My study explores the pervasive theme of physical binding in ancient Greece, utilizing visual, literary, and archaeological evidence to uncover its broader cultural and ideological implications. Traditionally, scholarship has scrutinized these sources to reconstruct historical practices such as incarceration, enslavement, and torture. Addressing the performative aspects inherent in the sources under investigation, I complicate this perspective by pairing iconographic analyses and close readings with an interdisciplinary approach informed by theories of affect, embodiment, and neuroaesthetics. This methodology facilitates the interpretation of spaces like the prison, the courtroom, the theater, and the symposium as interconnected cultural landscapes characterized by practices of torture and imprisonment, cursing rituals, bound figures on vases and statues, and theatrical performances featuring actors chained on stage. Within this framework, I argue that the image of the bound body transcends mere representation of societal practices: it actively shapes and crafts social hierarchies and identities. Specifically, male elite control over female and enslaved individuals emerges both as a dominant motif and a symptom of societal anxieties. Ultimately, this dissertation shows that in ancient Greece physical bondage was a real- life issue as much as it was a matter of representation, a cultural assemblage of chains, shackles, and wheels.

During the antebellum period of U.S. slavery (1830-1861), many people claimed ownership of the enslaved woman's body, both legally and figuratively. The assumption that they were merely property, however, belies the unstable, shifting truths about bodily ownership. This thesis inquires into the gendered specifics and ambiguities of the law, the body, and women under slavery. By examining the particular bodily regulation and exploitation of enslaved women, especially around their reproductive labor, I suggest that new operations of oppression and also of resistance come into focus. The legal structure recognized enslaved women in the interest of owners, and this limitation was defining, meaning that justice flowed in one direction. If married white women were "civilly dead," as famously evoked by the Declaration of Sentiments (1848) then enslaved women were civilly non-existent. The law controlled, but did not protect slaves, and a number of opponents to slavery denounced this contradictory scenario during the antebellum era (and before). Literally, enslaved women were claimed by their masters, purchased and sold as chattel. Physically, they were claimed by those men (both white and black) who sought to have power over them. Symbolically, they were claimed by anti-slavers and pro-slavers alike when it suited their purposes, often in the domains of news and literature, for the sake of advancing their ideas, a rich record of which fills court cases, newsprint, and propaganda touching the slavery issue before the civil war. Due to the numerous ways that enslaved women's bodies have been claimed, owned, or circulated in markets, it may have been considered implicit to many that others owned their bodies. I believe that this is an oversimplified historical supposition that needs to be re-theorized. Indeed, enslaved women lived in a time when they were often led to believe that their bodies were not truly their own, and yet, many of them resisted their particular forms of oppression by claiming ownership of their bodies and those of their children; sometimes using rather extreme methods to keep from contributing to their oppression. In other words, slave owners' monopoly of the legal, economic, and logistical meanings of ownership of slaves had to be constantly reaffirmed and negotiated. This thesis asks: who owned the enslaved woman's body? I seek to emphasize that enslaved women were valid claimants of themselves as can seen in primary sources that today have only been given limited expression in the historiography.

Ce mémoire examine les questions à mouvement multiple en bulgare, en accordant une importance particulière aux mécanismes qui régissent l’ordre des syntagmes interrogatifs antéposés. Outre la présentation d’un phénomène linguistique complexe et très intéressant, l’étude propose un aperçu critique des hypothèses les plus importantes émises au fil des ans à propos des interrogatives multiples. Dans un premier temps, nous discutons des différentes approches renfermant l’idée que l’ordre des mots interrogatifs au début de la proposition dépend entièrement des règles syntaxiques. Ensuite, nous présentons les analyses qui tentent d’expliquer la problématique en faisant appel à des traits spécifiques des syntagmes Qu-, tels que [animé] ou [lié au discours]. Le rôle de la topicalisation et de la focalisation dans la formation des questions multiples, les projections fonctionnelles de la « périphérie gauche » en bulgare accueillant différents syntagmes, ainsi que la résomption comptent également parmi les sujets traités dans ce mémoire. / This study examines multiple Wh-interrogatives in Bulgarian, with particular reference to the mechanisms responsible for the order of fronted Wh- phrases. Apart from describing an interesting and quite complex linguistic phenomenon, this study offers a critical review of the main hypotheses that have been adduced to account for the properties of multiple interrogatives. First, we discuss the different approaches that attribute the order of fronted Wh-phrases entirely to syntactic rules. Next, we examine those analyses which seek to explain the phenomenon by appealing to specific features pertaining to Wh-phrases, namely [animate] or [discourse-linked]. Other topics discussed in the present study include the role of topicalization and focalization in multiple interrogative formation, the possibility that the functional projections of the Bulgarian left periphery may host various Wh-phrases, as well as the role and distribution of resumptive pronouns.

The relationship between Texas Baptists and slavery is studied with an emphasis on the official statements made about the institution in denominational sources combined with a statistical analysis of the extent of slaveholding among Baptists. A data list of over 5,000 names was pared to 1100 names of Baptists in Texas prior to 1865 and then cross-referenced on slaveownership through the use of federal censuses and county tax rolls. Although Texas Baptists participated economically in the slave system, they always maintained that blacks were children of God worthy of religious instruction and salvation. The result of these disparate views was a paradox between treating slaves as chattels while welcoming them into mixed congregations and allowing them some measure of activity within those bodies. Attitudes expressed by white Baptists during the antebellum period were continued into the post-war years as well. Meanwhile, African-American Baptists gradually withdrew from white dominated congregations, forming their own local, regional, and state organizations. In the end, whites had no choice but to accept the new-found status of the Freedmen, cooperating with black institutions on occasion. Major sources for this study include church, associational, and state Baptist minutes; county and denominational histories; and government documents. The four appendices list associations, churches, and counties with extant records. Finally, private accounts of former slaves provide valuable insight into the interaction between white and black Baptists.

Much has been written about various aspects of the long presence of the Knights of the Order St John on the island of Malta. Nonetheless, throughout this literature there is one noticeable omission - a study of the commercial development of the harbour area during the first decades of the Order’s rule. Despite Malta’s small size, the presence of the Order of St John (1530 -1798) ensured an inflow of foreign resources which eventually permitted very dense human settlement and an international projection beyond the island’s shores which was largely disproportionate to what would normally have occurred in such a small and sterile island. The maritime nature of the Order and the heavy dependence on imports hastened the creation of an efficient maritime communication system. The development of all these economic activities resulted in a prime economic means of generating wealth and served as a pull factor to a large number of enterprising individuals, both local and foreign. Early modern Hospitaller Malta eventually saw the consolidation of an enterprising business class, which, out of sheer necessity, grew accustomed to operating well beyond its narrow confines. In turn, this contributed to the island becoming more open to connectivity with the outside world. Hence, the main aim of this thesis is to explore in detail various economic activities taking place in Malta during this particular period which spans from 1530 to 1565. The year 1565 has been chosen as a marker since during this year there was a break in the normal chain of events due to the turmoil created by the Great Siege. In order to reach this goal the practical functioning of commerce with its agreements and disputes, its currencies, its trading posts and its nodal points shall be analyzed. Furthermore, this thesis strives to show how notarial evidence, together with that derived from records of various tribunals set up on the island at the time, supplement each other and help to fill in gaps. While discussing different methodological approaches to the study of the Mediterranean, the first chapter of this study shall also assess Malta’s place within the wider Mediterranean historiographical framework. It shall also trace the development of Maltese historiography and its contribution to the study of legal, economic and social issues relating to the sixteenth century. Furthermore, this study shall place the various series of primary sources used for its compilation in their proper context, thus allowing the reader to evaluate better the significance of the information provided. The second chapter shall evaluate how the arrival of the Order provided for the setting up of new institutions and for the promulgation of new laws in order to consolidate its authority over the island despite repeated promises to respect and honour ancient rights and privileges. The following three chapters shall each be dedicated to a particular case study which will try to address specific topics that have been largely neglected in Maltese historiography. Thus, starting with an analysis of the grain trade, which was of the utmost importance for a sterile island with an ever-increasing population, it will be followed by another case study which seeks to evaluate the role of women, their legal persona and how this affected their contribution to the island’s economic activities. The final chapter will try to establish whether there were any commercial links between Malta, often described as the frontier and bulwark of Christianity, and its neighbouring Ottoman North African territories. If such trade existed, how did merchants, both Christian and Muslim, manage to overcome religious antagonism which should have inhibited the easy flow of trade? The objective of this study shall therefore be to shed much-needed light on economic activities taking place in and around the harbour area during a largely unexplored period in Maltese history. Moreover, it shall seek to provide a better understanding of Mediterranean commercial relations since the Maltese harbour was a point of intersection not only for people of different nationalities, but even for people of different faiths, such as Muslims, Jews and Christians of different denominations. All had one common goal which unified them, that is, trading and making profit out of it.

