This dissertation examines the production and experience of class and racial distinctions in contemporary Mexico City by focusing on encounter and proximity between different social groups in the country's most emblematic urban center. It draws on eighteenth months of ethnographic fieldwork with artists and young professionals living in the city's historic center as part of a public-private redevelopment plan locally known as the "rescue." Led by multimillionaire Carlos Slim, this endeavor has been framed as an initiative of civil society to recover the symbolic heart of the nation from crime and illegality while transforming it into a secure and livable space for all Mexicans. The rescue mobilizes a neoliberal idiom of the modern (associated in Mexico and across the world with democracy and responsible citizenship, a retreating state and a free market economy) and epitomizes the illegibility of public and private distinctions. I focus on moments of encounter between the historic center's new affluent residents, on the one hand, and the inhabitants of its dilapidated tenements and the vendors of its informal street markets, on the other. Such encounters slide into suspicion, uncertainty, instability and misrecognition. In focusing on encounter I trace new residents' desire for commonality, for an "all of us" in the historic center (a recognition as urban dwellers or as fellow citizens), and their anxieties about the very possibility of this commonality. Such situated fears, I argue, articulate with longstanding elite apprehensions in Mexico about the popular masses, historically construed as the embodiment of the national subject and at the same time as the manifestation of atavistic residues. In the discourses and practices of different agents of rescue (new residents, the police, private investors and state officials) these masses figure at once as subjects to be redeemed and as plainly irredeemable others, unfit for the requirements of modern democratic citizenship. The dissertation thus traces relations between new residents' quotidian fears of crime and violence in the socially mixed spaces of the historic center on the one hand, and contemporary debates and anxieties over liberal democracy, citizenship and social belonging, on the other.

O presente trabalho buscou analisar as contradições existentes entre a expansão e apropriação do capital no território do Centro-Sul de Sergipe e Litoral Norte da Bahia, por meio da difusão de cultivos voltados ao agronegócio, com destaque para cultivo da laranja pêra para a produção de suco concentrado e congelado de modo a atender o mercado externo, sobretudo europeu, e suas repercussões nas relações de trabalho praticadas até então, bem como de que maneira esse processo vai promover a subjugação da renda camponesa ao capital, na medida em que os camponeses tornam-se grande parte da força de trabalho explorada. Considera-se que o capital tanto se territorializa na região mediante à implantação desse tipo de indústria, não raro estabelecendo alianças com os latifundiários locais, como busca monopolizar o cultivo da laranja realizado nas unidades de produção familiar, promovendo a submissão dessa renda camponesa aos seus interesses imediatos. Assim, a expansão capitalista vem favorecendo o processo de valorização das terras e a concentração das mesmas nas mãos de poucos grupos econômicos, como também a degradação das condições de trabalho dos camponeses, mediante o processo de expropriação de suas terras, bem como a existência de um significativo contingente de força de trabalho na região. Por um lado, também se verifica a exploração do trabalho familiar camponês pelo capital, que se apropria, a baixo custo, de grande parte dessa produção sem ter que remunerar o trabalhador. Alem disso, o trabalho feminino e infantil acaba por complementar as possibilidades da reprodução ampliada do capital na região. Dessa forma, o capital vai promovendo, de várias maneiras, suas investidas sobre o trabalho. Por outro, esses trabalhadores expropriados dos meios de produção e mesmo aqueles, que se mantêm com dificuldades em suas terras, buscam formas de resistirem ou permanecerem nelas, já que a experiência da luta pela terra via movimentos sociais tem ganhado visibilidade. Assim sendo, o território do Centro-sul de Sergipe e do Litoral Norte da Bahia, enquanto singularidade na totalidade, pode ser compreendido como a materialidade concreta das investidas do capital sobre o trabalho e das diversas experiências desenvolvidas no âmbito da classe proletária para continuar sobrevivendo do trabalho, portanto expressão da luta travada, historicamente, entre classes sociais com interesses antagônicos. / This work aimed at analyzing the existing contradictions between the expansion and appropriation of capital in the territory of central southern Sergipe and northern coastal area of Bahia, by means of the diffusion of cultivations devoted to agribusiness, especially Pêra orange farming for the production of concentrated and frozen juice in order to attend the foreign markets, above all European market, and its repercussions in the work relationships practiced until then, as well as how this process is going to promote the subjugation of farmer income to capital, as the peasants become great part of