D.Ed. / The past four decades will probably be remembered as revolutionary in South-Africa - years of unrest during which attempts were made to change and reform the system of education in South-Africa, particularly in the black and brown areas. The South-African education system did not respond to the demands and needs of the black and brown pupils. The education system was caught in the web of a political spider spun by the dictates of the apartheid system. The structure and organization of the education system, as well as the influence of political, social and economic factors promoted the development of a system which was primarily aimed at benifitting a minority group (the whites) of the population. The inequality, underlined by the system of apartheid led to the segregation of and rebellion against this system by black and brown pupils, their parents and teachers. The school has been the focus of political-ideological conflict and the black schools became an instrument for revolution. In the past few years and particularly since 1994 a new generation of pupils has emerged to claim equal education for all, where all pupils, regardless of race or colour are entitled to the same quality of education. After the first democratic election on 27 April 1994, South-Africa has chosen to follow a new road where equality for all people has become the most important focus. In the search for "freedom, equality and brotherhood" which promotes integration and non-racism in schools, it has become essential to examine and revise existing educational theory and practice. Creative solutions must be found and applied in order to create a climate of learning in the schools, in order that pupils, irrespective of their colour, heredity, language, religion, sosio-economic background or gender may find optimal benefit.

The Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM) of South Africa was established in 1908 and is regarded as the source from which Zionist and Apostolic Churches sprang. A study of archival records and secondary sources leads to a conclusion that the black Section of the AFM was, for many decades since its inception, almost indistinguishable from these churches in their beliefs, practices and appearance. The processes to rid the AFM of Zionism, which began in 1929, and were intensified from the 1940s, led to black Pentecostalism shedding most of its Zionist-like beliefs and practices to become an evangelical Pentecostal movement oddly aligned to white interests and expectations. These changes took place at the expense of black agency which Zionist-like Pentecostalism represented and was a testimony thereof. Central to the idea of agency is possession of an interest or idea and power to pursue this interest or realise one's idea. The loss of agency by black Pentecostals is lamentable; this study calls for a reawakening that will mobilise among others, black Pentecostals' cultural resources in theologising and expressing the gospel mandate in a reawakening Africa. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M. Th. (Church History)

Enos John Nganani Mabuza's life and work is used as a case study to highlight the conceptual and methodological theories and challenges in academic biographical writing regarding history, memory and legacies. This thesis answers the question: Who was Mabuza and what is his place or relevance in South Africa's history? We over-simplify and stereotype people because it is convenient. We judge others but there is no saint without a past or a sinner without a future. Mabuza reconciled with the main liberation movements and moved from a maligned position on the political fringes to a respectable one within the emerging black economic elite. History, like reference systems and values is not calcified or static. It is prone to interpretation, adaptation, modification, invention, manipulation, decomposition and re-composition. Bourdieu's habitus-field analysis, theory or logic of practice, notions of capital (symbolic, political, social, cultural and economic) is used together with Latour's actor-network theory as the basis of analysis of the social contracts and trust bonds that Mabuza was able to create and which enabled him to navigate South Africa's socio-political and economic milieus during apartheid and the transition in the early 1990s. As people or actors, we believe in the mantra, nothing ventured, nothing gained. We exercise agency and take risks every day. We make choices and those choices have consequences. Mabuza's choices in the fields of education, politics and business had implications for how he is perceived or has been written into history. His choices put notions of identity, citizenship, power, legitimacy, ambition, elite accommodation, class, personal and professional networks, popular struggles, agency and structure under the spotlight. Mabuza's involvement in Bantustan politics, for instance, is contextualised in terms of a historical overview of the unpopular role played by traditional authorities in South Africa before and during colonialism and apartheid. His later foray into the world of business, however, was facilitated in part, by the personal and professional contacts that he made whilst he was in politics and the opportunities which opened up during the country's political transition. Mabuza adapted to changing circumstances and demonstrated a level of versatility which other Bantustan functionaries did not or could not exercise.

