This thesis analyses the processes through which the United States sought to influence the political and social reconstruction of occupied Japan and Germany in the aftermath of the Second World War. An important aspect of this was debate within the US over what kind of peace settlement to be imposed on the defeated states. The debate over whether this settlement should be harsh or more moderate involved different visions of the political and social reconstruction and futures of Japan and Germany. While both arguments shared the same basic aims of democratisation, deradicalisation, and demilitarisation, they different substantially on how to achieve these aims. One aspect of moderate plans was the establishment of international criminal tribunals to try the leadership of the defeated regimes deemed responsible for the atrocities committed. An important part of the prosecution arguments was the idea of the victimisation of the Japanese and German people by their own governments. This was an important part of moderate peace arguments and extended into the political and social reforms implemented during the occupations. This idea of victimisation was not only held by the Japanese and German people, but by the occupiers as well.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-07T15:09:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1345087 bytes, checksum: 97e02de83db3b210a7f46fecc247f640 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The resumption of talks on the performance of the subjects in the final years of the Brazilian Empire has aroused the interest of researchers in several fields of study such as social sciences, history and education as well. A review of some theses, in particular about the placement of these individuals face the transformations of time, has opened space for dialogue among scholars and allowed new perspectives on the topic. Interested in this discussion, we focused on the relationship between intellectuals and the history of education, and the role of these in the process of modernization of society through educational bias. We propose the history of intellectuals as guiding this work, in the sense of finding out the ideas, trajectories and the social role assumed by intellectuals in the construction of the project of modernity. Particularly, we are interested in studying the role education played in the Joaquim Nabuco s political project, as a constitutional and fundamental national progress element. Based on this premise, we seek since then analyze his reformation projects and understand how it was conceived in order to civilize society and promote the sense of rational work. Therefore, we elected as a source for this study, the work of Joaquim Nabuco produced between 1879 and 1888, the initial and final years of his parliamentary career, conceiving it as a political agenda undertaken by Nabuco to Brazil. We take as our basic interpretation of Angela Alonso (2002), which suggests the existence of a reformist movement composed by the intellectuals generation of 1870, points the concepts of political opportunity structure, repertoire and community experience to support his argument. According to Alonso (2002), was from a structure of political opportunities and immersion into a community of experience that intellectuals generation in 1870 had appropriated the European repertoire in order to develop criticism to the imperial status quo. The productions of this generation configured a reform program for Imperial Brazil. It is in the light of the directions of Alonso (2002), that we situate the political project of Nabuco Joaquim for the Brazilian society in that period, seeing education as a basis for social (re)arrangement after the abolition, starting point, according to Nabuco, to the end of the moral backwardness and economic context in which the country was immersed. The education assume the transformational role and shaper of society that sought to be civilized, according to the European standard. The function that it assumed was to not only educate and train future workers, but also to educate a conscious subject, capable of forming an autonomous and consistent public opinion, basis of the exercise of citizenship. We understand yet, the existence of a network of sociability (Sirinelli, 2003) in which Nabuco was inserted and, thus, seek to situate the gestation of ideas this intellectual dialogue with their peers, which is consistent with his criticism of the decree Leôncio de Carvalho, one the most relevant documents of the late Empire. / A retomada das discussões sobre a atuação dos sujeitos nos anos finais do Império Brasileiro tem despertado o interesse de pesquisadores em diversas áreas de estudo como as ciências sociais, a história e também a educação. A revisão de algumas teses em especial, sobre o posicionamento desses sujeitos frente às transformações da época, tem aberto espaço para o diálogo entre os estudiosos e permitido novos olhares sobre o tema. Interessados nessa discussão, debruçamo-nos sobre a relação entre os intelectuais e a história da educação, e sobre a atuação destes no processo de modernização da sociedade, através do viés educativo. Propomos a história dos intelectuais como norteadora desse trabalho, no sentido de buscarmos as ideias, as trajetórias e também o papel social assumido pelos intelectuais na construção do projeto da modernidade. Particularmente, interessa-nos o estudo do lugar ocupado pela educação no projeto político de Joaquim Nabuco, enquanto elemento constituinte e basilar do progresso nacional. Com base nessa premissa, buscamos desde então analisar o seu projeto de reformas e compreender como ele foi pensado no sentido de civilizar a sociedade e promover o sentido do trabalho racional. Para tanto, elegemos como fonte para esse estudo, a obra de Joaquim Nabuco produzida entre 1879 e 1888, anos inicial e final de sua carreira parlamentar concebendo-a como a agenda política empreendida por Nabuco para o Brasil. Tomamos como basilar a interpretação de Ângela Alonso (2002) que, sugerindo a existência de um movimento reformista composto pela geração intelectual de 1870, aponta os conceitos de estrutura de oportunidades políticas, repertório e comunidade de experiência para fundamentar seu argumento. De acordo com Alonso (2002), foi a partir de uma estrutura de oportunidades políticas e da imersão em uma comunidade de experiência que os intelectuais da geração 1870 se apropriaram do repertório europeu, a fim de desenvolverem uma crítica ao status quo imperial. Suas produções configuravam um programa de reformas para o Brasil imperial. É à luz das indicações de Alonso (2002), que situamos o projeto político de Joaquim Nabuco para a sociedade brasileira do período, enxergando a educação como base para o (re) arranjo social posterior à abolição, ponto de partida, segundo Nabuco, para o fim do atraso moral e econômico no qual estava imerso o país. A educação assumiria o papel transformador e modelador da sociedade que se buscava civilizada, de acordo com o padrão europeu. A função que esta assumia era não apenas o de instruir e capacitar o futuro trabalhador, mas também o de educar um sujeito consciente, capaz de formar uma opinião pública autônoma e consistente, base do exercício da cidadania. Compreendemos ainda, a existência de uma rede de sociabilidades (Sirinelli, 2003) na qual Nabuco esteve inserido e assim, buscamos situar a gestação de ideias desse intelectual em diálogo com seus pares, o que coaduna com sua crítica ao Decreto Leôncio de Carvalho, um dos documentos mais relevantes do final do Império.

