MEDEIROS, Ailana Linhares de Sousa. Avaliação da Política de Cooperação Sul-Sul na UNILAB: percepções da integração sob o olhar dos discentes estrangeiros dos campi do Ceará. 2017. 114f. - Dissertação (Mestrado)- Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Avaliação de Políticas Públicas, Fortaleza (CE), 2017. / Submitted by Gustavo Daher (gdaherufc@hotmail.com) on 2017-11-17T19:22:38Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_dis_alsmedeiros.pdf: 785682 bytes, checksum: d1627de6a06f8a2cbd4366c294db2427 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-11-20T17:58:02Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_dis_alsmedeiros.pdf: 785682 bytes, checksum: d1627de6a06f8a2cbd4366c294db2427 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-11-20T17:58:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_dis_alsmedeiros.pdf: 785682 bytes, checksum: d1627de6a06f8a2cbd4366c294db2427 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017 / n this work we evaluate the South-South Cooperation policy of the University of International Integration of Afro-Brazilian Lusophony (UNILAB), from an in-depth perspective (GUSSI, 2008; RODRIGUES, 2008). The assessment is based on the perception of foreign students, who are members of UNILAB. Our main goal is to analyze the South-South Cooperation in practice, within the institutional-academic context. As a methodological and qualitative approach we employ: bibliographic analysis, participant observation and interviews. We discuss the circumstances of the Foreign Brazilian Policy that launched the international educational cooperation, which is linked to such contexts of the foundation of UNILAB. They are the conceptual basis that provide the theoretical-ideological support. UNILAB is born out of the policy of expansion of higher education proposed in the Lula Government (2003-2010) within internalization and internationalization policy. Its main activities focus on the training of human resources that contribute to the integration of Brazil and the nations that make up the Community of Portuguese-speaking countries. From the speech of the individuals inserted in politics, we consider evaluative dimensions that allow us to observe the integration: the trajectory from survival to civil war to higher education; the (un)common Portuguese language; the (dis)knowledge about UNILAB, the city of Redenção, the personal formation and the past; the feeling of gratitude;being in a Brazilian university and, finally, the perceptions about an integration. I realized that, in conclusion, the educational cooperation proposed by Unilab based on South-South Cooperation represents a break of the North-South hegemonic ideology because, even though many adversities arise in the relationships between the students and the local community, the goal of qualify human resources to contribute in their countries of origin is achieved. Moreover, within the context of integration, there are experiences that form and complement life histories which compose the continuous construction of the unilabian institutional trajectory and they end up externalizing, in practice, how the integration in the cooperation happens. / Este estudo trata da avaliação da política de Cooperação Sul-Sul da Universidade da Integração Internacional da Lusofonia Afro-Brasileira, sob a perspectiva da avaliação em profundidade (GUSSI, 2008; RODRIGUES, 2008). Avalia a integração proposta como missão institucional a partir da percepção dos discentes estrangeiros que fazem parte da universidade. O objetivo é avaliar a Cooperação Sul-Sul na prática, dentro do contexto institucional-acadêmico. A abordagem metodológica é qualitativa e adotam-se como procedimentos: a análise bibliográfica, observação participante e entrevistas. Discute-se sobre os contextos da Política Externa Brasileira que propiciou a construção da cooperação educacional internacional, vinculando-se tais contextos à análise da criação da UNILAB, ou seja, a base conceitual que lhe proporciona sustentação teórico-ideológica. A UNILAB nasce a partir da política de expansão do ensino superior proposta no Governo Lula (2003-2010), em um contexto de interiorização e internacionalização, com foco na formação de recursos humanos que contribuam com a integração do Brasil e os países (as nações) que compõem a Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa. A partir da fala dos sujeitos inseridos na política, identificam-se dimensões avaliativas que permitiram observar a integração, a partir de algumas dimensões que se apresentaram na pesquisa avaliativa: da sobrevivência à guerra ao ensino superior no Timor; a língua portuguesa (in)comum; o (des)conhecimento acerca da UNILAB, a cidade de Redenção, a formação pessoal e o passado; o sentimento de gratidão; o estar em uma universidade no Brasil e, por fim, as percepções sobre a integração. Percebi, finalizando, que a cooperação educacional proposta pela Unilab com base na Cooperação Sul-Sul representa quebra da ideologia hegemônica Norte-Sul, uma vez que embora inúmeras adversidades se apresentem entre as relações de alunos e comunidade local, o fim de qualificar recursos humanos para contribuírem nos seus países de origem é atingido. Além disso, dentro da acepção de integração percorrem experiências que formam e complementam histórias de vida que fazem parte da formação do desenho contínuo da trajetória institucional unilabiana e acabam externalizando, na prática, como acontece a integração na cooperação.