The main question of this research which focuses on the role of the Old Testament in the South African context is: If reread from an African liberationist perspective in the context of land redistribution and socio-economic justice in South Africa, could the Israelite Jubilee legislation in Leviticus 25:8-55 offer liberating and empowering possibilities for the poor in South Africa? Methodologically, both the historical-critical method and the African liberationist approach are employed in the present study. The exegesis of Leviticus 25:8-55 in which the historical-critical method is employed lays the foundation for the contextualisation of the issues arising from the exegesis. Furthermore, within the African liberationist framework, the South African context served as a lens to interpret Leviticus 25:8-55. Significantly, this study shows the misuse of power on the part of the rich élites to confiscate productive land from the poor Israelites in the pre-exilic setting. Not only were the rich élites elevated at the expense of the poor, the Levites were equally favoured economically in the Babylonian period. In post-exilic Yehud, of significance is the fact that the Jews were faced with the challenge of loss of land, indebtedness and poverty. The striking parallels between the contexts from which the text of Leviticus 25:8-55 emerged and the context of the modern reader of the Bible in South Africa are shown. It is revealed that African-South Africans who lost their productive land during the colonial and apartheid eras continue to experience indebtedness and poverty. At the same time, the political élites contribute to the present disproportionate benefits from land ownership and socio-economic injustice in the country. Like the context of Leviticus 25:8-55, in South Africa, the rich continue to be richer while many African-South Africans are trapped in the poverty cycle. In the end, it is argued that when re-read from an African liberationist perspective and in the context of the land redistribution and socio-economic justice discourse, Leviticus 25:8-55 can contribute positively to the redress of inequality and consequently to poverty alleviation in South Africa. / Philosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology / D. Litt. et Phil. (Biblical Studies (Old Testament))

Rapid industrialization, breakthroughs in science and technological development have ushered in an era regarded as a technocratic age. The advent of a technocratic age has necessitated the acquisition of technologically appropriate knowledge, skills and attitudes, and consequently it has become necessary to establish education systems that fulfil the demands set by technocratic age principles. Present-day education is typified by technocratic age imperatives which include meritocracy, specialization, vocationalism, professionalism and scientism. Technocratic age education is further characterized by mass education, free and compulsory education and greater bureaucratic control of education. In technocratic age education systems, entrance examinations are used to select learners for advanced education and training. It would appear that this takes place with little regard for the learner's personal worth or meeting the learner's distinctive needs. / Educational Studies / M. Ed. (History of Education)

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study examines the relationship between history and literature, with specific reference to the Afrikaans novels Verliesfontein (1998) by Karel Schoeman and Op soek na generaal Mannetjies Mentz (1998) by Christoffel Coetzee. Both novels are framed against the background of the Anglo Boer War and both take a postmodern approach to that history, amongst other things. First, Chapter 2 reviews the historical background to the relationship between history and literature through the ages (the classical era, and the eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries), with a view to indicating how this tradition adheres to the postmodern spirit of contemporary times. Thereafter, Chapter 3 presents a theoretical investigation into the postmodern view of historiography and historical fiction. Special reference is made to Hutcheon's theory of historiographic metafiction as an important theoretical point of departure in the discussion of historical fiction. Political and ideological meaning implicit in historiography is discussed. Chapter 4 explores the current trend in South Africa of rereading and reappraising the past, of questioning traditional historiography in a postapartheid South African context (both in Afrikaans fiction and in historical writing). The revisiting of the Anglo Boer War in contemporary South Africa and in Afrikaans fiction is investigated, and an attempt is made to establish the significance of its reappraisal. Against this background the two texts, Verliesfontein and Op soek na generaal Manntjies Mentz, are discussed in Chapter 5. The two novels amply illustrate the possibility for interaction between history and literature, fact and fiction. How may these texts be read in view of postmodern theory? What lessons for present-day South Africans did Schoeman and Coetzee have in mind with their postmodern questioning of traditional historiography and their unconventional reconstruction of the past? Reappraising conventional accounts of history and exploring personal histories as these texts do, Verliesfontein and Op soek na generaal Mannetjies Mentz are part of the dominant discourse that is taking form in the multicultural society of a postapartheid South Africa today. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie studie is 'n ondersoek onderneem na die verhouding tussen geskiedenis en literatuur, met spesifieke verwysing na Karel Schoeman se roman Verliesfontein (1998) en Christoffel Coetzee se roman Op soek na generaal Mannetjies Mentz (1998). In hierdie twee tekste, wat die Anglo-Boereoorlog as hul raamwerk het, is onder andere 'n postmodernistiese benadering tot die geskiedenis benut. Eerstens word in hoofstuk 2 oorsigtelik gekyk na die historiese agtergrond van die verhouding tussen geskiedenis en literatuur met verloop van die tyd (die klassieke tyd, agtiende eeu, negentiende eeu en twintigste eeu), om aan te dui hoe dié tradisie by die heersende tydsgees van die postmodernisme aansluit. Hierna verskaf hoofstuk 3 'n teoretiese ondersoek na die postmodernistiese manier waarop geskiedskrywing en historiese fiksie gesien word. Die teorie van Hutcheon se historiografiese metafiksie word veral in die bespreking van historiese fiksie betrek as 'n belangrike teoretiese uitgangspunt. Vervolgens kom politieke en ideologiese implikasies in geskiedskrywing onder bespreking. Daarna (hoofstuk 4) word die Suid-Afrikaanse kontemporêre tendens om die verlede te herlees en te herwaardeer uiteengesit, en die ondermyning van die tradisionele geskiedskrywing in die post-apartheid Suid-Afrikaanse konteks (sowel in Afrikaanse fiksie as in geskiedskrywing) word ondersoek. Daar word gefokus op die her-bedenking van die Anglo-Boereoorlog in die hedendaagse Suid-Afrika en in Afrikaanse fiksie, en daar word ook probeer om die betekenis van dié herwaardering te soek. Teen bostaande agtergrond kom die twee tekste, Verliesfontein en Op soek na generaal Manntjies Mentz onder bespreking (hoofstuk 5). Die romans is goeie voorbeelde van die interaksie-moontlikhede tussen geskiedenis en literatuur, feit en fiksie, en daar word ondersoek hoe hierdie twee tekste aan die hand van postmodernistiese teorieë gelees kan word. Uiteindelik word daar besin oor watter lesse Schoeman en Coetzee met die postmodernistiese problematisering van geskiedskrywing en die onkonvensionele rekonstruksie van die verlede aan kontemporêre Suid-Afrikaners wou oordra. Met die herbesinning van die konvensionele weergawe van die geskiedenis en veral deur die verkenning van persoonlike geskiedenisse, vorm Verliesfontein en Op soek na generaal Mannetjies Mentz deel van die heersende diskoers wat vandag in 'n multikulturele samelewing van die post-apartheid Suid-Afrika aan die ontwikkel is.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In this study I analyse the first year of publication of Loslyf, the first and, at the time of its launch in June 1995, only Afrikaans pornographic magazine. The analysis comprises a historical account of its inception as relayed mainly by Ryk Hattingh, the first editor of Loslyf and primary creative force behind the publication. Such an investigation offers valuable insights into an aspect of South African media history as yet undocumented. As a powerful contributor to an Afrikaans imaginary, emerging at a time of political renewal, Loslyf provides a glimpse into the desires, tensions and tastes of and for an imagined community potentially still shaped by a censorial past. The magazine is worth studying, in part, as an example of an attempt at reinvesting the prescriptive and seemingly generic genre of pornography with cultural specificity and political content, with a view to making it more interesting and relevant. The study argues that whilst Loslyf succeeded in fracturing the “simulacrum” (Baudrillard 1990: 35) of pornographic representation, it also demonstrated that this kind of „alternativity‟ is difficult to sustain. An analysis of the written and visual content of the first 12 issues of the magazine, under Hattingh‟s editorship, investigates the basis of Loslyf‟s status as „alternative‟ publication. I conclude that the first year of Loslyf contributed towards the broader project of democratic expression in an expanding South African visual economy, as a simultaneously well considered and underrated (at the time of its publication at least) cultural product. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie studie analiseer ek die eerste jaar van publikasie van Loslyf as 'n baanbrekende en, in die tyd van sy ontstaan in Junie 1995, die enigste Afrikaanse pornografiese tydskrif. Hierdie analise behels ʼn historiese oorsig van die ontstaan van Loslyf soos hoofsaaklik verhaal deur Ryk Hattingh, die eerste redakteur van Loslyf en primêre kreatiewe mag agter die publikasie. So ʼn ondersoek bied waardevolle insig tot ʼn ongedokumenteerde aspek van Suid-Afrikaanse mediageskiedenis. As ʼn kultuurproduk wat ʼn kragtige bydrae gelewer het tot die Afrikaanse samelewing in ʼn tyd van politieke hernuwing, bied Loslyf ʼn weerkaatsing van die begeertes, spanninge en smake vir en van hierdie gemeenskap – begeertes en smake wat grootendeels gevorm is deur ʼn geskiedenis van sensuur. Dit is waardevol om die tydskrif te bestudeer as voorbeeld van 'n poging om die voorskriftelike en skynbaar generiese pornografiese genre met kulturele bepaaldheid en politiese inhoud te herbelê, ten einde hierdie genre meer interessant en relevant te maak. Hierdie studie beweer dat, terwyl Loslyf daarin slaag om die “simulakrum” (Baudrillard 1990: 35) van pornografiese voorstelling te breek, die publikasie ook demonstreer dat hierdie tipe „alternatiwiteit‟ moeilik volhoubaar is. ʼn Analise van die geskrewe en visuele inhoud van die eerste 12 uitgawes van die tydskrif, onder redakteurskap van Hattingh, ondersoek die basis van Loslyf se status as „alternatiewe‟ publikasie. Ek beslis dat Loslyf se eerste jaar bygedra het tot die breër inisiatief van demokratiese uitdrukking in ʼn ontwikkelende Suid- Afrikaanse visuele ekonomie, as gelyktydig goed deurdagte én ondergeskatte (veral ten tyde van sy ontstaan) publikasie.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study examines the discursive role and positioning of arts journalism at Die Burger during a period of radical transformation in South African society. The study is conducted within a critical-cultural paradigm. Arts journalists are considered to be manufacturers of cultural capital, a term devised by Pierre Bourdieu as part of his comprehensive field theory framework. While Bourdieu uses cultural capital in the main to describe the role of education and culture in the maintenance of elite power hierarchies, this study investigates how the nature of cultural capital at Die Burger was affected by power shifts when competing elites jostled for dominance in a post-apartheid dispensation. By drawing on Michel Foucault’s theory of discourse, the focus of research further incorporates the discursive positioning of arts journalists in their coverage of arts and cultural events in the 1990s in relation to shifting configurations of power. The argument is that arts journalism at Die Burger can be situated within networks of power and thus contributed to the structuring of post-apartheid society. In the words of Antonio Gramsci, arts journalists became involved in hegemonic and counter-hegemonic struggles. Flowing from these theoretical departure points, the study identifies critical discourse analysis (CDA) as an appropriate research method for textual analysis and adapts a five-phase model suggested by Teun van Dijk as part of his contextual CDA approach. The analysis thus focuses in turn on the context of discourse, discursive struggles between arts journalists and political journalists, strategies of classification used by arts journalists, emerging themes of discourse in arts journalism, and how the selection and presentation of arts journalism on news and arts pages were influenced by various factors, including the personal background and experiences of arts journalists (The concept of Bourdieu’s “habitus”). To affect triangulation and enhance the textual analysis, the study also employs semi-structured indepth interviews with arts journalists who were prominent at Die Burger in the 1990s. The study found that arts journalists were at the intersection of different and often diverging and contradictory power-points in post-apartheid discourses at the newspaper. On the one hand, some arts journalists embraced a legacy of editorial independence at the arts desk and sometimes created oppositional discourses to the official political view of the newspaper: for instance on the issue of alleged “collective guilt” for Afrikaners and whether Naspers should appear before the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) to explain its role in supporting the National Party (NP) during apartheid. On the other hand, many arts journalists shared the editor’s apparent aversion to the international cultural boycott supported by the ANC and harboured some of the same skepticism about the so-called Africanisation of society and resultant attacks on Eurocentrism in the arts. This study -- the first on this level to focus on Afrikaans arts journalism since 1994 -- represents a significant contribution to knowledge in the under-researched field of arts journalism in South Africa. Its purpose and process has furthermore developed theoretical and methodological innovations which can enrich the field of journalism studies. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die studie -- vanuit 'n kritiese kulturele paradigma -- ondersoek die diskursiewe posisionering en rol van kunsjoernalistiek by Die Burger gedurende 'n periode van radikale transformasie in die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing. Kunsjoernaliste word beskryf as vervaardigers van kulturele kapitaal, soos gekonsepsualiseer deur Pierre Bourdieu in sy omvattende raamwerk van veldteorie. Terwyl Bourdieu die term kulturele kapitaal hoofsaaklik gebruik om die rol van opvoeding en kultuur in die behoud van hierargieë van elite-mag te beskryf, ondersoek hierdie studie hoe die aard van kulturele kapitaal by Die Burger beïnvloed is deur magsverskuiwings waarin mededingende post-apartheid elite-groepe mekaar die stryd aangesê het. Deur gebruik te maak van Michel Foucault se teorie van diskoers, val die fokus van navorsing dus op die diskursiewe posisionering van kunsjoernaliste in hul dekking van kuns-en-kultuurgebeure in the 1990’s. Die argument is dat kunsjoernalistiek by Die Burger binne magsnetwerke geplaas kan word en bygedra het tot die strukturering van die post-apartheid samelewing. In Antonio Gramsci se terme het kunsjoernaliste dus betrokke geraak in die stryd om hegemonie te skep en teen te werk. Uitvloeiend uit hierdie teoretiese vertrekpunte word kritiese diskoersanalise (KDA) as navorsingsmetode vir die ontleding van joernalistieke tekste geïdentifiseer. Daarvolgens word 'n model met vyf stappe, voorgestel deur Teun van Dijk as deel van sy KDA-benadering, aangepas vir gebruik. Die analise fokus dus om die beurt op die konteks van diskoers, die diskursiewe stryd tussen kunsjoernaliste en politieke joernaliste, strategieë van klassifikasie wat kunsjoernaliste gebruik het, temas van diskoers wat aan die lig gekom het in kunsjoernalistiek, en hoe die seleksie en aanbieding van kuns-en-kultuur-nuus deur verskillende faktore beïnvloed is, insluitend deur die persoonlike agtergrond en ondervinding van kunsjoernaliste (“habitus” in Bourdieu se teorie). Om triangulasie te bewerkstelling en die teks-analise te ondersteun, is semi-gestruktureerde in-diepte onderhoude met prominente kunsjoernaliste aangelê. Die studie het vasgestel dat kunsjoernaliste in post-apartheid diskoerse in die koerant hulself op 'n kruispunt van verskillende, soms uiteenlopende en selfs opponerende strominge van mag bevind het. Aan die een kant het sommige kunsjoernaliste 'n tradisie van redaksionele onafhanklikheid omarm en soms opposisionele politieke diskoerse in vergelyking met die amptelike beleid van die koerant geskep, byvoorbeeld oor die kwessie van beweerde “kollektiewe skuld” vir Afrikaners en of Naspers voor die Waarheid-en- Versoeniningskommissie (WVK) moes verskyn om sy rol as ondersteuner van die Nasionale Party (NP) gedurende apartheid te verduidelik. Maar aan die ander kant het talle kunsjoernaliste die redakteur se klaarblyklike afkeer gedeel aan die internasionale kultuurboikot wat deur die ANC ondersteun is. Kunsjoernaliste was ook skepties oor die sogenaamde Afrikanisering van die samelewing en gevolglike aanvalle op Eurosentriese kuns. Ten slotte maak hierdie studie -- die eerste op hierdie vlak oor Afrikaanse kunsjoernalistiek sedert 1994 -- 'n belangrike bydrae tot die yl kennisveld van kunsjoernalistiek in Suid-Afrika. In die proses het die studie ook teoretiese en metodologiese innovasies aangebring wat die veld van joernalistiek-studies kan verryk.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During the course of the 20th century the press played an absolutely crucial role as a source of information, a medium of communication and propaganda, educator, critic, public watchdog and in forming and influencing opinion. In this respect the press may also be regarded as a reflection of South African society. This study investigates the role that the press played and the influence that it exercised in the political and economic mobilisation of the organised labour movement during the period 1908 to 1924. In view of the racial divisions that have prevailed in South Africa, the focus here is specifically on the white labour movement, because it was this manifestation of the organised labour force that virtually dominated the first few decades of the twentieth century. During this time the black labour movement was still to a large extent under-developed and began to emerge only around the 1920s. Organised labour flourished during the period under review. This period is characterised as one of political turbulence, as well as of large scale and serious industrial unrest, as part of the cathartic process in which the relationship between the state and its subjects in the field of labour took shape. The study adopts as its point of departure the year 1908, when the National Convention began its deliberations on the unification of South Africa, which in turn led to the