The thesis concerns the dynamics during the 1990s of political action by many groups of people, in what came to be called the movement of movements. The activists, who held that corporations were overstepping some mark, worked on alternative arrangements for self-rule. The thesis views the movement as micropolitics, using concepts devised by Deleuze and Guattari. It sets out particulars of the rhizomic make -up of the movement. A key point is that the movement trains participants in decentred organisation, which entails the forming of subject-groups as opposed to subjugated groups. The thesis records how the movement was shaped by earlier events in political action and thinking, especially from the 1960s on. The movement had previously been read as a push for absolute democracy (Hardt and Negri). The thesis shows that reading to have been incomplete: the movement is, in part, a push for agonistic democracy. More a practice than a form of rule, agonistic democracy is found where state power is bent on not moulding peoples into any unified polity. It is found where state power fosters conflicted-self-rule, so that every citizen may engage in the polity as a decentred "I". The thesis throws light on relations between the movement and the constitutionalist state. Part of the movement, while cynical about the existing form of state rule, wears a mask of obedience to constituted authority. When one upholds the fiction of legitimate rule, one can use the fiction as a restraint on the cynics-in-power. The play creates a shadow social contract, producing detente within the polity and within the �I.� The thesis also reports on a search in mainstream cinema for some expression of the movement's dynamics. The search leads to a cycle of thrillers, set in a nonfiction frame story about a coverup of gross abuse of state power.

<p>This essay aims to research the climate change issue and the relationship social movements, scientist and policymakers have to climate change. Furthermore, this essay has a didactic perspective and aim to illuminate how the climate change issue can be used within the school subject social studies. The policy decided upon by the world leaders during the climate summit in Copenhagen, Cop15, will stand further from the scientific view of climate change in relation to sustainable development than what the social movements’ demands are. To find the relationship a case study have been made, where an observation at the alternative forum Klimaforum09 was made to establish what relationship social movements have with policymakers and scientists. A close reading of the IPCC <em>Synthesis Report (AR4)</em> was made to see the scientific view on climate change and the relationship to policymakers and social movements. The relationship policymakers have with science and social movements have not been researched, since the Cop15 did not result in a global deal. Despite that there was no deal the thesis have been investigated, and the result is that social movements have a close, but critical relationship towards both world leaders and politicians, and to the scientific view of climate change. It is also suggested that science have a relationship to social movements. The thesis cannot be refuted or confirmed.</p>

<p>Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka nutida sociala rörelsers aktiviteter på World Wide Web och ta reda på om det finns något sammanhängande informationssystem för dessa rörelser där, hur det ser ut och hur viktigt det är som informationskälla. Inom ramen för denna undersökning företogs först en teoretisk genomgång av begreppet sociala rörelser för att definiera undersökningsobjektet. Därefter introducerades den webbometriska metod som sedan användes för att analysera ett antal svenska nutida sociala rörelsers webbplatser. I samband med presentationen av den webbometriska metoden diskuterades också diverse problem rörande material och materialinsamling samt tidigare forskning på området. De webbometriska analyserna visade att det finns kopplingar mellan webbsidor som gör att de kan ses som sammanhängande informationssystem. Dock gick det inte utifrån analyserna att se hur detta system används. En intervju med en inom rörelserna aktiv informant bekräftade och fördjupade resultaten från de webbometriska analyserna. Studien avslutas med diskussioner kring möjligheter till fortsatt forskning på det webbometriska området och användningen av metoden.</p>

<p>The Juntas Vecinales of El Alto portray a telling picture of the current process of societal change inBolivia. Formed to attend the collective needs of indigenous migrants striving to settle down on theoutskirts of the capital, the Juntas Vecinales have grown as an intrinsic part of El Alto becomingsignificant socio-political actors and part of the indigenous social movements propelling the processof change in Bolivia. Their traditional function of supervising public policy by pressuring serviceproviders to attend their demands is commonly known as the practice of social control. A functionthat was institutionalized in the nineties with neoliberal inspired citizenship reforms ofdecentralization. The dynamic relation between the informal and formal branches of social controlis particularly evident in El Alto as the Federation of Juntas Vecinales and the legal supervisinginstitution called the Vigilance Committee hold each branch. This paper presents a case study on theformal and informal actions and activities that define the current role of the Juntas Vecinales inrelevance to their history and to the political and social context of Bolivia today. My main findingpresents an unanimous rejection of the formal branch of social control and the predominance oftraditional methods of pressure actions as the only means of attending grassroots demands.</p> / MFS uppsats