The purpose of this bachelor's thesis in social work has been to examine whether society's perception of poverty and poor people has changed over the more than 160 years have passed since the first national Poor regulation was enacted in Sweden. With a social constructionist approach and inspired by the critical discourse analysis we have conducted two studies to find answers to what differences and similarities between the concepts of scanty care (1847) and standards of living (2002). A study based on previous research was conducted to examine how society's perception of poverty has changed and designed in a historical perspective. We also conducted a textual analysis of relevant legal texts and legislative history to show how these texts reflect the society's official view of poverty based interventions targeted to poor people. The two sub-studies show that the concepts at different times in history has been crucial for the community support poor people were entitled to. Our overall conclusion is that despite today's advanced social policy there are many obvious similarities between the concepts of scanty care and standards of living. For example, there are similarities in the conjecture-driven individuals for warranted to support and which counterclaims society put on the individuals who are in need of society's ultimate financial safety net.

By now, it is an acknowledged fact that economic growth, social justice, and environmental sustainability are interconnected. Often referred to as the eco-social-growth trilemma, the challenge is to achieve synergy between the objectives and avoid trade-offs. This thesis adds to the field by exploring central themes related to the trilemma in the national media debate on the 2022 Chilean constitutional draft and discussing what they indicate about public opinion on eco-social policies in general in the country. The analysis found that multiple of the theorized tensions affecting public support were central in the debate on a semantic level, including affordability of changes, necessity of changes, effect on job security, political bias, welfare deservingness, effects on existing benefits and state involvement in welfare. Moreover, on a latent level, three overarching themes permeated the debate: uncertainties about the future, lack of representation and limitations of freedom. Overall, results showed that environmental issues took a backseat to social and economic objectives in the debate, which can be connected to what I call the Paradox of Complex Change. The Paradox refers to the notion that eco-social reforms need to encompass multiple parameters and factors to be successful and yield support, but simultaneously the very same maximalism can backfire. With more parameters included, there are more potential sources of disagreement – and chances are focus shifts away from the core issues. This is something for future researchers as well as policymakers to consider.

This thesis covers the development of pension schemes in the People's Republic of China from 1949 until now. The goal is to explain what is the structure of chinese pension schemes, why are the pension schemes divided between rural and urban areas and how are the migrant workers' pension schemes incorporated into the social security system. Furthermore the reforms and challenges of the current pension system are analysed as well as the linkage to the hukou reform and family planning reform.

Un cycle réformiste et républicain est initié après les expériences de la guerre et de la Résistance. Le programme coordonné dès 1944 par le Conseil national de la Résistance (CNR) apparaît ici comme une réponse à la carence de démocratie politique créée par le gouvernement de Vichy et l’occupation allemande. Le moment de la reconstruction ne pourra se contenter d’être un simple retour à la situation d’avant-guerre. Les nationalisations, la mise en place d’une sécurité sociale, la liberté syndicale sont les jalons de ce programme réformiste auquel le MRP et la SFIO adhèrent pleinement. A partir de 1944, ils deviennent deux composantes majeures du paysage politique français et sont les pivots de tous les gouvernements de la IVe République jusqu’en 1951. Malgré des cultures politiques très différentes, ils collaborent à la refondation des institutions républicaines et posent le cadre de ce qui sera l’État providence. Les difficultés du « compromis républicain » n’en sont pas moins réelles. Elles se lisent entre autre au sein des commissions parlementaires, possibles lieux de réformes. Majorité gouvernementale fragile et instabilité ministérielle chronique paralysent le pouvoir. Les guerres de décolonisation condamnent finalement le régime en 1958. Dans cet intervalle relativement long, la SFIO et le MRP ont poursuivi et réalisé un programme ambitieux de réformes. Ils se sont aussi affrontés sur le terrain de la laïcité et de l’école. In fine, leurs actions communes, leurs accords, leurs divergences profondes et leurs contradictions interrogent sur la manière dont la IVe république a participé à la transformation du modèle républicain. / The experience of war and Resistance has initiated a “reformist” and republican cycle. The National Council of Resistance (CNR) has coordinated in 1944 a program as an answer to the lack of political democracy, which resulted of the government of Vichy and the German occupation. Going back to the pre-war situation would not be enough to rebuild. The MRP and the SFIO plainly joined the “reformist” program, based on nationalizations, the creation of a welfare insurance and trade union freedom. From 1944 to 1951, they both became a major part of the French political landscape, backbone of all major governments of the IVth Republic. Setting aside their entirely different political cultures, they worked together for a renewal of the republican institutions, making the welfare state a future reality. Thus, it still has been difficult to set this « republican agreement » on track. The study of the parliamentary committee as a place of reformism easily acknowledge that statement. Moreover, weak government majority, added to a chronical instability of the ministries, seemed to paralyse the decision making process. Eventually, in 1958, the wars of decolonization put an end to it. During this period, ambitious reforms were conceived and applied, leaded by the MRP and the SFIO together. They nonetheless had to face each other about subjects of dissension, such as secularism and school. As a consequence, the question of how the IVth Republic of France changed its republican model can be asked, given the joint actions, contradictions, agreements and disagreements of those two parties.

L’expérimentation sociale de Titus Salt (1803-1876) à travers sa communauté industrielle modèle de Saltaire, dans la région du Yorkshire, a été considérée jusqu’à nos jours comme une référence pour répondre aux maux urbains résultant de la rapide industrialisation du début du dix-neuvième siècle. L’enjeu de cette recherche est de contextualiser cette expérience, débutée en 1853, dans le mouvement de réformes sociales entre 1850 et 1880 à Bradford que nous considérons comme la ville à l’origine de Saltaire. Nous centrerons cette étude sur les différents aspects et influences alors à l’oeuvre dans la promotion de l’évolution ouvrière, tels que le bien-être social mais aussi les pressions économiques, politiques et religieuses. A travers cette comparaison nous constaterons l’étendue de la participation réformatrice et innovatrice sociale du village sous la direction de Titus Salt et observerons dans quelle mesure l’expérimentation à Saltaire prit part à l’avancée de la condition des ouvriers du textile lainier. / Titus Salt’s social experiment conducted through his model industrial community of Saltaire, in Yorkshire, has been perceived and presented this far as a solution to the contemporary issues resulting from rapid industrialisation. The aim of the present research is to put into context this experiment, started in 1853, within the wider social reform movement that occurred from 1850 to 1880 in Bradford- which we consider as the “mother town” of Saltaire. This study focuses on the various influences promoting the advancement of the factory workers’ conditions, such as social welfare concerns but also religious, political and economical pressures, in order to see their achievements on the urban life. This comparative study is aiming to demonstrate the extent to which the model village, under Titus Salt’s leadership, took part in the social reformation and in the progress of the worsted trade workers’ circumstances.