本文主要是從音韻,句法,語義及言談分析四部門的介面關係來探討閩南副詞的各種變調現象.副詞的句法及語義修飾功能可能影響閩南語重疊副詞的變調行為.當重疊副詞的句法與語義功能呈現差異時.它則單獨形成一個音韻片語.副詞內在的語義特性與閩南語一般副詞的變調有密切的關連.副詞可以是副語修飾語或句子修飾語.述語修飾語在語義上修飾述語或述語內的成份,因此與述語共同形成一個音韻片語;句子修飾語在語義上修飾主詞,句子或說話者,其必須單獨形成一個音韻片語.最後,我們從言談分析的角度重新分析閩南語的副詞.訊息結構中的焦點,主題及評論等結構會促成副詞音韻片語的重組.當副詞構成整個主題或評論時,它必須單獨形成一個獨立片語 / This thesis explores the adverbial phrasings in Southern Min from the interface among phonology, syntax, semantics, and discourse. The syntactic andsemantic modification functions of the adverbs may affect the tonal phrasings of there duplicated adverbs in this language. When an adverb shows a syntax-semanticmismatch, it would form a separate phonological phrase. The intrinsic semanticproperties of the adverbs are crucial to tonal phrasings of the general adverbsSouthern Min. An adverb may serve as a predicate modifier, a sentence modifier, or both. A predicate modifier joins with the predicate to form aphonological phrase;a sentence modifier forms a separate phonological phrase.Finally, we reanalyzethe adverbs in question from the viewpoint of discourse information structure. An adverb which is a focus, topic, domains. Specifically,a topic or commentcoincides with the phonological phrase.

台灣閩南語（以下簡稱台語）的研究近年日益受到重視，但討論台語分類詞的文獻卻相當稀少。分類詞定義不清，是歷年文獻對台語分類詞看法不一或略而不談的主因。同樣地，由於台語分類詞的定位不明，也使得分類詞在台語教學中未能受到應有的重視。 　　因此，本論文將以Her & Hsieh（2010）和Her（2012）所提出的分類詞與量詞的語法測試、集合論差異、和語意數值作為基礎，重新界定分類詞，並依此定義，重新審視歷年文獻所提出的台語分類詞或量詞語料。這些文獻和語料的來源涵蓋了教育部或教育局、國科會研究計畫、語言學者、資深台灣閩南語教師、及一手田野調查的資料。本論文將文獻依其對分類詞的定位分成三大類：量詞（未提及分類詞時）、分類詞視為量詞次類（如：個體量詞等）、分類詞。 　　本論文研究目的有四：首先，藉由明確的分類詞定義，重新檢視文獻中的分類詞或量詞語料，盡可能呈現出台灣閩南語的分類詞清單。其次，以這些此分類詞清單基礎，歸納出台灣閩南語分類詞的語意歸類系統。第三點，對比台灣閩南語和台灣華語的分類詞語意歸類系統。最後，將觀察到的兩方言差異提供給台語教學者作為分類詞教學上的參考依據。

本論文觀察台灣年輕人說閩南語的國語口音，建立語料庫作為分析基礎，並根據優選理論中的浮動制約模型（Floating Constraint, Reynolds 1994）分析語料。 本文語料主要分為兩大組：A組及B組。除AB兩組均保留雙唇濁塞聲母 /b/之外，A組的國語口音較明顯，亦即軟顎濁塞聲母 /g/ 較常丟失、齒齦清塞音韻尾 /t/ 較常丟失、雙唇及軟顎清塞音韻尾 /p, k/ 常丟失或發為 /t/。B組的國語口音較不明顯，亦即較常保留上述輔音。 本文針對AB兩組的聲母及韻尾語料數據，各提出一組浮動制約。相較於A組，B組在聲母的浮動制約多了一個信實制約MAX-PLACE、在韻尾部分也多了另一個信實制約MAX-CONSONANT(CODA)。因此B組的信實制約有較多機會浮動至高層，也導致較多信實的輸出值。由此可見，兩組差異之關鍵在於浮動而非固定的制約，因此認為浮動制約模型適合用於處理此種語言變異現象。 / This thesis establishes a corpus of Taiwan youngsters’ Mandarin-accented pronunciation of Taiwanese voiced stop onsets /b/ and /g/ and voiceless stop codas /p, t, k/. The Floating Constraint model (Reynolds 1994) within the Optimality Theory framework is adopted to analyze the corpus data. The corpus includes two groups: Group A and Group B. Both groups retain the voiced bilabial stop onset /b/. Group A has higher percentages of omitting /g/ onset and /t/ coda, and codas /p/ and /k/ are often altered to /t/ or omitted. On the other hand, Group B tends to preserve those sounds. For each group, a set of floating constraints is proposed to account for their onset and coda data. The differences between Group A and Group B lie essentially in the number of floating faithfulness constraints. The Group B grammar allows one more floating constraint MAX-PLACE for onsets, and one more floating constraint MAX-CONSONANT(CODA) for codas. I have shown that the Mandarin accent is better accounted for in terms of the “floating” constraints, but not the “fixed” constraints.