No description available.

Este estudo propõe uma hipótese que considera fundamental a atuação linguística conjunta dos cabo-verdianos e dos judeus sefarditas e seus escravos na gênese e no desenvolvimento do papiamentu. A justificativa para a pesquisa reside no fato de que, a despeito de ser um tema discutido na literatura, ainda se trata de um assunto controverso entre os estudiosos, havendo até o momento, pelo menos, quatro hipóteses diferentes. Maduro (1965), Rona (1970) e Munteanu (1996), por exemplo, defendem que o papiamentu seria um crioulo de base espanhola, tendo seus elementos portugueses introduzidos posteriormente pelos judeus sefarditas e seus escravos. Já Lenz (1928) e Martinus (1996) consideram o papiamentu como resultado da relexificação de um crioulo ou protocrioulo afroportuguês falado por escravos trazidos da África. De acordo com Goodman (1996 [1987]) e Smith (1999), por seu turno, o papiamentu seria um crioulo de base portuguesa, surgido a partir de um dialeto judeo-português da comunidade sefardita e seus escravos. Por fim, Jacobs (2012) considera que o papiamentu teria se originado a partir do crioulo falado na ilha de Santiago, no arquipélago de Cabo Verde, sendo mais tarde levado para Curaçao. Analisando as hipóteses, observou-se que duas apresentam argumentos e fatos linguísticos evidenciáveis, a saber, as relações com o kabuverdianu (especialmente, a variedade de Santiago) e a participação dos judeus sefarditas e seus escravos. A fim de decidir a favor de uma das hipóteses, itens lexicais e funcionais das variedades setecentistas e oitocentistas do papiamentu e do kabuverdianu clássicos, bem como do papiamentu sefardita, foram comparados, resultando em convergências nos níveis lexicais e funcionais. De um lado, a grande quantidade de elementos derivados do português no papiamentu clássico seria uma evidência de que esses itens representaram um papel basilar no desenvolvimento da língua, de outro, as convergências lexicais e funcionais uma vez que há uma menor probabilidade de substituição dos itens funcionais (em virtude de sua opacidade semântica) (MATRAS, 2009) não podem ser explicadas por acaso. Já as similaridades com o kabuverdianu clássico confirmariam seu parentesco linguístico. No que diz respeito ao papel da comunidade sefardita e seus escravos, observou-se que a expressão linguística dos judeus também faz parte da estrutura geral do papiamentu clássico, deixando marcas inclusive na variedade moderna. Tendo em vista o material documental dos séculos xviii e xix, escolher uma única hipótese resultaria em um quadro parcial, sendo necessário postular uma convergência de hipóteses, que consiste não somente na reunião de duas hipóteses (a cabo-verdiana e a sefardita), mas na proposta de um novo cenário para se explicar a gênese e o desenvolvimento do papiamentu. Dentro dessa perspectiva, é importante considerar que, em situações de contato, as línguas continuam se influenciando mutuamente ao longo dos tempos (PERINI-SANTOS, 2015), sendo necessária, portanto, uma análise que privilegie a contribuição dos falantes de diferentes línguas em diversas sincronias. Assim, seguindo Faraclas et al. (2014), uma convergência de elementos linguísticos cabo-verdianos e dos sefarditas e seus escravos deve ser considerada nos estudos