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No description available.

The Germanic initial sound combination wr (e.g. in *wrītan 'write') has not been preserved in any standard language. In the Scandinavian languages the development of this sound combination has resulted in five different initial sounds or sound combinations, namely rw, r, w, br and vr. The aim of this study is to describe the occurrence of these sound combinations, and to explain their age and origin. A limited number of words, mainly from Swedish dialects, has been investigated. The Swedish material has been assembled in a collection that has largely also been mapped, and so has a collection of Norwegian dialect material. The result shows that br is frequent in the Swedish dialects and that it also occurs in Trøndelagen and Østlandet in Norway, and on Jutland. R is widespread in Norway and occurs in Sweden in some words in Norrland, Dalarna, Värmland, Dalsland, Uppland and on the island of Gotland. Rw has been documented in Upper Dalarna, and w in the same area, as well as in the Kalix dialect in northernmost Sweden. The author demonstrates that the Norwegian loss of w might have started already in the 6th century in western Norway. The loss on Gotland is independent and can be demonstrated in Old Gutnish. The metathesis rw is found in Swedish and Norwegian 13-14th century sources from Uppland, Västmanland, Östergötland and southeastern Norway. The developments wr &gt; r and wr &gt; rw probably have their roots in a difference between the west Norwegian wr and the east Norwegian and Swedish war which is documented from PrimScand times. W is a secondary development of rw. The change wr &gt; br can be dated by place-name material to the early 15th century. The change wr &gt; vr appears to have taken place at approximately the same time. The author demonstrates that the result, wr &gt; br or wr &gt; yr, is apparently governed by certain phonetic factors. The failure of the Germanic wr to survive depends on the combination being phonetically complex. The risk that w would be lost was therefore considerable. However, differentiating forces worked for its retention. All developments emanating from wr, apparently disparate, can be seen as features of a larger process where a general linguistic tendency towards a weakening of sounds is confronted by conservative forces, with the above results as a consequence. / <p>Doktorsavhandling vid Uppsala universitet 1991</p>

The phenomenon of an ongoing sound change leads in some cases to the pronunciation of short ö becoming more like that of short u. This thesis examines the relationship between short ö and u in Uppland Swedish. The localities included in the investigation were Uppsala, Norrtälje, Östervåla and Gräsö. In particular, the thesis examines the effects of age, gender and social status on the acquisition of a pronunciation where the phonemes are produced in a similar way, and whether the change occurs earlier in some words than others. The informants on Gräsö appear to have the highest occurrence of the merger, while those in Norrtälje are best at keeping ö and u apart. In general, men have a smaller difference between ö and u than women. Three different age groups were analysed and the results show that the oldest informants have the largest difference between ö and u and the youngest informants have the smallest difference. There are no significant differences between the three social status groups, but there is a tendency for those with the lowest social status to be better at keeping the phonemes apart than those with the highest social status. 13 minimal (or near-minimal) pairs were analysed to investigate whether the phonetic context has an effect on the degree to which ö and u are becoming more similar. The study shows that the smallest phonetic difference is found for word pairs with r occurring in the preceding or following context. The largest phonetic distance was found in word pairs beginning with a vowel. The study also examined whether there is a relationship between production, perception and attitude to u-sounding ö in Uppsala. By combining the production test results with the informants’ categorisation of u and ö in the perception test, the study shows that the informants with a small phonetic distance in their own speech were better at categorising stimuli correctly than the speakers who had a larger phonetic distance between ö and u in their own speech.

The thesis aims at explicit description of Old Czech common nouns declension with regard to its application in a tool for automatic morphological analysis of (digitized) texts in Old Czech. This means that this description is intended to serve as a basis for automatic generation of word forms (jointly with their appropriate morphological information and lemma) which will then be used for assigning morphological categories (gender, number, case) and lemma to word forms occurring in Old Czech digitized texts. The thesis thus develops a base for the first step in transformation of text banks (which currently exist for the Old Czech period) into an Old Czech corpus offering more possibilities for linguistic research. The Old Czech period is defined as a period from the beginning of the 14th century (more precisely from the period when first coherent texts written in Czech appeared) approx. to the end of the 15th century. Nouns were chosen for this work, because they cover approx. 30% of texts in current Czech (which is the highest percentage from all parts of speech). Old Czech texts are taken into account only in a transcribed form (based on transcription rules used in the Old Czech Text Bank developed at the Institute of the Czech Language of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic). On the one...

Αντικείμενο μελέτης της εργασίας είναι η διαχρονία της ανύψωσης φωνηέντων στη Νεότερη Ελληνική. Αρχικά, παρουσιάζεται η ιστορική πορεία του φαινομένου και διατυπώνεται μια πρόταση για τη χρονολόγησή του. Κατόπιν, εξετάζονται συγχρονικά οι όροι εφαρμογής και η γεωγραφική κατανομή του φαινομένου στη Νέα Ελληνική και επιχειρείται μια σύγκριση των ελληνικών δεδομένων με δεδομένα άλλων γλωσσών. Επίσης, υιοθετείται μια ανάλυση στο πλαίσιο της Θεωρίας του Βέλτιστου και συζητώνται τα μειονεκτήματά της. Τέλος, με αφετηρία την ανύψωση φωνηέντων της Ελληνικής, θίγονται ορισμένα θεωρητικά θέματα σε σχέση με τη φωνολογική μεταβολή και τους τρόπους με τους οποίους αυτή εξαπλώνεται. / This study examines the diachrony of vowel raising in Greek. First, it presents the historical evolution of this phenomenon and deals with its dating. Then, it describes the conditioning environment of raising and its geographical distribution in Modern Greek. Moreover, Greek data is compared to relevant cross-linguistic data. An Optimality theoretic analysis is presented and its drawbacks are discussed. Last but not least, it is argued that the Greek phenomenon under scrutiny can contribute to a better understanding of sound change and how it spreads.

Cette étude porte sur les corrélats phonétiques des registres tonals yin vs. yang du shanghaïen parlé dans la région urbaine de Shanghai. Nos investigations acoustique, articulatoire et perceptive ont montré qu’en dehors du F0, des indices multi-dimensionnels comme le voisement (voisé pour yang et non-voisé pour yin), le pattern de durée (ratio C/V bas pour yang et élevé pour yin), et le type de phonation (soufflé pour yang et modal pour yin) participent tous à la définition du registre tonal. Parmi tous ces indices, nous tâchons de distinguer les traits redondants liés aux effets coarticulatoires de ceux qui sont des survivants de changements diachroniques. En particulier, la voix soufflée qui accompagne les tons yang est un trait anciennement distinctif et aujourd’hui redondant, issu d’une évolution tonale qui est la transphonologization de distinction de voisement vers la distinction de registre tonal, ou « bipartition tonale ». Nous proposons que la perte d’un trait redondant issu d’un changement diachronique peut être très lente si ce trait ne contrarie pas les effets coarticulatoires et/ou si le trait a une fonction perceptive.En nous basant sur les données synchroniques des locuteurs de deux générations (20-30 ans vs. 60-80 ans), nous constatons une tendance vers la disparition de cette phonation soufflée. Nous constatons également une évolution plus avancée chez les femmes que les hommes de leur âge. Dans notre étude, nous essayons d’expliquer ce changement tant par des causes internes que par des causes externes. / This study bears on the phonetic correlates of the yin vs. yang tone registers of Shanghai Chinese as spoken in Shanghai urban area. Our acoustic, articulatory, and perceptual investigations showed that beside F0, multidimensional cues, such as voicing (voiced for yang vs. voiceless for yin), duration pattern (low C/V ratio for yang vs. high C/V ratio for yin), and phonation type (breathy for yang vs. modal for yin) enter in the specification of tone register. Among all these cues, we attempt to distinguish the redundant features related to coarticulatory effects from those that are remnants of diachronic changes. In particular, the breathy voice accompanying yang tones, which was a distinctive feature in a previous state of the language and has now become a redundant feature, arose from a tonal evolution, namely the transphonologization of a voicing contrast into a tone register contrast, that is, the “tone split.” We propose that the loss of a redundant arisen from a diachronic change may be very slow if that feature does not oppose to coarticulatory effects and/or if that feature has a perceptual function.Based on the synchronic data from the speakers of two generations (20-30 years vs. 60-80 years), we find a trend toward the loss of this breathy phonation. We also find that this evolution is more advanced in women than men of the same age. In our study, we try to explain this change by internal factors as well as by external factors.

The variety of middle-class speakers in St. John’s conforms to some degree to mainland Canadian-English pronunciation norms, but in complex and distinctive ways (Clarke, 1985, 1991, 2010; D’Arcy, 2005; Hollett, 2006). One as yet unresolved question is whether speakers of this variety participate in the Canadian Shift (cf. Clarke, 2012; Chambers, 2012), a chain shift of the lax front vowels that has been confirmed for many different regions of Canada (e.g. Roeder and Gardner, 2013, for Thunder Bay and Toronto, Sadlier-Brown and Tamminga, 2008, for Halifax and Vancouver). While acoustic phonetic analyses of St. John’s English are rare, some claims have been made that urban St. John’s speakers do not participate in the shift, based on two or six speakers (Labov, Ash & Boberg, 2006; Boberg 2010). Other researchers with larger data sets suggest that younger St. John’s speakers participate in mainland Canadians innovations to different degrees than mainlanders (e.g. Hollett, 2006). The Canadian Shift has not been uniformly defined, but agreement exists that with the low-back merger in place, BATH/TRAP retracts and consequently DRESS lowers. Clarke et al. (1995), unlike Labov et al. (2006), assert that KIT is subsequently lowered. Boberg (2005, 2010), however, emphasizes retraction of KIT and DRESS and suggests unrelated parallel shifts instead. In this PhD thesis, I demonstrate the presence of the Canadian Shift in St. John’s, NL, conforming to Clarke et al.’s (1995) original proposal. In my stratified randomly-sampled data (approx. 10,000 vowels, 34 interviewees, stratified as to age, gender, socioeconomic status, and “local-ness”), results from Euclidean distance measures, correlation coefficients, and linear, as well as logistic, mixed-effects regression show that (1) young St. John’s speakers clearly participate in the shift; and that (2) age has the strongest and a linear effect. Continuous modeling of age yields even more significant results for participation in a classic chain shift (6% decrease in lowering per added year). My findings also confirm that the change seems to have entered the system via formal styles (cf. Clarke, 1991, 2010, for TRAP in St. John’s). Traditionally, the linguistic homogeneity on a phonetic level of the Canadian middle class has been explained by Canada’s settlement and migration patterns of the North American Loyalists from Ontario to the west (cf. Chambers, 2009). Newfoundland’s settlement is distinct, in that the British and the Irish were the only two relevant sources. If settlement were the only crucial reason for a shared pronunciation of Canada’s middle class from Vancouver to St. John’s, the Canadian Shift should be absent in the latter region. I suggest three reasons for middle-class St. John’s’ participation in the Canadian Shift: 1) Newfoundland’s 300-year-old rural-urban divide as a result of its isolation, through which British/Irish features are attributed to rural und lower social class speakers; 2) the development of the oil industry since the 1990’s, through which social networks changed according to the perception of social distance/closeness; and 3) the importance of the linguistic marketplace, which is high in St. John’s due to 1) and 2).

The variety of middle-class speakers in St. John’s conforms to some degree to mainland Canadian-English pronunciation norms, but in complex and distinctive ways (Clarke, 1985, 1991, 2010; D’Arcy, 2005; Hollett, 2006). One as yet unresolved question is whether speakers of this variety participate in the Canadian Shift (cf. Clarke, 2012; Chambers, 2012), a chain shift of the lax front vowels that has been confirmed for many different regions of Canada (e.g. Roeder and Gardner, 2013, for Thunder Bay and Toronto, Sadlier-Brown and Tamminga, 2008, for Halifax and Vancouver). While acoustic phonetic analyses of St. John’s English are rare, some claims have been made that urban St. John’s speakers do not participate in the shift, based on two or six speakers (Labov, Ash & Boberg, 2006; Boberg 2010). Other researchers with larger data sets suggest that younger St. John’s speakers participate in mainland Canadians innovations to different degrees than mainlanders (e.g. Hollett, 2006). The Canadian Shift has not been uniformly defined, but agreement exists that with the low-back merger in place, BATH/TRAP retracts and consequently DRESS lowers. Clarke et al. (1995), unlike Labov et al. (2006), assert that KIT is subsequently lowered. Boberg (2005, 2010), however, emphasizes retraction of KIT and DRESS and suggests unrelated parallel shifts instead. In this PhD thesis, I demonstrate the presence of the Canadian Shift in St. John’s, NL, conforming to Clarke et al.’s (1995) original proposal. In my stratified randomly-sampled data (approx. 10,000 vowels, 34 interviewees, stratified as to age, gender, socioeconomic status, and “local-ness”), results from Euclidean distance measures, correlation coefficients, and linear, as well as logistic, mixed-effects regression show that (1) young St. John’s speakers clearly participate in the shift; and that (2) age has the strongest and a linear effect. Continuous modeling of age yields even more significant results for participation in a classic chain shift (6% decrease in lowering per added year). My findings also confirm that the change seems to have entered the system via formal styles (cf. Clarke, 1991, 2010, for TRAP in St. John’s). Traditionally, the linguistic homogeneity on a phonetic level of the Canadian middle class has been explained by Canada’s settlement and migration patterns of the North American Loyalists from Ontario to the west (cf. Chambers, 2009). Newfoundland’s settlement is distinct, in that the British and the Irish were the only two relevant sources. If settlement were the only crucial reason for a shared pronunciation of Canada’s middle class from Vancouver to St. John’s, the Canadian Shift should be absent in the latter region. I suggest three reasons for middle-class St. John’s’ participation in the Canadian Shift: 1) Newfoundland’s 300-year-old rural-urban divide as a result of its isolation, through which British/Irish features are attributed to rural und lower social class speakers; 2) the development of the oil industry since the 1990’s, through which social networks changed according to the perception of social distance/closeness; and 3) the importance of the linguistic marketplace, which is high in St. John’s due to 1) and 2).:List of Tables viii List of Figures x 0 Prologue – Variationist Sociolinguistics 1 1 Introduction 27 2 English-speaking Canada and its Vowel Shifts 31 3 Newfoundland and its Englishes 77 4 Data and Methodology 107 5 Analysis and Discussion 243 6 Conclusion 363 Bibliography 375 Appendices 409 A Interview Questionnaire 409 B Normality Tests per Speaker and Age Group 423 C Vowel Plot of Median Formant Values 433 D Results for the Assumptions of T-tests 435 E Results from Decision Trees and Optimal Binning 439 F Results from Regression Analyses 449 G Résumé 457 H Deutsche Zusammenfassung der Dissertation 461 I Eidestattliche Erklärung zur Eigenständigkeit 469