A partir de 1974, a política externa brasileira em relação à África foi reformulada, o que, nas palavras do então ministro de relações exteriores do Brasil, tratou-se de uma “correção de rumos para a África”. O aumento de representações diplomáticas em países africanos, assim como a política de reconhecimento irrestrito das independências e dos governos de Angola, Guiné-Bissau e Moçambique, rompendo com um padrão histórico de ambivalências quanto ao colonialismo português, consistiram nas principais medidas tomadas. A questão que orienta a presente pesquisa é a de compreender de que forma a “correção de rumos para a África” se relacionou ao processo mais abrangente de criação de convergências, políticas e econômicas, com países em desenvolvimento e/ou países pós-coloniais, elemento característico da política externa brasileira desenvolvida durante o governo do presidente Ernesto Geisel. Trata-se de uma pesquisa eminentemente documental, cujas fontes primárias foram produzidas no âmbito do Ministério de Relações Exteriores do Brasil e de outros órgãos vinculadas ao Poder Executivo, em sua maioria depositadas junto ao CPDOC/FGV. O argumento central da pesquisa é que o autoproclamado “pragmatismo” da política externa do governo Geisel foi sintomática da revisão ao padrão de inserção internacional do país, o qual, desde a II GM, tornara-se cognoscível por meio da prioridade dada às relações com o Norte industrial em matéria de cooperação econômica, tanto quanto da urgência concedida à segurança compartilhada do hemisfério ocidental. O argumento parte da constatação de que a détente da Guerra Fria foi interpretada, no Brasil, como um tipo de consenso, ainda que precário, entre potências industriais em prol da consolidação de áreas de influência no Terceiro Mundo. A revisão ao então “pertencimento ocidental” em matéria de desenvolvimento e de segurança teve na grande janela de oportunidade das relações Sul-Sul na década de 1970 uma condição de emergência. No Atlântico Sul, essa revisão mostrou-se em seus contornos mais nítidos, dado o papel pregresso de resguardo ao “avanço comunista” conferido ao Brasil em suas relações com o continente africano. A partir de 1974, o agenciamento, político e econômico, de países africanos pós-coloniais, sobretudo em matéria de descolonização portuguesa, foi crucial para estabelecer um novo sentido à inserção do Brasil no Atlântico, em que tanto a noção de segurança, quanto a de desenvolvimento, se deram por bases mais autóctones – em que o próprio socialismo africano passou a ser lido como manifestação de “pragmatismo”. / In 1974, Brazil reshaped its foreign policy towards Africa, which, in the words of the Brazilian secretary of state at the time, meant a “correction of course towards Africa.” The main steps taken were an increase in the number of diplomatic outposts in African countries and the unbound recognition of the independences of Angola, Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique, which broke away from a historical pattern of ambivalence toward Portuguese colonialism. The issue that guides this research is understanding the role that this “correction of course towards Africa” played in the overarching process of economic and political convergence with developing and/or post-colonial countries, a defining component of Brazilian foreign policy during the Ernesto Geisel administration. This is chiefly an archival research, whose primary sources where retrieved from Brazil’s Department of State and other offices associated with the country’s Executive Branch, most of which are archived in the Contemporary Brazilian History Research and Documentation Center of the Getulio Vargas Foundation (CPDOC/FGV). This paper main argument is that the self-proclaimed “pragmatism” in Geisel’s foreign policy was a manifestation of an overhaul of the country’s pattern of international involvement. Since World War II, this pattern had been marked by a high priority given to the relations with the industrial North in issues of economic cooperation as well as by a sense of urgency for shared security in the Western Hemisphere. The leading thread of the analysis assumes that the Cold War’s deténte was interpreted in Brazil as an agreement, albeit precarious, among industrial powers over their respective zones of influence in the Third World. The critical revision of Brazil’s “belonging to the West” in issues of development and security found solid ground in the major window of opportunity presented by the South-South relations of the 1970’s. This revision was the most evident in the South Atlantic due to Brazil’s previous role in the thwarting the “spread of communism” in Africa. From 1974, the economic and political pursuit of newly independent African countries, especially of former Portuguese colonies, was central in establishing a new sense of Brazilian insertion in the South Atlantic, in which both security and development ties were locally founded – and in which African socialism began, on its turn, to be conveyed by the Brazilian government as an instance of “pragmatism.”