official founding of the South African Labour Party in October 1909. The Labour Party operated independently until 1924, when the alliance between the National Party and the Labour Party won the election held in that year and formed the Pact coalition government. From an economic point of view there were two clear positions. On the one hand, there were the so-called establishment press organizations. These included Afrikaans-language newspapers, although - because of their ethnic commitments - they were strongly in favour of the protection of the economic position of the Afrikaner workers. On the other hand, there were anti-capitalist press organisations that wished to promote proactive steps in favour of the workers, which in tum often resulted in industrial conflict in the form of strikes. These tensions in the economic terrain spilled over into the political sphere elections, and here too the press played a central role in the often tense relationship between state and subject. In order to understand a meaningful analysis of the social role of the press, the following press organs and study materials were selected: The Star was the mouthpiece of the powerful Witwatersrand gold-mining industry. Die Burger and Ons Vaderland played a great role in the political and economic mobilisation of the Afrikaner working class whose sympathies lay with the National Party. The following labour-orientated and socialist papers reflected and interpreted the political and economic points of view of the labour movement in the period 1908 - 1924: Voice of Labour, The Worker, The Eastern Record, The Evening Chronicle, The War on War Gazette, The International, The Labour World, The Bolshevik and The Guardian. In addition, the role of a number of extremist strike newspapers In mobilising workers during the strikes of 1913, 1914 and 1922, is also investigated. The press played an important role in exposing a number of cardinal issues that dominated the discourse within the labour movement to greater public criticism and discussion. The effect of this was to raise the struggle between labour and capital for hegemony in the political and economic life of South Africa - as happened every time during election campaigns - to the level of the national political debate. Furthermore, the press, and specifically the right-wing labour and left-wing socialist press organs, also reflected the deep ideological divisions in the labour movement. In this respect, it was particularly the views of these press organs on race and the place of black people in the industrial dispensation that determined and influenced their political creeds. The mobilising power of the press was vividly illustrated by the strike papers. By propounding militant extremism these papers often succeeded in sweeping up industrial unrest among workers to the level of violence, which meant that the authorities were compelled to suppress these publications by means of martial law proclamations. It is probable that the SALP, and especially the socialist organisations, on the periphery of the political spectrum, would not have survived for long in South African politics without the communicative support of their mouthpieces. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gedurende die 20ste eeu het die pers, as bron van inligting, kommunikasie- en propagandamedium, opvoeder, kritikus, openbare waghond en meningsvormer en -beihvloeder, 'n uiters belangrike samelewingsrol vertolk. In hierdie opsig kan die pers ook as 'n weerspieeling van die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing beskou word. Hierdie studie ondersoek die rol wat die pers gespeel het en die invloed wat dit as openbare memngsvormer met betrekking tot die politieke en ekonomiese mobilisasie van die georganiseerde arbeiderbeweging gedurende die tydperk 1908 tot 1924 uitgeoefen het. Gegewe die historiese rasseverdeeldheid in Suid-Afrika, is daar spesifiek op die blanke arbeiderbeweging gekonsentreer, aangesien dit die arbeidsterrein gedurende die eerste paar dekades van die twintigste eeu feitlik oorheers het. Die swart arbeiderbeweging was in daardie stadium nog grootliks onderontwikkeld en het eers om en by die twintigerjare begin ontwaak. Die betrokke tydperk was 'n tydperk van hoogbloei VIr die georganiseerde blanke arbeiderbeweging. Dit word veral gekenmerk as 'n tydperk van politieke onstuirnigheid, asook van groot en ernstige endemiese nywerheidsonrus en konflik, as dee 1van 'n katarsis waardeur die verhouding tussen staat en onderdaan op die arbeidsterrein uitgekristalliseer het. Die vertrekpunt van die studie is 1908, toe die sittings van die Nasionale Konvensie met die oog op die unifikasie van Suid-Afrika 'n aanvang geneem het en ook aanleiding gegee het tot die amptelike stigting van die Suid-Afrikaanse Arbeidersparty in Oktober 1909. Dit strek tot 1924, toe die verkiesingsalliansie van die Nasionale Party en die Arbeidersparty die oorwinning by die