Ces dernières années, le centre de gravité géopolitique du monde se déplace progressivement vers l’Asie-Pacifique, un phénomène marqué notamment par l’influence croissante de la Chine et de son rôle joué dans cette région. En même temps, l’influence considérable des médias en tant qu’acteurs essentiels dans la mutation géopolitique pousse le gouvernement chinois à renforcer son soft power, visant à promouvoir l’influence et le rayonnement du pays à travers ses médias. Cela nous invite à examiner le rôle des médias chinois dans le pouvoir d’influence de la Chine en Asie-Pacifique sur la période récente (2007 – 2016). Reposant sur l’analyse de contenus des médias chinois, notre étude de la représentation de l’influence chinoise en Asie-Pacifique montre que ceux-ci s’attachent plus à exposer la puissance militaire, les pouvoirs d'influence économique et politique de la Chine, alors que le soft power culturel du pays (tel son rayonnement en Asie de l’Est) n'est pas mis en évidence. Notre recherche montre ensuite que les médias chinois sont devenus des acteurs essentiels dans les conflits géopolitiques en Asie-Pacifique, qu’ils contribuent à façonner une image de respectabilité et à promouvoir les visions du monde de la Chine. Cependant, l’influence des médias chinois en Asie-Pacifique est limitée, puisqu’ils restent un outil de propagande visant à nourrir le nationalisme domestique et à défendre le régime chinois actuel. / The geopolitical center of the world is gradually shifting towards the Asia-Pacificregion in recent years, and this change is marked in particular by the growinginfluence of China and its role in this region. At the same time, the massiveinfluence of the media as key players in the geopolitical mutation is pushing theChinese government to strengthen its soft power and to promote the influence ofthe country through its media. This brings us to examine the role of the Chinesemedia in China's power of influence in Asia-Pacific from 2007 to 2016.Based on the analysis of Chinese media, our study on China's influence onAsia-Pacific region shows that the Chinese media focus more on China's militarypower, economic and political influence, while the soft cultural power of thecountry is not highlighted. Our research then shows that the Chinese media havebecome key players in Asia-Pacific geopolitical conflicts, helping to shape aChinese respectability image and promoting its worldviews. However, theinfluence of the Chinese media on Asia-Pacific is limited, as they remain a tool ofpropaganda to nourish nationalism, and defend its current regime.

Cette thèse s'intéresse à la place de la ville dans les films, aux qualités de l'urbain mises en avant par le cinéma, et à la portée géopolitique des représentations de la ville pour l'État qui l'abrite et qu'elle incarne. Les films structurent notre imaginaire, mais également notre réel, c'est à dire notre rapport à la réalité, notre lecture du monde au quotidien. Ils font le lien entre nos connaissances et nos croyances. En somme, ils construisent notre regard et orientent nos représentations. C'est à ce titre qu'ils deviennent des outils politiques et participent aux stratégies d'influence étatiques. En focalisant l'analyse sur la représentation ciné-géographique de Hong Kong et sur son impact pour le soft power chinois, ce travail de recherches interroge la métropole hongkongaise et son rapport à la Chine, mais également l'importance nouvelle que la République Populaire accorde au soft power, ainsi que la place que tiennent le cinéma et les représentations cinématographiques de son territoire, dans sa politique d'influence. En prenant en compte les représentations cinématographiques de la métropole hongkongaise produites par Hollywood, cette thèse questionne enfin la manière dont l'Occident se saisit d'un territoire de l' « ailleurs ». À ce titre, elle interroge non seulement la relation spatiale et symbolique entre ici et autre part, mais aussi entre nous et autrui. / This thesis focuses on the role that cities occupy in films, on the urban traits they project, and on the geopolitical values of such representations to the governing State. Films not only provide structure for our imaginations, they also play a part in the perception of ‘realness’: how we perceive the real world in our daily lives, establishing a connection between our knowledge and our beliefs. As such, they construct the framework in which we view the world and also influence our representations and perceptions. As such, they become political tools, used as mass influencers by the State. Focusing on the analysis of how Hong Kong is represented in films and also on the impact these representations have on Chinese soft power, this thesis examines the metropolis of Hong Kong and its relationship with China, but also questions the People’s Republic of China’s newly placed importance on the idea of soft power, as well as the way its territories are represented in films. Taking into account Western approaches of cinematographic representations of Hong Kong, especially those originating from Hollywood, but also representations originating from Hong Kong, this thesis questions the way in which the West appropriates the notion of ‘otherness’. In summary, not only the spatial and symbolic relationship between here and there is examined, but also between them and us.