explored labor-force. It is considered that as the capital territorializes in the region through the implantation of this kind of industry, often establishing alliances with the local landowners, as it searches to monopolize the orange farming accomplished in the unit of familiar production, promoting the submission of this farmer income to its immediate interests. Thus, the capitalist expansion has furthered the process of valorization of lands and the concentration of the same ones in the hands of few economic groups, as well as the degradation of the work conditions of the peasants, through the process of expropriation of their lands, just as the existence of a significant contingent of labor force in the region. On the one hand, it is also verified the exploration of familiar peasant labor through the capital, which largely appropriates, at a low cost, of this production without having to remunerate the worker. Moreover, the feminine and child labor ends by complementing the possibilities of increased reproduction of the capital in the region. Thus, the capital comes promoting, in several ways, its onrushes on the labor. On the other hand, these laborers expropriated of the means of production, and even those that stay at their lands with difficulties seek means to resist or stay at them, since the experience of the fight for the land through social movements has acquired visibility. In this case, the territory of central southern Sergipe and northern coastal area of Bahia, while singularity in the totality, may be understood as the concrete materiality of onrushes of capital on the labor and of several experiences developed in the scope of the working class to continue surviving of the labor, therefore expression of struggle occurred, historically, between social classes with antagonistic interests.

O presente trabalho propõe-se a discutir a seguinte questão: como os livros didáticos de Geografia abordam o conceito de classes sociais? Analisaram-se os textos de 12 das 14 coleções de livros didáticos de Geografia para ensino médio distribuídas pelo Estado brasileiro através por meio do Programa Nacional do Livro Didático (PNLD). Em cada coleção, foram destacados os textos relacionados a classes sociais e classificados em seis grupos temáticos: Geografia e Sociedade, Meio Ambiente, Processos Político-Territoriais, Geografia e Atividade Industrial, Geografia e Questões Urbanas e Agricultura e Questões Agrárias. Para a análise dos textos didáticos, estabeleceu-se o materialismo histórico como referencial teórico sobre classes sociais, especialmente as contribuições de Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Vladimir Lênin, Antonio Gramsci e Edward Thompson. Por meio desses aportes teóricos definiram-se três níveis de conceituação sobre classe: incipiente, correspondente às conceituações mais genéricas; estrutural, remetendo ao trabalho com classes sociais relacionado-as principalmente à produção econômica; e histórico, que alia aspectos políticos e culturais à economia, relacionado a formação de classes à dinâmica da sociedade. Como resultado, constatou-se o predomínio de textos que lidam com classes sociais em um nível incipiente. Além disso, nota-se maior concentração dos textos de nível conceitual histórico no grupo temático de Agricultura e Questões Agrárias. Conclui-se pela necessidade de maior aprofundamento teórico nas abordagens sobre classes sociais pela literatura do ensino de Geografia, assim como de ampliação da presença dessa abordagem no conjunto dos grupos temáticos. / This work aims to debate the following question: how do Geography textbooks discuss the concept of social classes? Twelve out of fourteen Geography textbooks collections for secondary education distributed by the Brazilian government through the National Textbook Program (Programa Nacional do Livro Didático PNLD) were analyzed. In each collection, texts related to social classes were selected and classified into six thematic groups: Geography and Society, Environment, Political and Territorial Processes, Geography and Industrial Activity, Geography and Urban Issues and Agriculture and Land issues. Historical materialism was established as the theoretical framework of social classes for the analysis of those texts, especially the contributions of Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Vladimir Lenin, Antonio Gramsci and Edward Thompson. Through these theoretical contributions defined three levels of conceptualization of class: an incipient level, corresponding to more generalist approaches; a structural level, related to the texts that work the idea of social classes mainly linked to economic production; and a historical level, which combines political and cultural aspects with economic issues, related the making of classes to the dynamics of societies. As a result, it was noticed the predominance of texts that deal with social classes in incipient perspectives in comparison with other conceptual levels. In addition, it was observed a greater concentration of historical level texts in the thematic group Agriculture and Land Issues. As a conclusion, it is pointed the need for deeper theoretical approaches of social classes at Geography teaching literature, as well as to expand its use to every thematic groups.