As mudanças implementadas na política externa brasileira, após o final da Guerra Fria, fizeram com que o país formulasse políticas de aproximação com o continente africano, que viriam a afetar significativamente a sua inserção internacional e o desenvolvimento da cooperação Sul-Sul. O presente estudo discute a cooperação técnica brasileira como fator propulsor do desenvolvimento moçambicano, enfocando o período de 2003 a 2012. Apresenta-se uma breve consideração acerca das influências que levaram Moçambique a uma ruptura revolucionária na década de 1970 e os pressupostos da cooperação Sul-Sul, que passou a ser um dos elementos norteadores da atual cooperação técnica entre Brasil e Moçambique. Procede-se uma revisão histórica da formação do Estado moçambicano, principalmente após sua independência em 1975, para compreender a experiência socialista e a transição para uma economia de mercado, a qual facilitou a aproximação com o Brasil. Traça-se, também, um panorama histórico da política africanista brasileira e das relações entre Brasil e Moçambique, a fim de destacar as áreas nas quais estão se desenvolvendo importantes projetos de cooperação, discutidos na parte final do estudo. Conclui-se que é cedo para avaliar os impactos da cooperação entre os dois países, no entanto, um debate acerca dessa prática se faz necessário para melhor compreender a dinâmica das relações Sul- Sul e a maneira como Brasil e Moçambique se inserem no contexto internacional. / The implemented changes in Brazilian foreign policy after the end of Cold War induced the country to formulate a policy of rapprochement with African continent, that would affect significantly its international integration and the development of South-South cooperation. This study discusses Brazilian technical cooperation as a factor that drove the Mozambican development, focusing on the period from 2003 to 2012. This study also presents a brief consideration about the influences which led Mozambique to a revolutionary breakthrough in the 1970s and assumptions of the South-South cooperation, that became one of the guiding elements of current technical cooperation between Brazil and Mozambique. It was made a historical overview about formation of the Mozambican State, especially after its independence in 1975, in order to comprehend the socialist experience and the transition to a market economy, which facilitated rapprochement with Brazil. Thus it also draws a historical panorama of the policy and the relations between Brazil and Mozambique, in order to emphasize areas in which important cooperation projects are being developed; this projects are discussed in the final part of this study. It can be concluded that is early to evaluate impacts of cooperation between these two countries, however, a discussion about this practice is necessary to better understand the dynamic of South-South relations and how Brazil and Mozambique insert themselves in the international context.

As the world system and the global political economy is under constant transformation, there is an increasing need for further research. Shifting from a North-South polarity towards a South-South-East relationship, the situation on the African continent is gaining more and more attention. The debate goes between the highly concerned alarmists warning for a new type of colonialism and those that are more opportunistic emphasizing the possibilities for underdeveloped countries to finally gain independence from Western predator claws. This thesis further explores the relationship between Ethiopia’s expanding partnerships with China and Turkey, aiming for analysis through the lens of the also highly debated dependency theory.  China and Turkey both express and emphasize the economic and political rhetoric of solidarity and mutual win-win relationships. This thesis thus seeks to investigate if this can be considered the case or if instead, the driving forces behind Chinese as well as Turkish engagement in Ethiopia are to be viewed upon as purely strategical concerning political and economic self-interests. By applying a comparative case study approach when analysing the two relationships of China-Ethiopia and Turkey-Ethiopia, this thesis will examine statistics and numbers regarding the economic exchange in terms of trade, financial assistance and investment flows.  The underlying driving forces behind the relationships will also be analysed before arriving at the conclusion that the relationships are indeed significantly uneven regarding power. The imbalances in the trade structures can be seen as an underlying factor of dependency. However, the characteristics of the of these South-South relations differ from the historically exploitative of North-South relations. Ethiopia can be seen to be given more room for self-determination and has gained benefits from its cooperation with both China and Turkey. Despite this, there is a need for the Ethiopian government to address its development needs and furthermore, increase its bargaining capacity in order to benefit further from trade agreements and foreign investment.