<p>The mobilisation of protests has become more visible during the last few decades and the amount of literature focusing on the links between protest and policy has significantly increased. Nevertheless, scholars acknowledge that there is a lack of theoretical advancements, careful empirical analysis and attention to developing countries regarding these links. In this thesis I endeavor to address the above shortcomings. I elaborate on and evaluate existing theories on social movement outcomes by applying an event history analysis to my data on anti-privatisation struggles in India and Peru. The thesis consists of a comprehensive introduction and three interrelated essays. </p><p><b>Essay I</b> provides a systematic description of labor movements' reactions to privatisation processes in India. I demonstrate that the Indian trade unions which were affiliated with pro-privatisation parties avoided protesting even when their party was not in the government. Of two Communist-ruled states – Kerala and West Bengal, only the first accepted the protests of the affiliated union.</p><p><b>Essay II</b> discusses how the anti-privatisation struggle in India affected privatisation processes during the years 1990-2003. It focuses on mechanisms explaining the impact of a social movement's mobilisation, and on the role of protest characteristics. I demonstrate that challengers to privatisation were more successful in gaining favorable policy outcomes in those cases where they used large or economically disruptive protests.</p><p><b>Essay III</b> seeks to explain the varying outcomes of anti-privatisation protests in India and Peru. I test the prevalent theory on the conditionality of the protest impact in a novel empirical setting – that of developing countries. In contrast to previous studies, my results show that the impact of protests is not necessarily dependent on public support nor on support from political allies. However, the outcomes of mobilisation depend on political regime as protests are shown to be more influential within democracies.</p>

Thesis (M.A.)--Ohio State University. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 126-136). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center

Recognizing that over the past decade transnational environmental activism focusing on climate change has radicalized in public tactics and discourse, this project employs a mechanism-process approach to analyze and explain processes of tactical and discursive radicalization within the global climate justice movement(s) over time. As global activists within this movement construct and pursue public, as well as covert, campaigns directed at states, international institutions, corporations, the media and society at large, it asks why, how and to what effect specific sectors of the broader movement have radicalized from the period 2006-2010. Utilizing longitudinal quantitative protest event and political claims analysis and ethnographic field work and participant action research, it aims to provide a descriptive and comparative account of tactical and discursive variations at international climate change protests situated within the context of a broader cycle of transnational global justice contention.

Beginning with the year 2000, the political society of South Korea has undergone a development towards more transparency. The increasing emergence of civil organizations as well as their new-orientation favoured the development of an alternative “online-public” which tries to mediate between the public’s interests and the state. The influence of this online-public, who profits from the fast and various ways of communication via internet, is best shown by some successful examples of online-action in the economic and the political sector. This gives credence to Dick Morris’ postulated rise of the internet to be the “fifth power” of the state.

This article asks how the internet has been contributing to the trans-national networking of the radical right and whether the radical right has the capacity to act as a trans-national movement. <br>Taking into account language difficulties, the ideological background of ultra- nationalism and internal disputes, the analysis shows that the radical right-wing transnational networking has hardly developed. Additionally, its internet users’ potential is too low to contribute to a stronger trans-national alignment. The obstacles remain despite improved technological possibilities. This is proven by empirical examples of virtual trans-national networks.

Für Stefan Zweig war Brasilien 1941 "ein Land der Zukunft". Die Realität sieht anders aus: Bis heute ist es ein Land der Gegensätze, geprägt vor allem durch jenen von Arm und Reich. Was Gini-Koeffizienten nüchtern in Zahlen ausdrücken, kann man in Metropolen mit hypermodernen Zentren und Favelas an Berghängen auf engstem Raum erleben. Vor allem die Verteilung von Land resultiert in Auseinandersetzungen. Experten analysieren im Thema die Lage eines Staates, der in seinen Widersprüchlichkeiten gefangen ist.