Social class encompasses the preferences, lifestyles, and behaviors of people in various social class groups in conjunction with the structural privileges that accompany certain social locations (Smith, 2010). Class-privileged college students typically come to campus with greater amounts of cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1980) that afford them the luxury of understanding how to navigate the middle-class environment of college (Tett, 2000). Students from poor/working- class backgrounds are, on the other hand, often without the benefit of knowing the behavioral codes and expectations of college, which can lead to negative psychological outcomes in the form of lowered self-esteem, depression, and stress. As a construct, resiliency provides a framework for understanding how some poor/working-class students are able to succeed despite these potential negative outcomes and persist through college. The study aimed to measure the class-related challenges and resiliency factors that correspond to different levels of psychological outcomes using a scale called the Poor/Working-Class Challenge and Resiliency Factor Scale (P/W-CRF). Data was collected using a sample of 253 four-year college students who identified as coming from a poor/working-class background. Participants filled out an online survey consisting of a demographic survey, original challenge and resiliency factor items, psychology outcome measures (self –esteem, depression, and stress), a social desirability scale, and previously validated classism and resiliency scales. Through factor analysis, two scales were generated. The first scale represented the challenges faced on campus, which was a 20-item, four factor scale with a good fit. The second, resilience scale, was a 24-item, eight factor scale with a poor fit. The overall challenge scale was found to show convergent validity with the depression, stress, and classism scales, and divergent validity with the self esteem and social desirability scales. The resilience scale demonstrated convergent validity with the self esteem and resilience scales and divergent validity with the depression and stress scales. In an effort to explore a stronger model fit for the two models, post hoc analysis offered a possible 18-item, six- factor resilience model, with a slightly improved model fit. The document will explore potential strengths and weaknesses of using these models. Finally, implications and suggestions for future research are provided in the following areas; a) Research; b) Theory; c) Clinical Practice; d) Student Affairs or Services; e) Policy; and f) High School College Counseling.

O objetivo desta tese é apresentar como se dão as relações entre capital, militarismo, luta de classes e indústria cultural no filme Assassinato em Gosford Park, de Robert Altman (2001). Contextualizada no ano de 1932, a obra a princípio pareceria lidar exclusivamente com o Reino Unido; mais especificamente, com as relações entre duas classes sociais (gentry e classe trabalhadora). Entretanto, a inserção de elementos complicadores (a saber: um produtor de Hollywood; um ator, também norte-americano, que se passa por empregado escocês; e um ídolo das matinês, Ivor Novello, único personagem baseado numa figura real) na narrativa fílmica parece não permitir a interpretação de que tudo se resume apenas ao âmbito sóciocultural Britânico. São abarcadas não só considerações acerca da influência da indústria cultural (sobretudo a norte-americana) nas classes sociais ali figuradas, como também reflexões sobre as possibilidades mais progressistas de uso deste mesmo aparato técnico (o cinematográfico). / This thesis aims to present how the relationships between capital, militarism, social struggle and the culture industry are dealt within Robert Altmans Gosford Park (2001). Set in 1932, the film would at first glance seem to deal exclusively with the United Kingdom; more especifically, with the relationships between two social classes (gentry and the working class). However, the insertion of complicating factors (namely, a Hollywood producer; an American actor pretending to be a Scottish valet, and matinée idol Ivor Novello the sole character based on a real historic figure) in the filmic narrative seems to disallow the interpretation that it all comes down to the British socio-cultural scope. The film extends its considerations not only to embrace the influences of the (American) culture industry upon the social classes portrayed, but also to point to more progressive possibilities of use regarding the cinematographic apparatus.

