Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:23:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jessica Puga de Moraes.pdf: 1264277 bytes, checksum: 6b9ccda3aea476bc8c5f19bddc1b9c8b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-24 / The research examines specific aspects of video games in the context of a contemporary world defined by Vilém Flusser as "codified world". In such a world, the increasingly intense relationship between humans and the "apparatus" - which transmit messages - seems to program reality in an accelerated and disorganized way. However, amid the massive production of cultural industry programs, independent content arise, created generated and shared by individuals of the multitude. "Games of multitude" is a term propounded by Dyer- Witheford and Peuter to describe games that somehow, beyond its status of entertainment - or spectacle - provide the players experiences that address the most varied and complex political and social issues. Through Flusser s philosophy a historic resumption between the human beings relationships and their cultural communication processes is drawn up, pursuing the contextualization of the video games as an expressive media. Nonetheless, with Paolo Virno s thoughts regarding the overlapping of concepts, work, political action and intellect, it is possible to understand the individual from the multitude as someone distressed by their submission to work and lack of expressive possibilities. The multitude, however, although submitted to the sovereignty of capital, attempts to break through. Electronic games, with their features and possibilities, become interesting tools for the expression of the multitude s critical energy. Through the analysis of the works of Dyer- Witheford and Peuter, Steven Johnson, Gonzalo Frasca and Paolo Pedercini, we seek videogames expressive specificities. A detailed analysis of three games of multitude - "How to Build a Better Mouse Trap" "Papers, Please" and "Phone Story" is pursued. Such analysis allows illustrating concepts, and propounding possible categories for forms, practices and potential of game of multitude / A dissertação procura examinar aspectos específicos dos videogames, no contexto de um mundo contemporâneo definido por Vilém Flusser como "mundo codificado". Em tal mundo, a convivência cada vez mais intensa entre seres humanos e "aparelhos" - que transmitem mensagens - parece programar de maneira acelerada e desordenada a realidade. Entretanto, em meio à produção massiva dos programas da indústria cultural, surgem obras independentes, idealizadas, produzidas e compartilhadas por indivíduos da multidão. Jogos de multidão é um termo proposto por Dyer-Witheford e Peuter para descrever games que, de alguma forma, ultrapassam sua condição de entretenimento - ou espetáculo - proporcionando aos jogadores experiências que abordam as mais diversas e complexas questões políticas e sociais. Por meio da filosofia de Flusser, elabora-se uma retomada histórica do relacionamento dos seres humanos e seus processos culturais de comunicação, buscando contextualizar os jogos eletrônicos como mídia expressiva. Já com as reflexões de Paolo Virno quanto à sobreposição dos conceitos de trabalho, ação política e intelecto, é possível compreender o indivíduo da multidão como alguém angustiado pela sua submissão ao trabalho e carência de possibilidades expressivas. A multidão, entretanto, ainda que sujeita à soberania do capital, produz tentativas de ruptura. Os jogos eletrônicos, por suas características e possibilidades, tornam-se ferramentas interessantes para a manifestação da energia crítica da multidão. Através da análise das obras de Dyer-Witheford e Peuter, Steven Johnson, Gonzalo Frasca e Paolo Pedercini, busca-se por tais especificidades expressivas dos games, buscando uma análise detalhada de três jogos de multidão - How to Build a Better Mouse Trap , Papers, Please e Phone Story . Tal análise permite exemplificar conceitos e propor categorias possíveis para as formas, práticas e potencialidades dos jogos de multidão