Depuis le début du vingt-et-unième siècle, la République Populaire de Chine (RPC) est engagée dans une spectaculaire offensive de charme sur le continent africain. Cette stratégie chinoise n’est pas nouvelle et s’inscrit dans le cadre légal fixé par la Déclaration finale de la conférence de Bandung de 1955. Depuis cette date, et davantage depuis la création du FOCAC en 2000, l’importance de l’Afrique dans la quête d’influence globale de la Chine Populaire n’a cessé de croitre, alliant désormais influence économique et influence culturelle. L’Afrique subsaharienne francophone est un terrain propice à l’étude de cette nouvelle stratégie chinoise. Ce cadre spatial nous permet de constater qu’à travers les Instituts Confucius, les médias publics chinois et la médecine chinoise dite « traditionnelle » (MTC), les dirigeants chinois entendent tout mettre en œuvre afin de préserver leurs intérêts économiques en Afrique et faciliter l’intégration de leurs entreprises et communautés diasporiques. Précisons tout de même qu’à travers l’apprentissage du mandarin, les africains parviennent à tirer avantage de ce soft power chinois. Toutefois, la relative intégration des chinois, le caractère propagandiste des IC et médias chinois, ainsi que le recourt par les entreprises chinoises basées en Afrique à de l’importation de main d’œuvre, pratique encore en vigueur aujourd’hui, contribuent à ternir l’image de la Chine Populaire auprès des opinions publiques africaines. En outre, cette percée culturelle chinoise en Afrique subsaharienne francophone a eu un impact notoire sur la diplomatie culturelle du partenaire historique, la France, mais aussi sur la Francophonie. De ce fait, elle contribue à une redéfinition des rapports de forces et a induit l’émergence de partenariats trilatéraux. / Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, the People's Republic of China (PRC) has embarked in a spectacular charm offensive in Africa. This Chinese strategy is not new and falls within the legal framework established by the Bandung Final Declaration of 1955. Since then, and particularly since the establishing of FOCAC in 2000, the importance of Africa for the Global influence of the People's Republic of China has continued to grow, combining economic influence with cultural influence. Francophone sub-Saharan Africa is a good ground for studying this new Chinese strategy. This space frame allows us to see through the Confucius Institutes, the Chinese public media and the “traditional Chinese medicine (TCM)”, the Chinese leaders intend to make every effort to preserve their economic interests in Africa and facilitate the integration of their businesses and diasporic communities. It should be noted that Africans are able to take advantage of this Chinese soft power. However, the relative integration of Chinese, the propagandist character of IC and the Chinese media, as well as the importation of labor by the Chinese companies’ bases in Africa, contribute to tarnish the image of Popular China among African public opinion. In addition, this Chinese cultural breakthrough in francophone sub-Saharan Africa has had an endless impact on the cultural diplomacy of the historical partner, France, and also on Francophonie. As a result, it contributes to a redefinition of the balance of power and to the emergence of trilateral partnerships.

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This diploma thesis examines the image of Hong Kong's pro-democracy protests in 2019 in the Czech and Chinese media. The framing of these protests in selected media is compared using the method of quantitative content analysis, with the aim of revealing similarities and differences both between the individual Czech media in the context of the Czech public debate on China and between the Czech and Chinese media. The theoretical part of this thesis presents the concepts of media theory such as framing, agenda setting and social construction of reality and characterizes the specifics of given media systems. Furthermore, the work describes the previous findings of the protest paradigm, which are then employed in analytical part of this study. At the same time, the concept of soft power with Chinese characteristics and its specific manifestations in the efforts of the People's Republic of China to influence the Czech public debate on China is introduced. The methodological part then presents the research goal, research questions and hypotheses, defines the research sample and the research method used, including the characteristics of individual variables. The analytical part of the work presents the results of the research, which are then discussed in the framework of previous findings of the protest...

Before this study was conducted, there was a research gap in the current field of international relations. The purpose of this study was to examine why the EU has not established a common defence policy and a common defence. In order to address this, a theoretical framework based on realism and liberalism was created. Taken together, this study thus filled that gap and provided new insight on EU’s defence policy. The method that was used to conduct the research was a case study and the material consisted of the Treaty of Lisbon, EU key documents, as well as numerous of theoretical works concerning realism and liberalism. The study is of an explaining nature and the analysis seeks to explain the research question by testing it on the theoretical framework. The study concludes that the theoretical framework is able to explain the research question. Both realism and liberalism contributed with significant insight on why the EU has not established a common defence policy and a common defence. The main result shows that realism answers the research question by pointing out the role that member states play, and that liberalism, in contrast, points at the role EU as a unitary institution plays.

The decision to institute Area Studies in German universities in 1917, was born out of a perceived need to widen the intellectual horizon of the public and academia alike. At Greifswald University this ambitious reform programme saw the foundation of a Nordic Institute, charged with interdisciplinary studies of contemporary Northern Europe. Its interdisciplinarity and implicit role in public diplomacy made the Nordic Institute, and the institutions that succeeded it, an anomaly within the university, until the institute was fundamentally reformed in the early 1990s. The study explores the institutional development of the institute under five different political regimes – Kaiserreich, Weimar Republic, Third Reich, GDR and FRG. It does so through the lens of scholars as utility-seeking actors, manoeuvring between the confines of an academic environment and the possibilities afforded by the institute’s political task. It becomes apparent that the top-down institution of interdisciplinary scholarship produced a number of conflicts between the disciplinarily organized career path on theone hand, and scholars’ investment in broader regional research on the other. Personal conflicts in a confined and competitive environment, and a persistent shortage of funding provided further incentives for scholars to overcome perceived limitations of the academic sphere by offering their cooperation to the political field. Individual attempts to capitalize on a reciprocal exchange of resources with the political field remained a feature under all political regimes, but the opportunity to do so successfully depended on the receptiveness of the political field. Cooperation, where it was established, also proved to be difficult, with the interests of political and academic actors often diverging, and the political side’s interest becoming dominant. The study examines the underlying motivations of scholars to seek assistance from outside the academic field, but also the problems connected with that approach, and demonstrates the specific problems faced by Area Studies in a German context.

Il s'agit d'étudier la tentative de la Turquie de se positionner comme une puissance sur les échiquiers eurasiens et caucasiens sous la présidence de Turgut Ozal

<p><strong>Title:</strong> Images of Sweden in Italy</p><p><strong>Number of pages:</strong> 5252 (589 including enclosures)</p><p><strong>Author:</strong> Oskar Gustafsson</p><p><strong>Tutor: </strong>Martin Nilsson</p><p><strong>Course:</strong> Political Science C level – Bachelor’s Thesis</p><p><strong>Period: </strong>Spring term 2010</p><p><strong>University: </strong>School of Social Sciences</p><p>Linnaeus University</p><p><strong>Purpose/Aim:</strong> The purpose of my research study is to, through the use of political science theories on soft power and marketing theories about nation branding and in comparison to previous studies on the image of Sweden in Italy, gains a better understanding of the image of Sweden in Italy, with special focus on national political institutions and young Italians.</p><p><strong>Method: </strong>The method of analysis is a combination of qualitative methods: interviews where information about the image of Sweden amongst national political institutions were gathered and a survey where information was gathered about the image of Sweden amongst young Italians.</p><p><strong>Main results: </strong>On the basis of the results I have gained it can be concluded that a positive and well informed image of Sweden emerges when it comes to cultural and social factors but a more restricted and somewhat negative image come to light when asking national political institutions and young citizens in Italy about their views and knowledge on Swedish domestic and international politics and economics.</p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong>Soft power, Public Diplomacy, Nation Branding, Images of Sweden, Italy.</p>

The United States lost its prime opponent, the Soviet Union, since Post-Cold War. To assure its hegemonic status, Joseph Nye initiated the strategy of soft power to former President Bush and Clinton’s administration, and which had influenced People’s Republic of China (as known as a potential enemy to U.S.) profoundly. Soft power is such a wonderful elementary factor that made a dictatorial state like China a huge change both in its polity and image of the world. Moreover, China had been activated by American strategy of soft power, and eventually developed its own ‘Chinese character’ soft power, which had attracted at least by its peripheral states. Commensurate with its rapid economic and diplomatic development, China used to be considered as “China’s threat”, then due to China’s soft power strategy in terms of “Confucianism” and “Wang Dao”(benign) thought had been well responded by the world. As a dominated state, maybe it is time for the United States to think about trying not to conduct the soft power as a diplomatic tool only, but to seek a new strategy of soft power that combined tolerance and respect toward the others. Anyway, by the engagement of soft power among international relations, and the interdependency of regional economy, the author has an optimistic view for a harmonious world in the future. Key words: Post-Cold War, soft power, China’s threat, Wang Dao, harmonious world. / The United States lost its prime opponent, the Soviet Union, since Post-Cold War. To assure its hegemonic status, Joseph Nye initiated the strategy of soft power to former President Bush and Clinton’s administration, and which had influenced People’s Republic of China (as known as a potential enemy to U.S.) profoundly. Soft power is such a wonderful elementary factor that made a dictatorial state like China a huge change both in its polity and image of the world. Moreover, China had been activated by American strategy of soft power, and eventually developed its own ‘Chinese character’ soft power, which had attracted at least by its peripheral states. Commensurate with its rapid economic and diplomatic development, China used to be considered as “China’s threat”, then due to China’s soft power strategy in terms of “Confucianism” and “Wang Dao”(benign) thought had been well responded by the world. As a dominated state, maybe it is time for the United States to think about trying not to conduct the soft power as a diplomatic tool only, but to seek a new strategy of soft power that combined tolerance and respect toward the others. Anyway, by the engagement of soft power among international relations, and the interdependency of regional economy, the author has an optimistic view for a harmonious world in the future. Key words: Post-Cold War, soft power, China’s threat, Wang Dao, harmonious world.