This thesis investigates the behavioural and interactive elements of heroin importation behaviour. Almost all heroin consumed in Australia is imported. Thus the people who conduct the importing and their behavioural characteristics are an important point of focus. The thesis argues too little is known of illegal drug importation and higher level drug deal offending beyond stereotypes and that the lack of publicly available, independent research means there is ill-informed public and political debate and a very narrow evidence-base on which policy and strategy can be based. Review of available literature led to identification of a number of gaps in knowledge about heroin imporation offending and these provided a framework for the focus of investigations. The thesis uses data triangulation to increase the validity of the findings. The findings are based on agency data and semi-structured interviews with informants in Australia, Thailand and Hong Kong. The characteristics of offenders detected importing heavy weights of heroin are contrasted with those importing lighter weights. A number of understandings arise from the findings including some that are supported by other research. As well there are a number of new findings which challenge current concepts and stereotypes and have implications for policy and strategy aimed at supply reduction. (For complete abstract open the document)

Univ., Diss.--Zugl.: Tilburg, 2003.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Cornell University, 1999. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 291-332).

This article proposes an approach to the integration of the city of Buenos Aires within the trade flow which connected the Atlantic area with the Viceroyalty of Peru, through a political-cultural analysis of the relationship between a peripheral space and the Crown, which lends meaning and legitimacy to the failure to comply with royal provisions and to the successive requests by local powers to bring about the commercial opening of the port. Specifically, we address the problem of building a political discourse at the heart of the cabildo of Buenos Aires, between the years 1610 and 1660, through which was revealed a conceptualization of the enclave, of its relationship with the Crown and of its function within a larger political body. / Este artículo propone una aproximación a la integración de la ciudad de Buenos Aires en el flujo mercantil que articulaba el espacio atlántico y el virreinato del Perú a través del análisis político-cultural de la relación de un espacio periféricoc on la Corona, en el que adquieren sentido y legitimidad el incumplimiento delas disposiciones reales y las sucesivas peticiones del poder local para conseguirla apertura comercial del puerto. Específicamente se aborda el problema de la construcción de un discurso político en el seno del cabildo de Buenos Aires, entre los años 1610 y 1660, por medio del cual se desplegó una conceptualización del enclave, de su relación con la Corona y de su función dentro de un cuerpo político mayor.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T17:51:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_Angelica_Karina_Dillenburg_Horri.pdf: 4157371 bytes, checksum: c0b69dba03474f04283baa48a5b51dd9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-29 / The dissertation search to map the smuggling of pesticides in the Paraná (Brazil)-Paraguay border, making use of scientific research, official institutional bodies, journalistic sources, and local, regional, state and national between the years of 2010 to 2012, as a means to collect relevant data and thematic information. The research of work observes the problems existing in the border area with the proliferation of illegal networks, because they have promoted new relationships in the global space, with the promotion of new territories and territorialities. The Paraná (Brazil)-Paraguay border have in your cutout space-temporal subjectivity inherent in those areas, endowed with complexities and cross-border relations between territories, which are important in the discussion of the current geographical knowledge. The indiscriminate use of pesticides on crops in Brazil, placing it to the level of world's biggest consumer, encourages research and promote research directed social, economic and environmental complications, because these goods has created a new paradox in current society, by placing into question the current state of global capitalism / A dissertação buscou mapear o contrabando de agrotóxicos na fronteira Paraná (Brasil)-Paraguai, fazendo uso de pesquisas científicas, órgãos institucionais oficiais e fontes jornalísticas locais, regionais, estaduais e nacionais entre os anos de 2010 a 2012, como meio para a coleta dos dados e informações relevantes à temática. A investigação do trabalho observa a problemática existente em área de fronteira com a proliferação das redes ilegais, pois estas têm promovido novas relações no espaço mundial, com a promoção de novos territórios e territorialidades. A fronteira Paraná (Brasil)-Paraguai possui em seu recorte espaço-temporal a especificidade inerente a essas áreas, dotada de complexidades e relações transfronteiriças entre os territórios, que são importantes na discussão do conhecimento geográfico atual. O uso indiscriminado de agrotóxicos nas lavouras do Brasil, colocando-o ao patamar de maior consumidor mundial, incita a investigação e a promoção de pesquisas direcionadas às complicações sociais, econômicas e ambientais decorrentes da situação, pois essas mercadorias têm criado um novo paradoxo na sociedade vigente, colocando em questionamento o atual estágio do capitalismo global

Marginalisée après l’intérêt montré par Hernán Cortés, Acapulco fut relancée par Andrés de Urdaneta lors de sa proposition d’en faire le port américain de la ligne transpacifique qui unissait l’Asie et l’Amérique. Avec la tornavuelta, l’Espagne s’implantait au cœur de l’Extrême-Orient, soutenait les Philippines par l’intermédiaire de la Nouvelle Espagne et autorisait que le galion dirige vers Acapulco le commerce que Manille pratiquait déjà avec les Chinois, entraînant l’établissement dans le port du pouvoir Royal et la création de sa foire.Une fois par an, un galion chargé de luxueuses marchandises orientales devait sortir de Manille et chercher à Acapulco le situado et le socorro. Ce minuscule village se transformait en centre d’attraction pour toute l’Amérique espagnole par la richesse de ces nouveautés qui satisfaisaient ses aspirations de reconnaissance que l’Espagne lui refusait. Dans le théâtre d’Acapulco s’affrontèrent deux mentalités : celle de la Couronne, archaïque, basée sur une politique mercantile, et la novohispana dynamique et moderne, conséquence de la restructuration économique due à la diminution de la population indigène. Des fortes divergences, amplifiées par la dualité du langage royal, menèrent à la contrebande, à la corruption, à la collusion entre fonctionnaires et commerçants, situations qui devinrent nécessaires pour la rentabilité du commerce légal. Au XVIIème siècle, Acapulco fut un lieu d’affrontements, de synthèse, d’influence de plusieurs mondes et de leurs cultures. Sa progression ne fut ni continue ni linéaire, mais permanente et profonde. Malgré les difficultés, elle avança vers un ordre nouveau peu éloigné de la mondialisation actuelle. / Repelled after Hernán Cortés’s interest, Acapulco was boosted again when Andrés de Urdaneta proposed it as the American port of the transpacific line tying up Asia and America. With the tornavuelta, Spain established itself in the heart of Far East, supported Philippines Islands from New Spain, and allowed the galleon to carry out the commercial exchanges Manila had with the Chinese, leading to the settling in Acapulco of the crown’s power and to the creation of a trade fair.Once a year, a Galion loaded with luxury oriental goods was to leave Manila and pick up the situado and the socorro in Acapulco. This so small village was transformed in an attractive source of prestige for all Hispanic America by the richness of the novelties which fulfilled their aspirations for recognition that Spain denied them.In the theatre of Acapulco, two mentalities were in conflict: Spain’s archaic mercantile policy, and the dynamic and modern Novohispanos behavior, issued from the economical restructuration coming from the decreasing of the native population. Strong gaps, amplified by a double Royal language led to smuggling, corruption and collusion of merchantmen with officials, ways that became necessary for the profitability of the lawful trade.During the XVII century, Acapulco was a spot of clashes, of synthesis, of influence from various worlds and their respective cultures. Its path was neither continuous nor straight, but permanently and profoundly engraved. Despite difficulties, Acapulco led towards a new order not very far from our today globalization.

Through an analysis of the presence and nature of international monetary flows of non-declared origin and their relation to deviant knowledge, the thesis determines that both terrorism and organised crime are nurtured by a constant trickle from minor sources rather than by large financial transfers; and that anti-money laundering provisions are misapplied, taken too far, too expensive, and incapable of demonstrating their effectiveness. In lieu of more traditional policy recommendations, the thesis develops a complexity-theory based intelligence function, capillary intelligence, to improve the present information-gathering systems and generate consistent and context-relevant intelligence for the consideration of policy-makers. The intelligence function takes into account also the concept of self-organised criticality. The thesis fully adheres to the principle that efficiently applied intelligence-led approaches for detection of organised crime are demonstrably superior to a 'follow the money' approach. An extended concept of deviant knowledge is developed and five methodological techniques employed: Complexity theory, network theory, self-organised criticality, scaling theory, and intelligence treatment. The thesis is multidisciplinary and calls on contributions from International Law, Economics, Criminal Justice Studies, and Governance and Ethics. Its approach is illustrative and fits Baudrillard's 1981 methodological principles known as bricolage. Using five methodologies and six major case studies, the thesis reaches four conclusions. First, the rapid expansion in the currency component of the US money supply (M1) has no domestic explanation and can best be explained by an increase in overseas illegal traffics of various sorts. Second, terrorism and major organised crime are, for a large part, nurtured by a constant trickle of funds originating from minor crime, such as, respectively, smuggling of tobacco product and retail fencing, and sale of counterfeit luxury goods. Third, calculation of the cost of the application of anti-money laundering shows these to be cost-inefficient, apart from being highly intrusive. The thesis' calculations as well as prior literature makes it certain that such provisions, although inefficient, are enforced in a forceful exemplification of the deviant knowledge concept. Fourth, the thesis demonstrates the importance of organised crime in resource depletion and emphasises the nefarious consequences of such criminal behaviour, in particular as regards deforestation, since organised crime can apply the necessary pressure on the local population - in conjunction with extensive corruption of police or military personnel - and provide the managerial expertise to have the trees felled, transported internationally by ship and sold in another country often with false documentation as to the origins of the forest product. In a final case study, the tragic concept of resource curse is considered, in casu the island of Bougainville, PNG.

This thesis provides a geographical analysis of the response of the Canadian nation-state to human smuggling. I contend that nation-states must be examined in relation to transnational migration and theorized as diverse sets of embodied relationships. As a case study, I conducted an ethnography of the institutional response to the arrival of four boats carrying migrants smuggled from Fujian, China to British Columbia in 1999. I studied the daily work of border enforcement done by civil servants in the federal bureaucracy of Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC), as well as the roles played by other institutions in the response to the boats. This "ethnography of the state" led me to theorize the nation-state geographically as a network of employees that interact with a variety of institutions in order to enact immigration policy. I also interviewed employees of other institutions involved in the response to human smuggling, including provincial employees, immigration lawyers, service providers, suprastate organizations, refugee advocates, and media workers. The thesis explores crossinstitutional collaboration among them and the resulting decision-making environment in which civil servants design and implement policy. Civil servants practice enforcement according to how and where they "see" human smuggling. My conceptual understanding of state practices relates to these efforts to order transnational migration. Diverse institutional actors negotiate smuggling at a variety of scales. Power relations are visible through discussions of smuggling at some scales, but obscured at others. I "jump scale" through embodiment in order to understand the micro-geographies of the response. This shift in the scale of analysis of the nation-state uncovers different relationships, interests, and negotiations in which state practices are embedded. This approach to geographies of the nation-state considers the time-space relations across which state practices take place, the everyday enactment of policy, the categorization of migrants, and the constitution of borders through governance. I argue that such an approach is key to understanding the relationship between nation-states and smuggled migrants. The findings suggest a re-spatialization of enforcement through which nation-states increasingly practice interception abroad and design stateless: spaces, and in so doing, reconstitute international borders. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo geral estudar o processo de negociação entre Brasil e Paraguai referente à temática dos ilícitos transnacionais e, mais particularmente, sobre a atividade contrabandista na Tríplice Fronteira. O cerne da pesquisa será pensar como o problema dos ilícitos transnacionais é enfrentado pelos atores políticos brasileiros que estão direta ou indiretamente relacionados com o controle e a formulação da agenda externa referente à temática. Com isso, é fito não apenas investigar os efeitos acarretados pela atividade clandestina na economia nacional. Mas também, analisar como a diplomacia e as instituições que trabalham com o tema - Ministério das Relações Exteriores; do Comércio Exterior, Indústria e Transportes; o Itamaraty; a Secretária da Receita Federal; as respectivas Embaixadas e, também; a Polícia Federal - estão reagindo frente a esse quadro de fortalecimento acelerado do crime organizado e, ainda, como se insere a questão do contrabando nas negociações entre Brasil e Paraguai. Primordialmente, o estudo focalizará as posições estratégicas e os princípios defendidos pelo Brasil em relação a essa temática, discutindo questões como a receptividade brasileira às propostas multilaterais e a apresentação de projetos na área, bem como a postura e a consistência na resolução de possíveis impasses no procedimento da barganha. Além disso, a investigação será efetuada partindo de três principais variáveis como: a consolidação do Mercosul, a redemocratização dos países em debate e a expansão do crime organizado global. Julgamos serem estes os fatores fundamentais que nos possibilitarão elucidar sobre a incorporação do tema na agenda bilateral.Enfim, tentaremos destacar a importância de uma abordagem política no tratamento da questão do crime organizado, pois embora se trate de uma velha ameaça que tem convivido com a humanidade ao longo dos anos, na atualidade, esse fenômeno assume características transnacionais, com patamares expressivos de atuação. / The present work has as objective generality to study the process of negotiation between Brazil and Paraguay referring of the illicit transnational thematic and, more particularly, on the activity smuggler in the Tríplice Border. Cerne of the research will be to think as the problem of the illicit transnational is faced by the brazilian politicians actors who are direct or indirectly related with the control and the formularization of the external agenda referring to the thematic one. With this, the objective to investigate the effect caused for the clandestine activity in the national economy. But also, to analyze as the diplomacy and the institutions that work with the subject - Department of State; of the Foreign Commerce, Industry and Transports; the Itamaraty; the Secretary of the Federal Prescription; the respective Embassies and, also; the Federal Policy - they are reacting front to this picture of sped up growth of organized crime and, still, as the question of the contraband in the negotiations between Brazil and Paraguay is inserted. Primordially, the study she will focus the strategical positions and the principles defended for Brazil in relation to this thematic one, arguing questions as the Brazilian receiving to the multilateral proposals and the presentation of projects in the area, as well as the position and the consistency in the resolution of possible problems in the procedure of the bargain. Moreover, the inquiry will be effected leaving of three variable as: the consolidation of the Mercosul, the redemocratization of the countries in discuss and the expansion of the organized crime global. We judge to be these the basic factors that in will make possible them to elucidate at last on the incorporation of the subject in the bilateral agenda. We will try to detach the importance of a boarding politics in the treatment of the question of the organized crime, therefore even so threat of the old problematic that has coexisted the humanity to the long one of the years, in the present time, this phenomenon assumes transnational characteristics, with great performance.

In my thesis I will show the case of Mexico, a country that is struggling hard to fulfill its principles of national security - one of the most characteristic features of Mexico's policies. Simultaneously, Mexico is making efforts to fulfill human rights' obligations of both its nationals and foreigners. Increasingly especially since the turn of the millennia, the United States has been fortifying its border with Mexico with the aim to prevent the Mexican and other immigrants reaching the United States illegally. Yet, hard-line border controls and migration-related policies have not been adopted solely by the United States, but also Mexico has played a dominant role in fortifying its border areas, especially along the southern border with Belize and Guatemala. My research questions would then focus on what is driving Mexico to adopt dual approach towards Central American migrants along Mexico's southern border, and why is Mexico balancing between realistic principles of national security and human rights' obligations, which has espoused by signing and ratifying international conventions?