Submitted by Jorge Silva (jorgelmsilva@ufrrj.br) on 2017-10-11T19:01:11Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Vinicius Pereira dos Santos.pdf: 3504871 bytes, checksum: b4d64d98dcd03da82970f200d2ae1972 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-11T19:01:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Vinicius Pereira dos Santos.pdf: 3504871 bytes, checksum: b4d64d98dcd03da82970f200d2ae1972 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-11 / This present work is about the social and political movement known as Aldeia Maracan? Resistance. That?s an urban indigenous movement that acts from the city of Rio de Janeiro, developed by Indians and supporters since the political struggle involving the removal of the indigenous occupation called Aldeia Maracan?, destroyed in the year of 2013 by an alliance of political and economic powers, that continues to promote an urban reform justified by the realization of sporting mega-events. Our goal is to comprehend how this indigenous movement acts within the group of libertarian and autonomist social movements acting intensively through the last years, strengthen by that moment of intense political activities in the year of 2013, in Brazil. This research was made especially by field observations, with direct participation in planning, projects, political acts and events promoted by the movement we study, besides presence in academicals events, seminars and interviews. The direct approach was complemented by reading books that could help on the analysis of the movement and its insertion in bigger social and political contexts and historical processes. Once the movement we study is part of webs of political movements that do not appear to fight for positions of hegemony, power or control, but for a world of cooperative coexistence between existing or in development diversities we propose, at the end, the metaphor of the ?rust revolution?, where these groups acts like oxidation points, slowly corroding the current social and economic system. / O presente trabalho ? uma reflex?o sobre o movimento Resist?ncia da Aldeia Maracan?. Trata-se de um movimento ind?gena urbano que atua a partir da cidade do Rio de Janeiro, desenvolvido por ind?genas e apoiadores a partir da luta pela manuten??o da Aldeia Maracan?, ocupa??o ind?gena destru?da em 2013 por uma articula??o entre governo e empresas que v?m promovendo uma intensa reforma urbana na cidade, em fun??o da realiza??o de megaeventos esportivos. O objetivo ? compreender como esse movimento ind?gena se insere no conjunto de movimentos sociais de cunho libert?rio e autonomista extremamente atuantes nos ?ltimos anos, fortalecidos pelo momento de forte efervesc?ncia pol?tica no pa?s no ano de 2013. A pesquisa foi realizada principalmente a partir de observa??o em campo, com participa??o direta em planejamentos, projetos, atos e eventos do movimento, presen?a em palestras e semin?rios e realiza??o de entrevistas. A viv?ncia direta foi complementada com a leitura de diversos autores que permitiram um aprofundamento da an?lise sobre o movimento e sua inser??o em contextos s?cio-pol?ticos e processos hist?ricos mais ampliados. Fazendo parte de redes de movimentos de luta e contesta??o que, em seus discursos, n?o buscam hegemonia ou disputas por posi??es de poder e controle, mas a realiza??o de uma situa??o de coexist?ncia cooperativa entre diversidades existentes e em constru??o, propomos, ao final, a met?fora da ?revolu??o ferrugem?, indicando que diversos movimentos atuam como pontos de oxida??o, corroendo lentamente o sistema econ?mico e social vigentes.

abstract: The Arab Spring revolutions of 2010-11 raised important questions about how social-movement actors use new communication technologies, such as social media, for communication and organizing during episodes of contentious politics. This dissertation examines how organizers of and participants in Tunisia’s Arab Spring revolution used communication technologies such as Facebook, blogs, news websites, email, television, radio, newspapers, telephones, and interpersonal communication. The dissertation approaches the topic through the communication paradigm of framing, which the author uses to tie together theories of social movements, neo-patrimonialism, and revolution. The author traveled to Tunisia and conducted 44 interviews with organizers and participants about their uses of communication media, the frames they constructed and deployed, their framing strategies, their organizing activities, and their experiences of the revolution. The most common frames were those of the regime’s corruption, economic issues, and the security forces’ brutality. Interviewees deployed a hybrid network of media to disseminate these frames; Facebook represented a single node in the network, though many interviewees used it more than any other node. To explain the framing process and the resonance of the frames deployed by revolutionaries, the dissertation creates the concept of the alternative narrative, which describes how revolutionaries used a hybrid network to successfully construct an alternative to the narrative constructed by the regime. The dissertation also creates the concept of authoritarian weakening, to explain how citizens can potentially weaken neo-patrimonial regimes under conditions concerning corruption, poverty, and the introduction of civil society and of new communication technologies. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Journalism and Mass Communication 2018

abstract: Abstract   Everyday living, as an Indigenous person, is an act of resistance. On December 21, 2012, there was a national day of action that included rallies and demonstrations happening all over the world to stand in solidarity with First Nations Indigenous peoples in Canada under the banner Idle No More (INM). The pressure of the movement all came to an end after the cooptation from a few First Nation leadership on January 11, 2013. Despite the failures, the INM movement brought hope, the urgency to act, and ideas of the decolonization and resurgence process. This movement was educational in focus and with that, there is the need to explore essential roles to advance Indigenous resistance to ensure Indigenous liberation. Here I explore the role of the intellectual, and in particular three scholars who provide next level warriorship. Their contributions redirected the conceptualization of decolonization to a process of resurgence. In this manner, authentic Indigenous nationhood is possible. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis American Indian Studies 2018