本篇論文嘗試以非派生和派生兩種不同結構基礎的優選理論來分析臺灣閩南語仔前變調以及暱稱仔詞綴變調。非派生的優選理論認為聲調改變僅需一個步驟就可以完成。仔前和暱稱仔詞綴音節本身都有兩種讀法，不同的變異體可透過共同音韻模型 (Cophonological model) 下的次文法，也就是制約的重新排序來解釋。本篇研究認為調素傳替與否是仔前音節不同聲調的來源，透過 SHARE (t) 和 NOLONG (t) 兩種制約的排序，可以預測調素是否傳替。另外，透過 SHARE，NOLONG 和 TONAL MARKEDNESS 三種制約的互動和階層性的排序，可以預測暱稱仔詞綴的變調兩讀。派生優選理論則認為仔前和暱稱仔詞綴的聲調變化是一種階段性，而且是一種趨向最佳化的改變，亦即每一個步驟的輸出值都比上一個步驟的還來的優質，為仔前和暱稱仔詞綴變調提供另一個理論詮釋的觀點。在派生優選理論的框架下，仔前變調需要三個步驟，亦即一般變調、調域傳替以及調素傳替的有無。暱稱仔詞綴變調也是需要三個步驟，第一是沒有聲調徵性的聲調加插；第二是調域傳替或是低調域加插；第三是調素傳替或是低聲調徵性的加插。同樣的， 透過 SHARE (t) 和 NOLONG (t) 的排序，可以預測仔前音節的不同聲調。透過 SHARE，NOLONG，TONAL MARKEDNESS 和 REGISTER MARKEDNESS 的排序， 可以預測暱稱仔詞綴的不同聲調。 / This thesis attempts to analyze the pre-a1 tone change and hypocoristic -a2 suffix tone change in Taiwan Southern Min from the perspective of Optimality Theory and Harmonic Serialism, a derivational version of Classic OT. Classic OT, which implements parallelism, explicates the tone change phenomenon in one-step fashion. The two tonal variants of the pre-a1 and -a2 syllables can be accounted for through the constraint re-ranking in Cophonology Theory. The interaction between SHARE (t) and NOLONG (t) determines whether the terminal toneme will perform spreading in the pre-a1 tone change. In the -a2 suffix tone change, the interaction amongst SHARE, NOLONG and TONAL MARKEDNESS determines whether -a2 will receive a tone spread from the neighboring TBU or associate with a default L. Harmonic Serialism, which assumes harmonic improvement over the course of serial derivation, provides an alternative treatment for the pre-a1 tone change and -a2 suffix tone change. In Harmonic Serialism, the pre-a1 tonal alternation proceeds with three steps, viz. regular tone sandhi, register spreading and terminal toneme spreading. -a2 suffix tone change also requires three steps in terms of Harmonic Serialism, that is, featureless tone insertion in the first step; register spreading or low register insertion in the second step; and toneme spreading or low tonal feature insertion in the final step. Likewise, the ranking conditions between SHARE (t) and NOLONG (t) predict whether toneme will spread in the pre-a1 tone change. In the -a2 suffix tone change, the alternative rankings among SHARE, NOLONG, TONAL MARKEDNESS and REGISTER MARKEDNESS decide the application of tone spreading or default L insertion.