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This thesis provides a Marxist analysis of the political economy of contemporary Maori protest politics in the years from 1968 to 1995. It is argued that Maori protest politics embraces a range of competing political ideologies, which are informed by different assumptions about the causes of Maori inequality in wider society, and in turn, different sets of strategies for ameliorating and transcending that inequality. Overall, the thesis has two central concerns: firstly, it identifies the critical economic, political and ideological conditions and context that have allowed particular competing political ideologies and strategies to dominate contemporary Maori protest politics. This involves a particular focus on understanding and explaining the rise of identity politics and cultural nationalism as the dominant political strategy within Maori protest politics. This involves a particular focus on understanding and explaining the rise of identity politics and cultural nationalism as the dominant political strategy within Maori protest politics. Secondly, the thesis critically assesses the effectiveness of contemporary Maori struggles against racism and oppression on the basis of whether they involve, or are likely to contribute towards, the transformation of the generative structures that give rise to manifest inequalities between Maori and non-Maori. It is argued that the systematic alienation of land and the inequality that exists between Maori and non-Maori are not simply the result of the underlying cultural values of individual non-Maori but are rather the result of the historical process of capitalist development in Aotearoa and the economic, political and ideological requirements necessary for the generalised commodification of indigenous labour-power. The thesis explores how the politics and practice of Maori protest has been shaped and influenced to a large extent by the underlying social, economic, political and ideological forces of global capitalism. It is argued that the international collapse of the long boom, the global upturn in class struggle and the emergence of the New Left internationally from the late 1960s had an enormous influence on the political direction of Maori protest in the New Zealand context. The success of the working class offensive and the growing political influence of rank and file Maori workers ensured that Maori protest groups formed part of the progressive social movements of the time. Indeed, although some were explicitly nationalist in their orientation, these movements were consciously part of the Left. The balance of political forces within the Maori protest movement changed considerably during the late 1970s and early 1980s with the rise of the New Right as a political force internationally together with the rise of employer militancy, the defeat and demoralization of the working class movement internationally, the decline of the social movements and the absence of mass struggle. This had important implications for the influence of the various ideological factions that co-existed uneasily in the Maori political milieu from the early 1970s onwards. The downturn in militant mass struggle saw the rise in the influence of identity politics as cultural nationalist strategies came to dominate Maori protest politics, representing a fundamental retreat from Left-wing ideas. In practice this entailed a rejection of the class politics and mass struggle that had informed the politics and strategies of Maori protest groups from the late 1960s, and its replacement with a politics of cross-class alliances and a personal rejection of �Pakeha society�. In practice this was a recipe for passivity and divisiveness within the Maori protest movement itself. The politics of cultural nationalism left Maori ill-equipped to resist the ruling class counter-offensive and the anti-working class policies that successive governments introduced to restore the conditions for profitable capital accumulation. In particular, the rejection of a class analysis of Maori inequality in capitalist society has undermined the capacity of working class Maori to resist the neo-liberal agenda and a Treaty of Waitangi settlement process that has resulted in a substantial shift in resources to those sections of Maori society already wealthy and powerful. Although the settlement process represented an important concession by the state, it has never compensated for the anti-working class policies of governments since 1984, which have widened the social and economic inequalities in New Zealand society. In this way, the emphasis on cultural identity alone as the determining factor in Maori oppression has been counter-productive for working class Maori as successive governments shifted the costs of the economic crisis on to the weakest sections of the community. As New Zealand entered a new period of economic and social crisis in the 1990s, the commercial interests of Maori tribal executives, Maori corporate enterprises, and the Maori bureaucracy were clearly at odds with the material interests of the vast majority of working class Maori families. This fundamental conflict in class interests was to set the scene for a revival of militancy on scale not seen since the 1970s.

This problem was selected as a subject for research in connection with an effort to determine the extent and nature of the effect of social classes on the town and community of Clinton, Tennessee. It was assumed that social classes do have an effect on the community, and that the influences exerted upon the town and community because of pressure of social classes were significant and noticeable to one who puts forth the effort to make a study and an analysis of the situation. It was also assumed that these influences have a direct bearing on the life of the people in the community, and that the effect of such influences was usually unnoticed by most of the people.