A tese aborda a expansão da Sociedade dos Irmãos Muçulmanos (SIM) no Egito de 1936 a 1949, investigando as dinâmicas externas entendidas como fatores exógenos à organização que contribuíram para seu crescimento. A partir da análise de documentos secretos de autoridades diplomáticas britânicas, cujo acesso foi aberto recentemente no National Archives, em Londres, foram reunidas informações sobre o contexto político e social do período. Detalhes da estratégia de alianças com atores poderosos, das cisões e aproximações entre forças dominantes na política egípcia e da ingerência britânica em assuntos locais são explorados para elucidar a trajetória da SIM / This thesis discusses the expansion of the Society of the Muslim Brothers (SMB) of Egypt from 1936 to 1949, investigating factors external to the organization that contributed to its difusion. Information about the social and political context of the period was gathered from documents of British diplomatic authorities whose access to the public was recently opened at the National Archives in London. Details of strategic alliances with powerful actors, cleavages among dominant forces in Egyptian politics and British involvement in local issues are explored to elucidate SMB trajectory

A caracterização social de cooperativas e organizações similares inspirou estudos científicos e ações sociais no Brasil e no mundo. A abordagem do tema inicia-se, pela economia institucional, com enfoque na concepção de estruturas de governança como nível analítico baseado na Economia de Custos de Transação (ECT). Na agricultura, as experiências cooperativas objetivaram a inserção ou manutenção de agentes econômicos no mercado. Por outro lado, no caso da questão da reforma agrária as ações governamentais tiveram a finalidade de promover a organização da produção. O papel das mobilizações sociais em defesa da reforma agrária é constatado como proponente de formas de inserção alternativas, a exemplo ao modelo de cooperativas do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem-Terra (MST). O objetivo deste trabalho é compreender como as relações de poder da mobilização de grupos, como os movimentos sociais, influenciam a configuração de organizações cooperativas. Para atingi-lo toma-se o caso do assentamento Pirituba II, palco de diversas experiências que continham os elementos da mobilização política, da intervenção agrária do governo e de propostas de cooperação por diferentes atores. Os resultados demonstram que a lógica da ação coletiva intencionada pelos assentados corresponde a uma dinâmica familiar. Tomando as intervenções no sentido da indução da cooperação, observaram-se problemas da sua realização diante desta dinâmica. / The social characteristics of co-operatives and similar organisations inspired scientific studies and social actions in Brazil and around the world. The initial approach on the theme by institutional economics focused on the conception of governance structures as an analytical level based on Transaction Costs Economics (TCE). In agriculture, the cooperative experiences aimed at the insertion or the maintenance of the economic agents in the market. However, in the case of agrarian reform the Governmental actions were in order to promote the organisation of the production. The role of social mobilisations in defence of agrarian reform was observed as a proponent of alternative insertion forms. In this study the co-operatives\' model by the Landless Rural Workers\' Movement (MST) is the object of this phenomenon. The objective of this work is to understand how power relations by groups\' mobilisations, as social movements, influence the co-operative organisations\' configuration. To that end, we used the case of the Pirituba II settlement, since it was the scene of several experiences containing the political mobilisation elements, the government\'s agrarian intervention and the motions of co-operation by different actors. The results show that the logic of collective action intended by the settlers corresponds to a family dynamics. In analysing the interventions aiming to induce co-operation, we observed that problems of its execution were due to this dynamics.

Desenvolvimento e Inserção Social / Master Degree on Development and Social Inclusion / Esta tese procura reflectir sobre uma perspectiva de compreensão da emergência do movimento do Comércio Justo (CJ) num contexto de modernidade tardia, no âmbito das teorias dominantes dos novos movimentos sociais e do actual processo de globalização. A pesquisa traduz-se num estudo de caso de uma associação que apresenta como objectivos a divulgação dos princípios do CJ e a comercialização de produtos oriundos desta forma de comércio alternativa, a Associação Reviravolta. O foco analítico incide sobre os domínios de acção e formas de actuação desta organização, a sua estrutura e funcionamento, bem como da acção que nela desenvolvem os seus protagonistas, dirigentes e voluntários. Isto é, pretende-se determinar, através de uma análise organizacional, de que modo se estruturam os seus elementos, como se encaixam no seu organigrama, qual a relevância dos estatutos que a enformam no seu quotidiano, e qual o tipo de interacção existente entre os diferentes agentes que a compõem, ou seja, almeja-se assinalar os seus elementos culturais e simbólicos, e caracterizá-la enquanto corpo socializado. / This thesis aims to analyze the emergence of the Fair Trade movement within a context of late modernization and in relation with the current dominating theories on new social movements and globalisation. This research is based on a case study of an association, the Associação Reviravolta which has two main goals: to disseminate the FT principles and marketing the products which originate from this alternate form of commerce. The analytical focus falls upon the domains of the activity developed and of the procedures adopted by this organization, its structure and modes of functioning, as well as actions undertaken by its workers, managers and volunteers. It is intended, through an organizational analysis, to determine in what manner its elements are structured, the place each takes in the association s organisation chart, the importance of its statutes in its daily function, and the type of interaction between its different components, thus raising its symbolic and cultural elements and to characterize it as a social frame.

