................309 12.1.2.1. Die Charakteristika der Aktivisten ......................................310 12.1.2.2. Die Tendenzen der Aktivistenverbände...............................314 12.1.3. Die Unterstützer und Förderer.......................................................316 12.1.4. Zwischenresümee ..........................................................................318 12.2. Die Prozession: die Kontrolleure ..........................................................320 12.2.1. Die Begründungen des Prozessionsverbots...................................321 12.2.2. Die tatsächliche Auswirkung der Verbote und Vorwarnungen......323 12.2.3. Abschreckungsversuch und Gegenmaßnahmen der Regierung ....323 12.2.4. Die Regierung und der Gesetzgeber als Konfliktauslöser.............324 12.2.5. Zwischenresümee ..........................................................................326 12.3. Die Rolle der öffentlichen Medien .......................................................328 12.4. Eine Zwischenform zwischen „diffused“ und „institutional“ Religion 330 12.4.1. C. K. Yangs Dichotomie................................................................330 12.4.2. Einwände .......................................................................................331 8 13. Quellen.........................................................................................................336 13.1. Abkürzungen der zitierten Nachschalgewerke und Sammelwerke ......336 13.2. Die zitierten Zeitungsartikel aus Shenbao (申报).................................336 13.3. Die zitierten Akten aus dem Shanghaier Hauptarchiv ..........................339 13.4. Tabellen- und Abbildungsverzeichnis...................................................340 13.5. Literaturverzeichnis ..............................................................................341

The majority of the world’s population lives in urban areas, and more and more people are migrating to urban areas. However, the health hazards of urban life affect the population as well. They often suffer from non-communicable diseases, cardiovascular diseases, cancer and psychosocial problems. To address the increasing concerns about urban health, the WHO developed health promotion initiatives, known as the Healthy Cities programmes in 1986, which aim to place health high on the agendas of decision-makers and to promote comprehensive local strategies for health promotion and sustainable development. It successfully engages local governments in health development from thousands of cities worldwide in both developed and developing countries, including China. In 1994, China started to develop Healthy City pilot projects in the name of Healthy Cities with the suggestion of the WHO. However, the Chinese government started related activities about the environment and health long before WHO introduced the concept of Healthy Cities. The Patriotic Health Campaign was launched in 1952; despite it being a social movement that was not exclusively oriented to urban areas, it paved the way for Healthy Cities programmes in China. Since 1984, the National Government developed more than 40 policies and National Hygienic Cities to improve the urban environment and support Healthy Cities-related activities. However, the implementation of national policies depends on local level actions where collaboration across sectors is problematic, especially since different ministries tend to work separately according to their own prioritized programme. Shanghai is the first mega-city in China to initiate the action for Healthy City development. It was successful in raising high standards for the health status of the population and improving the urban environment in a quantitative way. However, institutional change, especially intersectoral collaboration remains a big challenge for the implementation. Therefore, it would be interesting to know how the local actors develop the Healthy City programme in the specific context of China. However, there is a lack of empirical studies on the Healthy City programme, and few studies focus on intersectoral relationships in Healthy City development; some researches only include limited actors, and some fail to identify the local institutional settings and connect with the international context. On this background, it looks into the policy making processes of making different programmes at different stages as well as the respective modes of policy implementation. This research aims to unfold how local actors develop the Healthy City programme in Shanghai. Two propositions are guiding the analysis: first, whereas policies in China are mainly developed on a national level where everyday challenges of individual local level entities do not play a decisive role, Healthy City policies are implemented on the local level (of cities or city districts) where municipal specificities and local conditions heavily influence the action potentials and actions of authorities and other stakeholders. Second, whereas Healthy City-oriented policies are comprehensive in nature, their implementation is rather fragmented and sectoral. The study applies an approach that is influenced by the discussion about actor-centered institutionalism. The interpretive lens of actor-centered institutionalism is taken to identify the main actors, analyse how they interact with each other, and the underlying institutional settings that are crucial to interpreting policy making and policy implementation. The study will also find out whether the actor-centered institutionalism approach is fully applicable under the conditions of China, or whether certain modifications are to be made. The research follows a qualitative approach, collecting data from multiple sources such as documents, including historic documents in archives, and interviews, combining a variety of research methods including stakeholder analysis, discourse analysis and network analysis. Shanghai is used as a case study as it has the longest experience with the implementation of Healthy City programmes in China, and was also the first to issue a Healthy City Action Plan in 2003. It established the first municipal committee for health promotion in 2005. Whereas the older programmes are analysed based on documents, the latest Healthy City programme is scrutinised by employing document analysis and interviews of different stakeholders in order to get an in-depth understanding of the policy making and implementation processes. This thesis aspires to contribute to the empirical knowledge of the development of public policies, the understanding of actors and actor constellations in Healthy City programmes with reference to specific institutional settings in China, and examining the compatibility and limitations of this interpretive lens in the Chinese context. Moreover, policy recommendations related to practice in Shanghai are provided as further motivation and commitment to Healthy City development in China.