As mudanças implementadas na política externa brasileira, após o final da Guerra Fria, fizeram com que o país formulasse políticas de aproximação com o continente africano, que viriam a afetar significativamente a sua inserção internacional e o desenvolvimento da cooperação Sul-Sul. O presente estudo discute a cooperação técnica brasileira como fator propulsor do desenvolvimento moçambicano, enfocando o período de 2003 a 2012. Apresenta-se uma breve consideração acerca das influências que levaram Moçambique a uma ruptura revolucionária na década de 1970 e os pressupostos da cooperação Sul-Sul, que passou a ser um dos elementos norteadores da atual cooperação técnica entre Brasil e Moçambique. Procede-se uma revisão histórica da formação do Estado moçambicano, principalmente após sua independência em 1975, para compreender a experiência socialista e a transição para uma economia de mercado, a qual facilitou a aproximação com o Brasil. Traça-se, também, um panorama histórico da política africanista brasileira e das relações entre Brasil e Moçambique, a fim de destacar as áreas nas quais estão se desenvolvendo importantes projetos de cooperação, discutidos na parte final do estudo. Conclui-se que é cedo para avaliar os impactos da cooperação entre os dois países, no entanto, um debate acerca dessa prática se faz necessário para melhor compreender a dinâmica das relações Sul- Sul e a maneira como Brasil e Moçambique se inserem no contexto internacional. / The implemented changes in Brazilian foreign policy after the end of Cold War induced the country to formulate a policy of rapprochement with African continent, that would affect significantly its international integration and the development of South-South cooperation. This study discusses Brazilian technical cooperation as a factor that drove the Mozambican development, focusing on the period from 2003 to 2012. This study also presents a brief consideration about the influences which led Mozambique to a revolutionary breakthrough in the 1970s and assumptions of the South-South cooperation, that became one of the guiding elements of current technical cooperation between Brazil and Mozambique. It was made a historical overview about formation of the Mozambican State, especially after its independence in 1975, in order to comprehend the socialist experience and the transition to a market economy, which facilitated rapprochement with Brazil. Thus it also draws a historical panorama of the policy and the relations between Brazil and Mozambique, in order to emphasize areas in which important cooperation projects are being developed; this projects are discussed in the final part of this study. It can be concluded that is early to evaluate impacts of cooperation between these two countries, however, a discussion about this practice is necessary to better understand the dynamic of South-South relations and how Brazil and Mozambique insert themselves in the international context.

As mudanças implementadas na política externa brasileira, após o final da Guerra Fria, fizeram com que o país formulasse políticas de aproximação com o continente africano, que viriam a afetar significativamente a sua inserção internacional e o desenvolvimento da cooperação Sul-Sul. O presente estudo discute a cooperação técnica brasileira como fator propulsor do desenvolvimento moçambicano, enfocando o período de 2003 a 2012. Apresenta-se uma breve consideração acerca das influências que levaram Moçambique a uma ruptura revolucionária na década de 1970 e os pressupostos da cooperação Sul-Sul, que passou a ser um dos elementos norteadores da atual cooperação técnica entre Brasil e Moçambique. Procede-se uma revisão histórica da formação do Estado moçambicano, principalmente após sua independência em 1975, para compreender a experiência socialista e a transição para uma economia de mercado, a qual facilitou a aproximação com o Brasil. Traça-se, também, um panorama histórico da política africanista brasileira e das relações entre Brasil e Moçambique, a fim de destacar as áreas nas quais estão se desenvolvendo importantes projetos de cooperação, discutidos na parte final do estudo. Conclui-se que é cedo para avaliar os impactos da cooperação entre os dois países, no entanto, um debate acerca dessa prática se faz necessário para melhor compreender a dinâmica das relações Sul- Sul e a maneira como Brasil e Moçambique se inserem no contexto internacional. / The implemented changes in Brazilian foreign policy after the end of Cold War induced the country to formulate a policy of rapprochement with African continent, that would affect significantly its international integration and the development of South-South cooperation. This study discusses Brazilian technical cooperation as a factor that drove the Mozambican development, focusing on the period from 2003 to 2012. This study also presents a brief consideration about the influences which led Mozambique to a revolutionary breakthrough in the 1970s and assumptions of the South-South cooperation, that became one of the guiding elements of current technical cooperation between Brazil and Mozambique. It was made a historical overview about formation of the Mozambican State, especially after its independence in 1975, in order to comprehend the socialist experience and the transition to a market economy, which facilitated rapprochement with Brazil. Thus it also draws a historical panorama of the policy and the relations between Brazil and Mozambique, in order to emphasize areas in which important cooperation projects are being developed; this projects are discussed in the final part of this study. It can be concluded that is early to evaluate impacts of cooperation between these two countries, however, a discussion about this practice is necessary to better understand the dynamic of South-South relations and how Brazil and Mozambique insert themselves in the international context.