This dissertation explores the role of social media in political activism in authoritarian societies, using as case studies the use of YouTube as an alternative channel of communication and resistance during the political crises in Pakistan, Tunisia, and Egypt. I studied Pakistan because it is one of the few majority Muslim countries in which social media were part of the media mix during the mass uprisings that led to the overthrow of the regime of military leader, General Pervez Musharraf in 2007. Tunisia and Egypt were chosen because these two countries are seen as the iconic nations of the Arab Spring 2011. The study argues that the term "Arab Spring" itself limits the scope of ongoing online and offline political uprisings in the Muslim World, which is spreading beyond the geographical boundaries of the Middle East. The investigation uses "social movements" as defined and theorized by Hirschman (1970), Lohmann (1994), Olson (1965), and Tarrow (1994; 1998) as its theoretical foundation, in order to describe and explain how YouTube was part of the information activism of the social movements that sprang up during the revolutions in Pakistan, Tunisia and Egypt. A comparative methodological approach enables me to analyze the "most viewed" YouTube videos of political protests in the three countries. By examining a purposive sample of 60 most viewed protest-related YouTube videos, the study explores how these videos served as a "voice," (alternative channels of communication) when the authoritarian governments controlled all the media in the three countries. Using quantitative content analysis and thematic analysis approaches, the study investigates YouTube's role and content during Pakistan's political crisis of 2007, and compares it with that platform's role as an alternative avenue of communication, as well as its content in the 2011 political uprising in Tunisia and Egypt, which are the core of the Arab Spring in North Africa. Eight research questions were asked for this investigation. These questions were derived from Hirschman (1970), Lohmann (1994), Tarrow (1998), and Perlmutter's (1998) works. Issues that were investigated in these questions include: identifying the cultural and ideological frames used in the most viewed videos of each revolution, YouTube videos as "informational cascades," Al-Jazeera's role as "informational cascade," YouTube videos as a "Voice," and the most iconic images of each revolution. The findings of these research questions suggest that in the absence of traditional media sources, YouTube can serve as an alternative platform of communication and dissent. The study finds that the social movements in the three countries (The Lawyers' Movement of 2007 in Pakistan, the so-called Jasmine Revolution of Tunisia (2010), and the Arab Spring of Egypt 2011) utilized YouTube as an alternate channel of communication to disseminate information on political protests against the dictatorial regimes for purposes of promoting resistance. The visual content analysis of these videos revealed that the YouTube videos of political protests utilized common religious and national ideologies as a part of cultural and ideological frames to spread the narratives of political protests online. The findings of this study support that the most viewed videos contributed to serve as informational cascades for the observers (YouTube viewers) of these protest-related videos. The findings also highlight that the pan-Arabic TV channel Al-Jazeera utilized YouTube as an alternative platform to disseminate its protest-related videos, particularly when the channel was banned in the three countries. The visual content analysis of the most viewed videos of protests suggest that social movements in Pakistan, Tunisia and Egypt used YouTube to amplify their voice against corruption, unemployment, and authoritarianism in the three countries. The findings of this dissertation identify that three images (one from each country) were treated as the icons of outrage in the 60 most viewed protest-related videos. These icons of outrage include the images of Mohamed Bouazizi's self-immolation (Tunisia), torture-disfigured face of Khaled Said (Egypt), and the arrest of Pakistani Chief Justice, Iftikhar Chaudry. Based on its findings, the dissertation argues that the ongoing political struggle in Muslim-majority countries is a much bigger phenomenon than the "Arab Spring." This study also makes a strong case that Pakistan experienced online informational activism long before the Arab Spring of 2011. Since political communication in Pakistan is a relatively under-researched field, academic archives do not provide sufficient information on the role and emergence of social media in the country, including how the new modes of digital communication serve as alternative channels of political activism against dictatorship. This dissertation intends to fill this void. The study also contributes to the existing literature on communication, social movements and political activism, which is predominantly specific to Western settings. Since this study applies Western approaches of social movements to non-Western settings, it helps to explicate the applicability of such approaches to non-Western societies and contexts. Furthermore, it is important to understand the role of social media as alternative channels of communication in closed, authoritarian societies where the traditional media serve only the interests of the ruling elites. In addition, the study helps to explain how the increasingly popular social media, e.g. YouTube, are contributing to civil liberties by challenging the authoritarian regimes of the Muslim World.