stembus behaal en die Pakt-koalisieregering gevorm het. Vanuit 'n ekonomiese oogpunt gesien, was daar twee duidelike stellingnamens. Enersyds was daar die sogenaamde establishment-persorgane. Hieronder ressorteer ook Afrikaanstalige koerante, alhoewel hulle as gevolg van 'n etniese verbondenheid sterk ten gunste van die beskerming van die ekonomiese posisie van die Afrikanerwerkers was. Andersyds was daar anti-kapitalistiese persorgane wat 'n pro-aktiewe optrede ten behoewe van die werkers, wat dikwels op nywerheidskonflik in die vorm van stakings uitgeloop het wou bevorder. Hierdie gespannenheid op ekonomiese terrein het oorgespoel na die politieke sfeer van verkiesings en ook daarin het die pers, in die dikwels gespanne verhouding tussen owerheid en onderdaan, 'n sentrale rol gespeel. Ten einde 'n sinvolle ontleding van die samelewingsrol van die pers te kon doen, is die volgende persorgane as studiemateriaal geselekteer: The Star was die mondstuk van die magtige kapitalistiese, Witwatersrandse goudmynindustrie. Die Burger en Ons Vaderland het 'n groot rol in die politieke en ekonomiese mobilisasie van die Nasionaalgesinde Afrikanerwerkersklas vervul. Die volgende arbeider- en sosialistiese blaaie het die politieke en ekonomiese uitgangspunte van die arbeiderbeweging in die tydperk 1908 tot 1924 weerspieel en vertolk: Voice of Labour, The Worker, The Eastern Record, The Evening Chronicle, The War on War Gazette, The International, The Labour World, The Bolshevik en The Guardian. Daarby is ook die mobiliseringsrol wat 'n aantal ekstremistiese stakersblaaie in die stakings van 1913, 1914 en 1922 gespeel het, ondersoek. Die pers het 'n belangrike rol gespeel om 'n aantal kardinale kwessies, wat die diskoers binne die arbeidergeledere oorheers het, ook aan groter openbare kritiek en bespreking bloot te stel. Sodoende is die stryd tussen arbeid en kapitaal om die hegemonie van die Suid-Afrikaanse politieke en ekonomiese lewe byvoorbeeld telkens tydens verkiesingsveldtogte tot die nasionale debat verhef. Daarbenewens het die pers, spesifiek by monde van die regse arbeider- en linkse sosialistiese persorgane, ook die diepe ideologiese verdeeldheid in arbeidergeledere weerspieel. In hierdie opsig was dit veral hulle rassebeskouings en die posisie van die swart man in die nywerheidsbestel wat die politieke credo van hierdie persorgane bepaal en befuvloed het. Die mobiliseringsmag van die pers is treffend dem stakerblaaie gemustreer. Dem militante ekstremisme te verkondig, kon sodanige blaaie dikwels daarin slaag om nywerheidsonrus onder werkers tot die vlak van geweld op te sweep sodat die owerheid dan genoop was om hierdie publikasies dem middel van Krygswetproklamasies te onderdruk. Synde op die periferie van die politieke spektrum, sou die SAAP, en veral die sosia1istiese organisasies, sonder kommunikatiewe ondersteuning van hulle spreekbuise waarskynlik slegs 'n kortstondige politieke bestaan in die Suid-Afrikaanse politiek gevoer het.

This thesis examines the political implications of the integrated development planning process embarked upon by South African municipalities in the period 1998-2004. Through the use of case study methodology that focuses on the Eastern Cape municipalities of Buffalo City and Ngqushwa, the conventions of municipal planning are examined. This inquiry into municipal planning draws upon official government documents and reports and publications from the nongovernment sector. The thesis is particularly focused on the claims made in policy documents and related secondary sources and compares these to more critical reports and publication as well as the author's personal experience of the integrated development planning process. Of key interest is the possibility that planning serves political interests and the material needs of an emerging municipal elite and that this is seldom acknowledged in official planning documentation or government sanctioned publications on the topic. The primary findings of the thesis are as follows: • That the 'reason' of expert policy formulations that accompanied integrated development planning has weakened political economy as a prism of understanding and separated itself from the institutional reality of municipal government • That the dominant critique of planning and other post-apartheid municipal policy is concerned with the triumph of neoliberalism but this critique, while valid, does not fully explain successive policy failures especially in the setting of Eastern Cape local government • That function of policy and its relationship to both the state and civil society is usually understood only in the most obvious sense and not as an instrument for wielding political power • That planning still derives much of its influence from its claim to technical rationality and that this underpinned the 'authority' of the integrated development planning project in South Africa and reinforced its power to make communities governable.