Shanghai Symphony Orchestra is a fascinating institution. It was first founded in 1879 under the name of Shanghai Public Band and was later, in 1907, developed into an orchestra with 33 members under the baton of German conductor Rudolf Buck. Since Mario Paci, an Italian pianist, became its conductor in 1919, the Orchestra developed swiftly and was crowned the best in the Far East by a Japanese musician Tanabe Hisao in 1923. At that time, Shanghai was semi-colonized by the International Settlement and the French Concession controlled by the Shanghai Municipal Council and the French Council respectively. They were both exempt from local Chinese authority. The Orchestra was an affiliated organization of the former: the Shanghai Municipal Council. When the Chinese Communist Party took over mainland China in 1949, the Orchestra underwent dramatic transformations. It was applied as a political propaganda tool performing music by composers from the socialist camp and adapting folk Chinese songs to Western classical instruments in order to serve the masses. This egalitarian ideology went to extremes in the notorious 10-year Cultural Revolution. Surprisingly, the SSO was not disbanded; rather it was appropriated by the CCP to create background music for revolutionary modern operas such as Taking Tiger Mountain by Strategy. The end of Cultural Revolution after Mao's death in 1976 ushered in a brand new Reform-and-Opening-up era marked by Deng Xiaoping s public claim: Getting rich is glorious! Unlike previous decades when the Shanghai Symphony Orchestra together with music it performed was made to entertain the general masses, elitism came back under a social entourage characterized by Chinese-style socialism. The concept of elite, however, is worth a further thought. Shanghai is not only home to a large number of Chinese middle class but also constitutes a promising paradise for millions of nouveau riches which resembles, to a great extent, the venture land for those Shanghailanders a century ago. This thesis, as the title indicates, puts the historical development of the Shanghai Symphony Orchestra from 1879 to 2010 in C major applying Pierre Bourdieu's cultural capital theory so as to understand how this extraordinary musical currency is produced, represented, appropriated and received by different groups of people in Shanghai across five distinct historical stages. Cultural appropriation tactics and other relevant theories such as cultural imperialism and post colonialism are also combined to make sense of particular social environment in due course. To put the SSO in C major does not infer that this musical institution and music it performed through all these years are reduced to economic analysis. Nonetheless, the inner value of music itself is highlighted in each historical period. A psychological concept affordance, first applied by Tia DeNora in music sociology, is also integrated to help comprehend how and what Chinese people or the whole nation latched on to certain pieces of music performed at the SSO in different historical phases. Moreover, musicological analysis is carried out in due course to elaborate on the feasibility of, for example, adopting Chinese folk songs to Western classical instruments and creating a hybrid music type during Cultural Revolution. Aesthetic value of music is thus realized in the meantime. Archival research is mostly used in this thesis supplemented by one focus group and one in-depth interview with retired players at the SSO. Fieldwork of this research is mainly based in the Shanghai Symphony Orchestra Archive; although materials from Shanghai Library and Shanghai Municipal Archive are also collected and made use of.

published_or_final_version / Microbiology / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / Education / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy