Thesis (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1965. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Bibliography: l. 57-58.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Syracuse University, 2005. / "Publication number AAT 3177008."

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Syracuse University, 2005. / "Publication number AAT 3194026."

No description available.

No description available.

<p>  </p> <p>Interpersonal relationships play a central role in well-being in adulthood. Built upon the life course and within-family perspectives, this dissertation investigates the generational origin of interpersonal relationships via socialization (i.e., intergenerational transmission of interpersonal relationship quality) and its consequences on well-being across generations in later-life families. </p> <p><br></p> <p>Despite a large body of literature on parents’ socialization of children leading to similar social development generationally, this literature has been criticized for lacking attention to socialization effects after childhood and issues of heterogeneity and selectivity. To advance knowledge in these aspects, drawing from theories of socialization and the life course, I examined the transmission of older mothers’ relationship quality with their mothers and fathers to their relationship quality with their own adult children in midlife in Chapter 2. I further studied how intergenerational transmission varies by relational dimension (closeness, tension) and adult children’s gender (sons, daughters). The evidence for intergenerational transmission of parent-child relationship quality found in this study complements family socialization literature by revealing the cumulative socialization influences in later-life families. The differential patterns of intergenerational transmission highlight social learning as a selective process based on the positivity or negativity of the relational dimension and the moderating role of social structural position (i.e., gender) in shaping the patterns of intergenerational transmission.</p> <p><br></p> <p>Built upon the core idea of intergenerational transmission, the aim of Chapter 3 is to broaden the study of social relationships and well-being from the family network lens by examining how intergenerational transmission of mother-child and friendship quality facilitates older generation’s interpersonal relationship quality to affect offspring’s psychological well-being. Although the implication of interpersonal relationship quality for well-being has been well-documented, prior literature has largely focused on the effect of one’s own relationship quality on psychological well-being. To advance knowledge on this issue, I examined the effects of older mothers transmitting the quality of their relationships with their own mothers and friends to adult children’s relationships with their friends and with the mothers themselves on adult children’s depressive symptoms. I further investigated how adult children’s gender shaped the ways in which mothers’ relationship quality affected adult children’s well-being. My findings support intergenerational transmission of interpersonal relationship quality as a mechanism by which mothers’ interpersonal relationship quality affects adult children’s well-being. The differential effect by adult children’s gender highlights the critical role gender plays in shaping the consequences of intergenerational transmission of interpersonal relationship quality on offspring’s well-being. </p> <p><br></p> <p>In summary, this dissertation applies the life course and within-family perspectives to studying intergenerational transmission of interpersonal relationship quality as a way by which the lives of family members are linked in aging families and the consequences of this interconnectedness for well-being across generations. Furthermore, it highlights the important role social structural position (i.e., gender) plays in shaping patterns and consequences of intergenerational transmission. </p>