sobre a formação e desenvolvimento do papiamentu. / This study proposes a hypothesis considering fundamental the joint linguistic agency of Cape Verdeans and Sephardic Jews and their slaves for the genesis and development of Papiamentu. The rationale for the study lies in the fact that, despite being a topic discussed in the literature, it is still a controversial subject among scholars. So far, there are at least four different hypotheses. Maduro (1965), Rona (1970) and Munteanu (1996), for example, argue that Papiamentu is a Spanish-based Creole and that its Portuguese elements were later introduced by Sephardic Jews and their slaves. On the other hand, Lenz (1928) and Martinus (1996) consider Papiamentu a result of a relexification of a Creole or an African-Portuguese Proto-Creole language spoken by the slaves brought from Africa. According to Goodman (1996 [1987]) and Smith (1999), Papiamentu was a Portuguese-based Creole emerged from a Judeo- Portuguese dialect of the Sephardic community and its slaves. Finally, Jacobs (2012) considers that Papiamentu would have originated from the Creole spoken on Santiago island, in the Cape Verde Islands, and was later taken to Curacao. By analyzing the hypotheses, it was observed that two of them have arguments and linguistic facts capable of being evidenced: relations with Cape Verdean Creole (especially the Santiago variety) and the participation of Sephardic Jews and their slaves in it. In order to decide in favor of one of these hypotheses, lexical and functional items of the eighteenth and nineteenth-century varieties of Classic Papiamentu, Classic Cape Verdean Creole and Sephardic Papiamentu were compared, resulting in convergences at the lexical and functional levels. On the one hand, the large number of elements derived from Portuguese in Classic Papiamentu would evidence that these items played a fundamental role in the development of the language. On the other hand, lexical and functional convergence as it is less likely to replace functional items (by virtue of their semantic opacity) (MATRAS, 2009) cannot be explained by mere chance. Similarities with Classic Cape Verdean Creole confirm their linguistic kinship. Regarding the role of the Sephardic community and its slaves, it was observed that the linguistic expression of Jews was also part of the overall structure of Classic Papiamentu, leaving marks even in its modern variety. Given the eighteenth and nineteenth-century documentation, choosing a single hypothesis would result in a partial picture. It is necessary to postulate a convergence of hypotheses, which consists not only in uniting two hypotheses (Cape Verdean and Sephardic), but also in the proposal of a new scenario to explain the genesis and the development of Papiamentu. Within this perspective, it is important to consider that, in contact situations, languages continue to influence each other over time (PERINI-SANTOS, 2015), requiring therefore an analysis that favors agency on the part of speakers of different languages in different synchronies. Thus, following Faraclas et al. (2014), a convergence of linguistic elements of Cape Verdean Creole and of the languages of Sephardic Jews and their slaves must be considered in studies on the formation and development of Papiamentu.