[pt] Nos últimos vinte anos, o funk tem sido uma das principais expressões culturais dos jovens das camadas populares do Rio de Janeiro. Porém, sua trajetória é bastante conturbada, ao mesmo tempo em que ganhava espaço na cena cultural da cidade, o funk também foi alvo de um processo de intensa perseguição e discriminação. Esse trabalho vai focalizar na Associação dos Profissionais e Amigos do Funk/APAFunk, criada por jovens funkeiros com o objetivo de lutar pelo reconhecimento do funk como movimento cultural e pela profissionalização de seus operadores, com o intuito de combater a exploração excessiva vigente no mercado do funk na atualidade. A hipótese central desse trabalho é a de que a organização em uma associação confere a eles um novo espaço de vocalização e liderança, em que a luta pelo funk, além de ser uma luta pela validação e respeito aos códigos culturais produzidos por esses jovens, é também uma luta pela ressignificação da posição social desses jovens e pela ampliação da democracia. / [en] Over the past twenty years, funk has been one of the major cultural expressions of young people from the popular classes in Rio de Janeiro. However, its trajectory is very troubled, while funk earned space in the city s cultural scene, it was also subject to a process of intense persecution and discrimination. This work will focus on the Associação dos Profissionais e Amigos do Funk /APAFunk, created by young funkeiros in order to fight for recognition of funk as a cultural movement and the professionalization of its operators, in order to combat the exploitation of the prevailing funk market today. The central hypothesis of this work is that organizing in an association gives them a new space of vocalization and leadership. The struggle for funk as well as being a struggle for validation and respect for cultural codes produced by these young people is also a struggle for the redefinition of the social position of these young people and the expansion of democracy.

[pt] Este trabalho se destina a refazer o percurso de desenvolvimento da cidadania a partir do fortalecimento dos valores da liberdade e da igualdade no contexto da modernização do Ocidente. O desenvolvimento gradual dos direitos humanos, enquanto direitos de cidadania, percorreu direções diversas, segundo as influências político-valorativas que inspiraram sua normatização pelas regiões do planeta que aderiram à revolução individualista. Deste modo, a permanente dificuldade de equacionar, ao mesmo tempo, a garantia dos direitos de liberdade e dos direitos de igualdade tem se mostrado ser a divergência central que impede a conquista da cidadania em sua totalidade. Percebe-se, assim, a condição flutuante que o conceito de cidadania adquire, entendido como uma construção histórica, diante das forças em disputa para a definição dos caminhos de desenvolvimento social, cultural e econômico que as sociedades optaram para si. Os movimentos sociais, como principais atores de uma sociedade civil organizada para a mudança social, neste sentido, aparecem como meio principal de definição de valores e práticas, seja na esfera da vida quanto no mundo institucional, com vistas à conquista de uma cidadania cada vez mais planetária. Sua ação, portanto, será objeto central desta análise por meio da realização de um estudo de caso sobre o processo do Fórum Social Mundial durante os onze anos de sua existência atento ao atual estado de organização da sociedade civil no contexto brasileiro pós redemocratização, a partir das conseqüências que o aprofundamento do fenômeno da globalização capitalista hegemônica trouxe para este país como para todo o mundo. / [en] This work is intended to retrace the path of development of citizenship based on the strengthening of the values of liberty and equality in the context of western modernization. The gradual development of human rights as rights of citizenship, traveled several directions, according to political-valorative influences that led to its normalization at the regions of the planet who joined the individualistic revolution. Thus, the continuing difficulty of overcoming, at the same time, safeguarding the rights of liberty and equality has been shown to be the central divergence that prevents the achievement of citizenship in its entirety. It is clear, therefore, the floating condition that the concept of citizenship acquires, understood as a historical building while under the influence of competing forces to define the paths of social, cultural and economic development societies have chosen for themselves. The social movements as major actors of civil society organized for social change, in this sense, appear as the primary means of shaping social values and practices, whether in the sphere of life and in the institutional world, with the aim to increase citizenship globally. Their action, therefore, is the central object of this analysis. To accomplish this goal, will be realized a case study on the World Social Forum process during the eleven years of its existence with emphasis on the current state of civil society organization in the brazilian post democratic context, from the consequences of the phenomenon that the deepening of the hegemonic capitalist globalization has brought to this country and around the world.