La thèse étudie, à partir du cas des pensionnats privés internationaux de Suisse romande, les mécanismes de l’acquisition d’un pouvoir social sur l’espace et d’une gestion spatiale des ressources, notamment économiques, pour les établissements et pour les élèves. La thèse porte sur les mécanismes par lesquels les pensionnats produisent des ancrages sur le territoire suisse pour les élèves et les anciens élèves. Cette recherche repose sur des entretiens semi-directifs auprès de plusieurs établissements privés, avec directeurs et managers, anciens élèves, enseignants et tuteurs d’internat et sur un travail socio-historique et quantitatif. La première partie étudie au XXe siècle la genèse progressive du secteur du secondaire privé des « pensionnats pour étrangers » et des « écoles internationales » de la région lémanique. L’attraction des grandes fortunes, notamment européennes et états-uniennes, dans ces écoles privées et l’organisation locale de ce secteur éducatif se sont appuyées sur des discours et des pratiques liées aux ressources du territoire suisse. Si les pensionnats suisses occupent aujourd’hui une place périphérique dans le monde international des certifications d’une éducation « d’élite », récemment, de nouveaux processus d’intégration financière mondiale et de défense de la place éducative suisse permettent de redéfinir leur mise en concurrence dans un espace international « d’écoles d’élites ». La deuxième partie porte sur le rôle que joue l’espace suisse dans des stratégies de placement multidimensionnelles en pension par les familles fortunées et sur les rapports à l’espace suisse des élèves et anciens élèves. La notion d’école « refuge » prend un triple sens, celui d’éducation « familiale » et affective de la vie à l’internat, celui d’un évitement des institutions très sélectives sur le plan scolaire et celui lié à un envoi en pension sur le territoire suisse. Les origines nationales des élèves se sont progressivement transformées depuis les années 1950 pour accueillir des nouvelles fortunes non européennes et non américaines, mais les anciens élèves continuent de revenir ou de rester en Suisse. Les forces de rappel des anciens élèves sur le territoire suisse sont le fruit d’une tension : manifestation d’une centralité suisse de leurs carrières financières, espace protecteur face à des incertitudes familiales, politiques et nationales. / The thesis examines how international boarding schools in Switzerland have been producing spatial resources for their students and alumni. The research is based on socio-historical analysis, quantitative analysis, and on semi-directive interviews with headmasters and managers, alumni, teachers and boarding staff at a diversity of international private schools in the Lake Geneva region. The first part of the thesis focuses on the emergence of the private educational sector progressively uniting « boarding schools for foreigners » and « international schools ». Since the beginning of the 20th c., schools have promoted their territorial resources for attracting the very rich, notably from Europe and the United States, and organized sectorial interests accordingly. Swiss boarding schools now have a peripheral part to play in the international spheres of certification and accreditation that govern elite education on a global scale. Nevertheless, recent processes of financialization of the educational sector and ways of protecting the Swiss educational sector contribute to redefine their place within internationalizing governance schemes of elite schools. The second part of the thesis examines the role played by spatial resources in wealthy families’ educational strategies in Switzerland and the spatial relations to Switzerland that students and alumni develop. The notion of « refuge school » or « recovery school » encompasses three dimensions : the « family » education that the boarding schools promote, parental strategies of avoiding selective national educational systems, socio-political determinations. Under the rise of non-European and non-American wealthy clienteles, students’ national origins have changed since the 1950s, but alumni continue to stay or come back to Switzerland. This results from a tension : Swiss centrality for financial careers and protection against family, political and national uncertainties.

Following the postmodern discourses of spatial conceptualisation, this study examined the manner in which space in an Open Distance Learning (ODL) University enables or constrains academics’ work as they go about the process of constructing their academic identities. Focusing on academics’ engagement in one college of the University, the study was premised on the assumption that, in the current higher education (HE) dispensation, academic identity construction presumes and demands the existence of supportive space for academics to effect the academic practices. Lefebvre’s (1991) social production of space and Soja’s (1996) Thirdspace were used as lenses to examine the multiple dimensions of space in relation to spatial practices in the College, the spatial policies and the experiences of academics as the users of the Institutional space. Qualitative ethnographic research methods that were used to collect data included a review of the Institutional policies, intranet posts and emails; the observation and photographing of academics’ offices and administrative office space; observation of departmental meeting proceedings and the conducting of semi-structured interviews with academics of different academic ranks. Findings suggested that although some forms of space are supportive of spatial practices that contribute to academic identity construction, the imagined space of the ODL Institution can be unfairly inclusive and inconsiderate of academics’ unique spatial needs. Such inclusivity of space seemed to be inconsistent with the appropriate ODL space as imagined by some participants where academics may work comfortably and with limited restrictions. The study concluded by making recommendations on how the Institution and the academics may manage space for optimal academic identity construction in the College. / Educational Foundations / D. Ed. (Philosophy of Education)