Em Angra dos Reis, a população local, na primeira metade do século XIX, dedicava-se ao autoconsumo e ao mercado interno. Desenvolveram-se o comércio e os transportes, pois seus portos foram um dos principais meios de escoamento do café do vale do Paraíba fluminense e paulista, dinamizando a vida econômica. Entretanto, ao longo da segunda metade do Oitocentos, instalou-se, gradativamente, um quadro de transformações econômicas e demográficas, resultante do término do tráfico de escravos e da diminuição do movimento portuário em função da chegada da estrada de Ferro D. Pedro II ao vale. Diante desse panorama, analisamos as características e o grau de estabilidade das famílias escravas, entre 1801 e 1888, e de que forma foram atingidos na segunda metade do século XIX. Tais reflexões tiveram como parâmetro os dois núcleos básicos familiares: os formados pelo casal sem ou com filhos e aqueles constituídos por mães solteiras e filhos. As fontes principais utilizadas foram os inventários post-mortem e os registros de batismo e de casamento. Avaliamos, também, temas como, o matrimônio, a maternidade, o intercurso sexual, as famílias extensas, as famílias fraternas e o compadrio. Realizamos um mapeamento econômico, verificando o evolver da estrutura de posse de escravos e os tipos de produções encetados; bem como o perfil demográfico da população livre e cativa. Para isso, manuseamos documentos como, o Jornal do Commércio, o Almanak Laemmert, os recenseamentos de 1840, 1850 e de 1856, o Censo Nacional 1872 e os relatos de viajantes e cronistas. Portanto, com o presente estudo, desejamos contribuir para a produção do conhecimento sobre a escravidão e o litoral sul-fluminense, trazendo à tona a história das famílias cativas / In Angra dos Reis, in the first half of the XIX century, the local population was devoted to the selfconsumption and internal market. The commerc and transportation grew, as its ports were one of the main means of outlet of the coffee from the vleey of the Paraiba river in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, making the economy more dynamic. However, during the second half of XIX century, a panel of economic and demographic transformations was gradually settedresulting from the end of slave-traffic and the decreasing of the port activity due to the arrival of the D. Pedro II Raiboad to the valley. In face of this panorama, we analysed the characteristics and the degree of stability of the slave families between 1801 and 1888 and in which way they were affected in the second half of the XIX century. Such reflexions had as a paramater the two basic nuclei of family: the ones composed of the compe with or without children and those composed of urmarried mothers and their children. Post-mortem inventories and baptism and weddingregisters were the main sources used. We also evaluated themes like the wedding, the motherhood, the sexual intercourse, the big families yhe fraternal families and the baptism, We carried out a map of the economy verifying the evolving of the structure of slaves ownership, the types of productions initiated, as well as the demographic profile of the free and captive populations. For this, we handled docunments like the Jornal do connercio, the Almmanak Laemmert, the 1840, 1850 and 1856 census, the 1872 National Census and the reports of travelers and chroniclers. Therefore, with the present study, we wish to contribute to the production of Knowledge about slavery and the coast in the south osf Rio de Janeiro, bringing the history of the captive families to light

Compte tenu de l'importance de l'antinomie esclavage/liberté dans la pensée des Grecs et des Romains à l'époque classique, la participation de quelques hommes libres aux mouvements dirigés par des esclaves révoltés renvoie à un problème complexe. Les esclaves-marchandises, définis comme « choses », étaient représentés comme des étrangers, comme les « autres » contre lesquels tous les citoyens (autant les riches propriétaires d'esclaves que les pauvres paysans et artisans) se sont définis eux-mêmes comme unité. La dichotomie esclave/citoyen servait à nuancer d'un point de vue idéologique les rapports d'exploitation et les différences de richesse entre les citoyens. Malgré les différences juridiques, politiques, idéologiques et sociales qui séparaient les hommes libres des esclaves, les sources narratives nous disent que certains hommes libres n'ont pas réprimé les esclaves rebelles comme ils auraient dû le faire en solidarité avec les riches, mais ont participé, au contraire, au pillage des biens de ces derniers ou se sont joints aux esclaves dans les révoltes. Dans ce travail nous étudions la participation de quelques hommes libres et pauvres (aporoi) aux guerres serviles sous la République romaine et leur relation avec les esclaves révoltés, problématique parfois négligée par l'historiographie. Face au courant historiographique qui néglige la