Le thème de la socialisation des jeunes est un sujet de préoccupation pour toutes les sociétés du monde entier. Ceci est dû principalement au fait que l'avenir des communautés repose, en partie, sur l'efficacité avec laquelle elles accomplissent les tâches de préparation de cette composante importante de leur population, à devenir des adultes productifs qui contribueront au bien-être de leurs communautés. Dans les pays en voie de développement, caractérisé par un changement social rapide, une adaptation à des modes de vie non conventionnelles de la part des générations futures, dont les trajectoires croisent des contextes entièrement différents, l'explication minutieuse des déterminants de la socialisation des jeunes est incontournable. Au Kenya, les changements sociétaux et les comportements, exacerbés par les vulnérabilités associées au développement, créent souvent une confluence de facteurs qui placent les jeunes devant de grands risques. Par conséquent, la nécessité de transformer les institutions sociales ordinaires de la société, en tant que cadres de socialisation, pour les rendre pertinentes dans la préparation des jeunes aux défis de l'avenir, est inévitable. Portant sur une société du Kisii rural, Masaba Sud – Ouest, l'étude a cherché à établir comment le changement de la famille et celui d'autres institutions sociales clés, telles que l'éducation, la religion et les médias, ont un impact sur la socialisation de la communauté des jeunes. Le modèle écologique pour le développement humain (Urie Bronfenbrenner, 1994) et l’examen des parcours de vie ont été adoptés comme modèle conceptuel et méthodologique de l'étude. Les résultats de l'étude offrent une vue particulièrement nuancée des défis de socialisation pour une période de changement sans précédent dans un cadre rural du Kenya. Il est démontré que les socio-valeurs culturelles et les normes communautaires qui influencent le processus de socialisation ne sont pas constantes, mais qu’elles changent toujours et d’une façon parfois contradictoire et qu’elles sont perçues différemment par les jeunes et les membres plus âgés de la société, affectant ainsi négativement la capacité des parents et des autres anciens de réguler les jeunes. En outre, il est démontré que l'adoption de nouvelles structures sociales, conduisant à l'interruption de la transmission de comportements spécifiques, ne donne pas lieu à l'échec de la socialisation, mais offre de plus grandes voies pour favoriser un comportement positif. Au niveau national, la politique en charge du développement de la jeunesse est pleine de lacunes, en termes de politiques suivies, d’autant que les interventions n'ont pas été fondées sur une évaluation éclairée des problèmes. De même, les programmes pour les jeunes ont constamment été guidés par la philosophie du déficit et par des approches orientées. Ainsi, l'idéologie qui sous-tend le développement des jeunes, a souvent mis l'accent sur les projets centrés sur la transmission des compétences professionnelles et l'accès aux services financiers des jeunes, alors que fait défaut une politique familiale explicite. L'étude apporte une contribution à une recherche qui vise à comprendre les entraves structurelles, les nouvelles voies et transitions des jeunes à l'âge adulte et les chemins de développement personnel basé sur de nouvelles façons et attitudes, marquées par l'interaction humaine. / The subject of youth socialization is a concern for all societies worldwide. The future of communities rests, in part on how effectively they accomplish the tasks of preparing this important component of their population to become productive adults. In developing countries, characterized by rapid social change, the adaptation and unconventional life patterns of future generations, whose growth trajectories will occur in an entirely different context, calls for careful explication of the determinants of the socialization young people. In Kenya, the societal shifts and behavioral patterns, exacerbated by the unique developmental vulnerabilities often create a confluence of factors that put youth at great risk. Hence, the need to transform the ordinary institutions of society, as socializing contexts to make them relevant in preparing young people for the challenges of the future role taking is inevitable. Set in a society in rural Kisii, Masaba South – Western Kenya, the study sought to establish how the changes in the family and that of other key social institutions such as education, religion and the media impact the socialization of the youth in the community. The ecological model for human development by Urie Bronfenbrenner (1994) and the life course framework have been adopted as the conceptual model for the study. The results of the study offer an unusually nuanced view of socialization challenges in a time of unprecedented change in Kenya’s rural setting. It is shown that socio- cultural values and community norms that influence the socialization process are not constant, but always changing and sometimes contradictory and are perceived differently by young people and older members of society, thereby adversely affecting the capacity of parents and other elders to regulate the youth. In addition, it is shown that the adoption of new social structures though leading to the disruption of the transmission of specific behaviors, do not result to failure in effective socialization, but offers greater pathways for imparting positive behavior. At national level, the policy with regard to youth development is full of gaps, in terms of policy and reality, especially since the interventions are not predicated on informed assessment. Similarly, youth programs have consistently been guided by the philosophy of deficit and problem oriented approaches. Thus, the ideology that underpins the development of young people often focuses on projects focusing on imparting vocational skills and access to financial services for young people that have already “fallen off the cracks”. More critical, the country lacks an explicit family policy on whose lenses issues affecting the family and its various population segments, especially the youth could be examined. The study makes an important contribution to the understanding of the emergent area of research aimed at understanding the structural obstacles to young people’s transition to adulthood by creating new channels and orientation for seeking pathways to personal development based on new ways and attitudes of human interaction.

<p dir="ltr"><a href="" target="_blank">The goal of this study was to contribute to the research on determinants of caregiving by exploring whether adult children’s health problems shape their involvement in their mothers’ care. Drawing from equity theory and contingent exchange theory (Davey & Eggebeen, 1998; Davey & Norris, 1998; Walster et al., 1978), I proposed that adult children with health problems would be less likely to be their mothers’ primary caregivers but more likely to be their mothers’ secondary caregivers compared to their healthier siblings. Additionally, based on gender role development theories (Chodorow, 1978; Gilligan, 1982; Leaper & Friedman, 2007), I hypothesized that health problems would reduce sons’, but not daughters’, likelihood of serving as their mothers’ primary caregivers. The results of both the quantitative and qualitative analyses revealed that from both the mothers’ and children’s perspectives, adult children with and without health problems were equally as likely to serve as their mothers’ primary or secondary caregivers. Furthermore, the results suggested that daughters were expected to provide care despite their own health obstacles, whereas this expectation was not present for sons. The findings suggested that adult children with health problems are still participants in their mothers’ care and should be included in conversations regarding planning for their mothers’ future care needs and current caregiving arrangements. Additionally, the findings highlighted how providing care comes at a higher cost for children with health problems compared to their healthier siblings. Future research should investigate how additional support to caregivers with health problems may lead to better caregiving outcomes for both the caregivers and care recipients.</a></p>