The purpose of the study is to investigate the relationship between two phenomena which are much-disputed and whose mechanisms and processes are interlaced with each other: trade and human development. The focus is a specific type of South-South trade; interregional trade in Sub-Saharan Africa, as well as international trade to and from Sub-Saharan Africa.A quantitate method, using a deductive approach, was utilized in this study. The quantitative research data was accessed from the World Bank database and the human development reports of the UNDP. The data was processed in regressions and the level of co-variation (a term used in this paper as the statistical relation between data) between the variables is established and shown through the unit of measurement r².The results tend to indicate that the level of statistical co-variation between interregional trade and international trade in various commodities and human development in Sub-Saharan Africa exist but are varied. Interregional trade does not seem to have a stronger co-variation with human development than general international trade despite the structural viewpoint of the academic field. Interestingly, the commodity traded with does have a varied impact on the level of co-variation with human development.

The present dissertation explores the Congolese immigrant workers‟ meanings, their labour migration and their transnationalism in Pretoria through the perspective of south-south social transformation. It argues that this migration is partly an outcome and effect of various social transformations that have been occurring in Southern Africa since the end of cold war in the era of globalisation and age of mass migration. The study draws on Castles‟ middle range theory and the comprehensive sociology of Max Weber. This dissertation makes use of qualitative method, based on ethnography, and corresponding techniques such as interviews. The study shows that what drives Congolese labour migration to Pretoria are economic (wage differential or cost benefit), political issues (wars, violence against human rights, freedom of speech), cultural (the Congolese mythology of migration) and psychological reasons (prestige). These migration processes and patterns are also determined by migrants‟ social class position in the DRC. The latter to a large extent determines the nature and status of their employment in Pretoria. In addition, findings demonstrate that a number of structural constraints and features of Congolese qualifications, skills, and even culture contribute to Congolese immigrants negative performances in the South African labour market. Faced with numerous barriers to professional incorporation, Congolese migrants resort to any legal or illegal means to bypass these barriers. It is revealed that the Congolese conception of social and occupational mobility is mostly understood in terms of economic or income mobility. This dovetails with the socially constructed meanings that Congolese workers attach to their work. Concerning their transnational activities, research participants are shown to be involved in political, economic and socio-cultural activities. Most of their activities are nationally-oriented. Nevertheless, the weight of the tense political situation has an influence on their transnational activities and Congolese culture and/or homeland politics leads to their economic transnationalism. For these reasons, practices of remitting are connected with transnational political activities and culture. Despite the extensive contacts „back home‟ socio-cultural activities of the Congolese in Pretoria are marked by cultural hybridization between Congolese migrants and South Africans. / Dissertation (MSocSci)--University of Pretoria, 2014. / lk2014 / Sociology / MSocSci / Unrestricted

Legal empowerment as a theoretical and practical concept has gained increasing attention in international development. Due to the shifting aid paradigm, caused by the rising of South-South cooperation, legal empowerment’s proposed bottom-up character has challenged the larger conventional top-down approaches to development that traditionally have dominated the development agenda. Nevertheless, studies examining legal empowerment have failed to analyse whether the concept is produced in a top-down setting and hence omitted possible power imbalances that the discourse might be hiding. By conducting a critical discourse analysis through applying postcolonial theory, the dissertation critically explores the concept on a sample of public policy documents by two of the largest legal empowerment donors, the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank. The thesis analyses both how the donors approach the concept and how the discourse may distinguish in their approaches. Furthermore, it examines how power imbalances in the legal empowerment discourse might emerge from a Global North/South perspective. The study finds that the policies from both development banks do not discursively produce legal empowerment in significantly different ways, which moreover forswears the premise that the South-South development cooperation is to be essentially distinctive from the North-South cooperation. Furthermore, the both discourses were found to (re)produce postcolonial narratives that reduce the ‘subjects’ in the discourse into homogenous groups which could somewhat dispute the essence of the concept.

This thesis studies the symbolic regimes of Southern and Northern development cooperation partners. Symbolic regime is understood as the jointly articulated discourse of the Southern and Northern development partners. South-North cooperation is a suitable topic for study due to its peculiarity. The power structure typically seen in development cooperation is inverted, with the Southern country being the primary architect of cooperation between the two countries, unlike in traditional development cooperation. The study is placed in the context of wider research on convergence between Southern and Northern countries. Symbolic regimes are studied by inductively generating theoretical categories using a grounded theory method on documents from China’s Belt and Road Initiative and comparing those categories with established North-South and South-South symbolic regimes, which are framed using gift theory. The results suggest that China and its Northern partners’ symbolic regime is similar to the symbolic regime from South-South cooperation, without the emotional claims of solidarity or empathy. Jointly articulated discourse was found primarily to detail intended consequences and facilitating conditions, while individually articulated material showed that there are realities which are obscured by the symbolic regimes.