participation des libres et celui qui la surestime, nous revalorisons une ligne de recherche qui atteste le caractère servile des insurrections (puisqu'il semble que le rôle principal de ces révoltes ait été tenu par les esclaves, tant du point de vue qualitatif que quantitatif) en affirmant parallèlement que la participation des hommes libres en fut un élément important. Nous croyons que cette lecture est la plus fidèle aux témoignages de nos sources et que nous apportons quelques éléments pour la repenser en abordant son étude dans le cadre de l'imaginaire démocratique classique qui tendait à encourager la solidarité citoyenne face à la menace servile, en analysant chaque révolte séparément afin d'évaluer la relation établie entre les couches inférieures de la société et en dégageant la participation des aporoi par leur révolte parallèle ou par leur intégration dans les rangs rebelles comme des symptômes des fortes tensions civiles à l'intérieur du corps citoyen que nous définissons en termes de staseis (discordes civiles) dont les révoltes serviles se sont nourries. C'est pourquoi nous croyons que la participation des aporoi fut au moins un facteur parmi d'autres favorisant les insurrections serviles. Dans le cas de la première guerre sicilienne et dans celui de la guerre des gladiateurs, nous soutenons l'idée de l'existence d'une alliance conjoncturelle entre les esclaves révoltés et les aporoi. En revanche, dans le cas de la seconde guerre servile, nous défendons l'interprétation selon laquelle les libres pauvres ont profité de l'occasion pour piller les propriétés des riches. Notre analyse vise à nuancer les visions théoriques les plus inflexibles qui en fonction de l'importance des barrières juridiques et idéologiques entre les hommes libres et les esclaves affirment l'absolue incommunicabilité entre les deux groupes. Il y eu des exceptions, comme par exemple dans les guerres serviles où un secteur des masses plébéiennes et libres a ignoré les constructions idéologiques qui représentaient les esclaves comme leur strict contraire. / The participation of free men in the movements led by rebellious slaves sets a complex problem in terms of the importance of the freedom/slavery antinomy in the thinking of the ancient Greeks and Romans. The chattel-slaves, defined as things, were represented as foreigners. The slaves served as the ‘Others’ against which all citizens, from the rich slave owners to the poor artisans and peasants, defined themselves as a unity. The contrast between the slave and the citizen made it possible to shade, from an ideological point of view, the relations of exploitation and the differences of wealth between the citizens. This tended to suppress the social conflict between them. Despite the significant legal and political differences between the free and the enslaved, and the ideological representation that was made of it, the sources narrate that some free men not only did not repress the rebel slaves in the great servile revolts, in solidarity with their rich fellow citizens, but they plundered these last ones or joined the fugitives. In the present work, we study the participation of impoverished free men (aporoi) in the late-republican servile wars and the relationship they established with the rebel slaves, a problem that has sometimes been neglected by the historiography or only partially treated. Some historiographical currents neglected the participation of the aporoi in the servile wars, and others overestimate it. In opposition, we revalue a line of investigation that, on the one hand, maintains the servile nature of the insurrections, since, the main role was apparently of the rebel slaves, but on the other hand affirms that the participation of free men was an important element. We believe that this point of view is the most appropriate for the testimonies of the sources and we contribute elements to rethink it. Those elements include: to focus the study within the framework of the classic democratic imaginary that will tend to promote the citizen solidarity facing the servile threat; to analyse each revolt individually to evaluate the relationship between the subaltern sectors; and understand the participation of the aporoi, either its parallel rebellion or its inflow to the rebel ranks, as the symptom of tensions within the citizen body that can be defined in terms of stáseis (civil discords), of which the servile revolts nurtured from the beginning. Therefore, the participation of the aporoi is a factor, among others, that helped the growth of the servile revolts. In the case of the first Sicilian revoit and the revoit of Spartacus, we maintain the existence of a conjunctural alliance between the rebellious slaves and the aporoi .In contrast, in the second Sicilian revoit, we defend the interpretative line that supports the idea that there was no relationship between the two groups, but rather two parallel revolts: the free poor simply took advantage of the opportunity in the servile revoit to plunder the properties of the rich. Our work attempts to nuance the most rigid theoretical views that affirm the absolute incommunicability between plebeians and slaves. There were occasions, albeit unusual, where the abyss that separated the free man from the slave did not seem to be so great, at least not to the aporoi, who ignored the imaginary that pitted them against the dishonored social dead. The servile wars were one of those cases.