Les migrations internationales modifient les rôles attribués à chacun.e dans une famille et nécessitent des réaménagements en conséquence de l’absence d'un.e ou plusieurs membres. Cette recherche examine les implications d'une pratique familiale qui consiste à faire grandir au Sénégal des enfants nés dans les pays de destination. La reproduction des statuts sociaux au croisement de deux espaces nationaux se négocient – entre autres – par le choix du lieu où grandissent les enfants et des personnes en charge de les élever. Le focus est mis sur les stratégies des mères car ce sont elles qui ont la charge du soin quotidien des enfants en migration, et parce que les enfants sont, pour la plupart, accueillis par des membres de leur parenté utérine à Dakar. Les parents migrants de cette enquête, issus de différentes fractions des classes moyennes dakaroises, évaluent les quartiers ségrégués, populaires et immigrés où ils résident dans les pays de migration comme risqués pour la socialisation de leurs enfants. L’incertitude qui pèse sur le devenir des enfants nés en migration (carrières déviantes, échec scolaire) met en danger la reproduction sociale des maisonnées transnationales et les projets de mobilité sociale des parents. Ainsi ces derniers luttent-ils pour transmettre à leurs enfants à la fois les ressources de l’autochtonie (normes, relations, écoles privées, environnement protégé) et les ressources internationales (travail, études supérieures, langues, droit de circulation) au travers de stratégies de socialisation et de relocalisation de leurs enfants à Dakar. Appuyée sur une enquête ethnographique multi-sites (douze mois de terrain, neuf mois au Sénégal, trois mois dans les pays de migration), cette recherche analyse comment ces pratiques transnationales reflètent des modes de lutte contre le déclassement social, ethno-racial et statutaire subi en migration, selon des (dis)-positions sociales et des ressources de départ différentes. Entre projets de retour (au Sénégal), investissements scolaires privés, logiques économiques et normes sociales, ce mode de prise en charge des enfants est intimement lié et contraint par le cadre politique et le contexte économique du pays de naissance des enfants (États-Unis, France, Italie). La décision de laisser partir un enfant au Sénégal est ainsi attachée à des politiques migratoires, familiales et scolaires. Cet arrangement apparemment singulier est toutefois exemplaire d »une façon d’émigrer perçue comme provisoire ou du moins sans rupture, ainsi que de liens affectifs et économiques qui dépassent largement ceux d’un modèle conjugal et nucléaire de la famille. / International migration results in the reconfiguration of the roles taken up by each family member, requiring readjustments in the absence of one or more relatives. This study examines the implications of the kinship practice of sending children who were born abroad to grow up in Senegal, their parent’s country of origin. The reproduction of social status at the intersection of two national spaces is negotiated, in part, by the choice of where children will live and who will take charge of bringing them up. Here, I focus on mother’s strategies, given that they are most often in charge of the daily care of children in the context of migration, and because in most cases, the children studied were welcomed by members of their maternal kin in Dakar.The migrant parents in this study, who come from various segments of Dakar’s middle class, esteem that the segregated, lower-class, and immigrant neighborhoods where they live abroad represent a risk for their children’s socialization. This uncertainty, which weighs heavily on the futures of children born in migration (the risk of deviance and scholarly failure) endangers the social reproduction of transnational households and their parents’ ambitions of social mobility. As such, these caregivers strive to transmit to their children, both the resources of their country of origin (social norms and relations, private schools, a protected environment) and international resources (work, higher education, language skills, rights to travel) through socialization strategies and by moving their children to Dakar. Drawing on multi-sited ethnographic fieldwork (twelve months total, nine in Senegal and three in countries of migration), this study analyzes how these transnational practices reflect various means through which families fight against the treat of downward social mobility, relative to their ethnicity/race and assigned status in migration and associated with their social positions and resources pre-migration. Between ambitions to return to Senegal, investments in private schooling, economic logics, and social norms, the means of caring for one’s children is intimately linked and constrained by the political economic context in the children’s country of birth (United States, France, or Italy). The decision to send one’s child to grow up in Senegal is thus bound up with the politics of migration, in families, and of schools. This arrangement, apparently exceptional, is nonetheless exemplary of a form of emigration perceived to be temporary or at least without rupture, and affective and economic connections which far exceed the nuclear family.

Single activities have long been places where single people can come to meet friends, build community or look for partners. The activities have relevance for studies of heterosexuality, intimacy, personal life and space. This dissertation discusses a conference, a cruise, an online site and an association for heterosexual singles in contemporary Sweden. It shows how these activities, analysed as organising people and spaces, offer participants different versions of intimacy, relationships, personal life and ultimately singledom itself.  The concept non-relationality is coined to describe how people understand and enact what it means to lack a certain kind of relationship. Multi-sited ethnographic observations are combined with interviews and a survey (n=416). The chosen methods allow insight into both the heterogeneous character of the contemporary single activity scene, as well as existing tendencies to form communities. The group whose single activities are examined is deemed fairly typical of the single population at large. Nevertheless, most conclusions centre on the specific set of activities described in the book and relate them to historical examples and theory. The single activities examined can be interpreted to enact different practices entailed in a relationship without necessarily demanding commitment to a whole relationship or a specific person. In that way, the activities accommodate the inflexible personal lives that some singles report having. This challenges strict boundaries between coupledom and singledom. Such transgressive or “hetero-doxical” potential in single activities is nevertheless circumscribed by organisers’ notion that the activities provide therapeutic community in a phase before singles take the step (back) into coupledom.