本文調查年輕世代 (1988 至 1995 年間出生者) 閩南語的變調範域 (Tone Sandhi Domain)，即調群 (Tone Group)。文中以「傳統調群」表文獻記載的變調範域，以「新調群」表本文重新調查的變調範域。論文的研究立基於音韻句法互動之上，並持間接指涉假設觀點，從韻律音韻學的角度出發，認為句法音韻間存有一韻律介面，且調群為此介面上的韻律單位：音韻詞組 (Phonological Phrase, ϕ)。 本文發現新調群與傳統調群的劃分相異。前人研究指出，調群邊界 (#) 標於音韻詞組右端，音韻詞組為一最大投射 XP，且不可為附加語及附著語。新調群僅部分可以傳統音韻詞組界定，其他則對應至句法上的主要語 X，以及附加語最大投射 XP。此外，新調群的邊界為選擇性地出現，具語言變異。新調群出現四種於傳統調群未見的劃分形式：依調群邊界前的語法單位分為主要語 X 類別：(1) V # NP # (2) V # QP # 及附加語 XP 類別： (3) QP # A # (4) AdvP # V #。 本文提出調群新定義，並以優選理論中的 ROE 模型進行分析，提出三個新制約：Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ)、ϕ-min 及 Align-R (X-head, ϕ)。Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) 用以區分功能性投射與詞彙性投射；ϕ-min 限制音韻詞組至少含兩音節；Align-R (X-head, ϕ) 解釋調群邊界標註於主要語 X 右端。分析時著重制約 Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) 、ϕ-min 及 Align-R (X-head, ϕ) 與切分線 | (Critical Cut-Off Line) 的關係。整體制約排序為：Ident-T-Rϕ | Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) >> ϕ-min >> Align-R (X-head, ϕ) >> *T >> Align-R (XP-Lex, ϕ)。除信實性制約 Ident-T-Rϕ 之外，其他標記性制約皆列於切分線之下，預測語言變異。 / The goal of this thesis is to explore the tone sandhi domain, tone group (hereafter, TG), of Taiwan Southern Min of younger generation. A corpus is built and analyzed within the framework of Prosodic Theory, a derived theory from the Phonology-Syntax Interface Theory. In the literature, TG boundary # was marked at the right edge of an XP which is neither an adjunct nor a clitic. However, the TG boundary # of younger generation is marked at the right edges of a maximal XP, an adjunctive XP and an X-head. Moreover, language variation is observed in the TG parsing: the presence of TG boundary # is optional. There are four TG parsings not observed in the literature: (1) V # NP # (2) V # QP # (3) QP # A # (4) AdvP # V #. TG is redefined as a Phonological Phrase which syntactically corresponds to a maximal XP, an adjunct XP, an X-head but not to a clitic XP. The four TG parsings are then analyzed with Rank-Ordering Model of EVAL (ROE), a subtheory within the Optimality Theory domain which particularly addresses language variation. According to ROE, constraints on the right side of critical cut-off line participate in the prediction of variation. Three constraints involving in variation are proposed: Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ), ϕ-min and Align-R (X-head, ϕ). Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) distinguishes lexical projection and functional projection, ϕ-min requires a Phonological Phrase to be minimally disyllabic, and Align-R (X-head, ϕ) predicts # to occur at the right edge of an X-head. The analysis centers around the three constraints’ relation with the critical cut-off line. The constraint rankings are: Ident-T-Rϕ | Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) >> ϕ-min >> Align-R (X-head, ϕ) >> *T >> Align-R (XP-Lex, ϕ). Except for the faithfulness constraint Ident-T-Rϕ, the other markedness constraints are arranged at the right side of the cut-off line in order to predict language variation.

本論文觀察台灣地區國語閩南口音，也就是俗稱的「台灣國語」中展現的單元音化以及擦音卸解現象，建立「台灣國語語料庫」作為本論文分析的基礎，並且從優選理論的觀點探討這些台灣國語音韻現象。 根據「台灣國語語料庫」的數據顯示，韻核後介音 /j/ 以及 /w/ 容易被語者刪除，韻核前介音 /j/ 以及 /w/ 則傾向被語者保留。輕擦音 /f/ 在台灣國語中常被卸解為 /hw/。 本文的分析認為，國語閩南口音是一種方言的變異，反映了閩南語以及國語的部份制約排序。當語者表現出明顯的閩南語口音時，反映出閩南語的部份制約排序；而語者的閩南語口音較不明顯時，則反映了國語的部份制約排序。 / This thesis investigates monophthongization and fricative reconfiguration in the Taiwanese Accent of Mandarin (TM), and establishes the TM corpus as the base of phonological analysis. The Optimality Theory approach is adopted to account for the phonological phenomenon of TM. As indicated by the TM corpus, the postnuclear glides /j/ and /w/ tend to be deleted in TM; the prenuclear glides /j/ and /w/ tend to be preserved in TM; and the fricative /f/ tend to reconfigurate as /hw/ in TM. Our analysis considers that TM is a dialectal variation which reflects the subgrammars of Taiwanese and Mandarin. When the speaker shows a clear Taiwanese accent, the partially ordered ranking of Taiwanese is reflected; and when the speaker shows no obvious Taiwanese accent, the partially ordered ranking of Mandarin is reflected.