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-04-06T12:55:44Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Danilo Luiz Marques.pdf: 1378074 bytes, checksum: 531e806765b25d2befb6e49a06ae5702 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-06T12:55:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Danilo Luiz Marques.pdf: 1378074 bytes, checksum: 531e806765b25d2befb6e49a06ae5702 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-09 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / Fundação São Paulo - FUNDASP / This research inquires how the slaves resisted and, in different ways, struggled against the institution of slavery in nineteenth century‟s Alagoas. As point of departure, this work seeks to represent the experiences of the enslaved as historical subjects, emphasizing their dissonant voices, but also, considering the networks of solidarity and sociability that they established with freedmen and the free poor. Therefore, the priority is to study the resistance to slavery carried out by this population that reinvented itself and developed, within existing possibilities, various strategies to obtain their means of subsistence and to gain greater autonomy, always having freedom in their horizons. The thesis treated the Alagoas slave revolt of 1815, the Cabanos War (1832-35) and the mutinies against the "Law of the Captivity" (1851-52). The decade of the abolition of slavery in Brazil (1880) was also analyzed, through the statements of farmers and other members of local elites who complained about the "lack of slave arms", the gangs of horse thieves and the "quilombizacão" of the city of Maceió due to the constant escapes of slaves from the farms. Prior to treating these questions, it is reflected on how the memory of Palmares was constituted in 19th-century Alagoan society. The African ethnic groups present in Alagoas and the importance of orality and the body in their cultures are also discussed as factors in the process of the recovery their memory in the diaspora. Through this, we seek to contribute to a better understanding of the history of slavery and freedom in the nineteenth century and the tensions and pressures that triggered abolition, focusing on a region that, despite the many studies on the “Quilombo dos Palmares”, lacks historiographic research on the protagonism of the enslaved, freed and poor free in the process of destabilization of the institution of slavery / Esta pesquisa investiga o modo como os escravizados resistiram e procuraram, de diferentes formas, combater a instituição escravista na Alagoas oitocentista. Para tanto, toma como eixo norteador as experiências de vida desses sujeitos históricos, dando ênfase às vozes dissonantes dos escravizados, mas também atentando para as redes de solidariedade e sociabilidade estabelecidas com libertos e livres pobres. Desse modo, procura-se estudar episódios de resistência à escravidão protagonizados por essa população que se reinventou e desenvolveu, dentro das possibilidades existentes, variadas estratégias para conseguir seus meios de subsistência e se opor à instituição escrava, tendo sempre a liberdade em seu horizonte. A tese aborda a revolta escrava de 1815 em Alagoas, a Guerra dos Cabanos (1832-35) e os motins contrários à “Lei do Cativeiro” (1851-52). Também se atém à década da abolição da escravidão no Brasil (1880), analisando as queixas de agricultores e outros membros das elites locais que reclamavam da “falta de braços escravos”, dos bandos de ladrões de cavalos e da “quilombizacão” da cidade de Maceió devido às constantes fugas de escravizados das fazendas. Antes de analisar essas questões, reflete-se sobre como se constituiu, na sociedade alagoana do século XIX, a representação da memória em torno do episódio de Palmares, e discorre-se sobre os grupos étnicos dos africanos presentes em Alagoas e a importância da cultura oral e do corpo no processo de reavivamento de suas memórias na diáspora. Com isso, busca-se contribuir para um melhor entendimento da história da escravidão e da liberdade, a partir do recorte temporal oitocentista, e das tensões e pressões que desencadearam a abolição. Focando uma região que, apesar dos muitos estudos sobre o Quilombo dos Palmares, possui uma lacuna de pesquisas historiográficas sobre o protagonismo de escravizados, libertos e livres pobres no processo de desestabilização da instituição escrava