Le présent mémoire entend offrir une analyse du rapport entre corporalité et ville dans Lullabies for Little Criminals (2006) de Heather O’Neill et Morel (2021) de Maxime Raymond Bock. Ces deux romans contemporains mettent en scène des quartiers montréalais disparus, démolis lors des efforts de revitalisation urbaine qui ont marqué les années 1950 et 1960 à Montréal, contexte également connu sous le nom de « lutte aux taudis ». En orientant ma lecture de ces textes spécifiquement vers le corps des personnages, dans leur inscription textuelle et urbaine, je souhaite réfléchir sur la manière dont les corps issus de milieux précaires à la fois subissent les transformations urbaines et y contribuent. Ces récits corporels et humains de la modernisation jettent un regard neuf sur l’histoire de la ville, ainsi que sur le passé de ces quartiers, disparus du paysage et de la mémoire urbaine. Si l’espace urbain est inscrit de rapports de force et de domination, il est également lieu de savoirs urbains et de tactiques de résistance. Marqués par l’exploitation, la répression, par la précarité des lieux, les sujets marginalisés et dépossédés des deux œuvres à l’étude parviennent en retour à transformer leur environnement par et dans leur corps. La sociologie de l’espace et du quotidien (Lefebvre, De Certeau, Sibley), les travaux d’Elizabeth Grosz sur la corporalité et le féminisme, ainsi que ceux de Walter Benjamin sur la mémoire et la modernité, me permettent de situer la posture adoptée tout au long de ce mémoire. Par l’analyse littéraire de ces expériences corporelles de la ville moderne, ce travail cherche à repenser les formes historiques de la mémoire urbaine, en privilégiant des récits de transitions, de transformations, de mutations. / This thesis examines the relationship between corporeality and the city in Heather O’Neill’s Lullabies for Little Criminals (2006) and Maxime Raymond Bock’s Morel (2021). These two contemporary novels each take place in “vanished” Montreal neighborhoods, areas that were demolished during the urban revitalization of the 1950s and 1960s, a context also known as the “war on slums”. By orienting my reading of these texts toward the textual and urban embedment of the characters’ bodies, I seek to reflect on how bodies from precarious backgrounds both undergo and contribute to the processes of urban transformation. These bodily and human narratives of modernization cast new light on the history of the city and of neighborhoods which have now vanished from both the landscape and from civic memory. If urban space is marked by relations of power and domination, it is also the site of the urban knowledges of city dwellers and of tactical resistance. Marked by exploitation, repression, and precariousness of place, the marginalized and dispossessed subjects of the two works under study manage in turn to transform their environment both with and within their bodies. To construct the theoretical lens used throughout this dissertation, I draw upon the sociology of space and of the everyday (Lefebvre, De Certeau, Sibley), Grosz’s examination of corporeality and feminism, and Benjamin’s work on memory and modernity. Through literary analysis of the embodied experiences of the modern city, this dissertation seeks to rethink historical forms of urban memory by focusing upon narratives of transition, transformation, and mutation.

Submitted by PATRICIA HELENA MILANI null (patriciah.milani@gmail.com) on 2017-01-13T22:09:53Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese_Patrícia_Final.pdf: 5890753 bytes, checksum: 4fc6a070cf109e1149421337cb22d0ed (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by LUIZA DE MENEZES ROMANETTO (luizamenezes@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2017-01-17T13:48:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 milani_ph_dr_prud.pdf: 5890753 bytes, checksum: 4fc6a070cf109e1149421337cb22d0ed (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-17T13:48:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 milani_ph_dr_prud.pdf: 5890753 bytes, checksum: 4fc6a070cf109e1149421337cb22d0ed (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / La production de la différenciation socio-spatiale est analysée, en tenant compte de leurs dimensions objectives et subjectives, à partir de la comparaison entre deux villes de taille moyenne avec de différents niveaux de complexités, Catanduva et São José do Rio Preto. Le quotidien, tandis qu’une unité de l'espace et de temps est notre dimension de l’analyse, en ayant les pratiques spatiales des sujets sociaux étudiés, alors que le plan analytique, qui nous a permis d'identifier la façon dont le processus de fragmentation socio-spatiale s’exprime dans la production de l'espace urbain, surtout à partir des espaces vécus, donnant du sens et de la signification à des pratiques, qui entourent des relations contradictoires entre l'intérieur et à l'extérieur, avant et après, le changement et la permanence, l'espace et le temps. Sur la base de la réalisation de 22 entretiens et des observations sur le terrain, la recherche a révélé que, dans le discours d'une recherche de sécurité, les personnes interrogées, des habitants des espaces résidentiels fermés de classe moyenne et de l'élite, valorisent et produisent des stratégies de distinction socio-spaciale, auxquelles l'espace est dimension stratégique qui ne se limite pas au cadre d’habiter. Telle recherche modifie les façons de comme ces sujets sociaux connaissent l’urbain et ce qui lui est inhérente, étant la ville de plus en plus vécue et représentée dans les fragments. Cette tendance à la séparation, présente dans les deux villes étudiées, étend également aux pratiques de consommation, ce qui démontre de manière plus significative à São José do Rio Preto, une ville où il y a une plus grande présence de espaces fermés, d’ habitation et de consommation, largement valorisés par les segments de la classe moyenne et de l’élite. À Catanduva, il reste encore des pratiques de consommation «traditionnelles», dans le centre-ville traditionnel. Cependant, quand nous opérons à partir du processus de mise à l'échelle commune, en tenant compte les pratiques des consommations des interviewés de Catanduva qui fréquentent certains centres commerciaux de Sao Jose do Rio Preto, on vérifie que la production de la différenciation socio-spatiale est efficace, mais il exige une transposition de l'échelle intra-urbaine à être considérée dans le contexte des villes non métropolitaines. Nous concluons qu'il ne traite pas de mesurer dans quelle ville le processus se produit avec plus ou moins d'intensité, mais d'identifier les logiques qui guident les processus d'urbanisation dans la période contemporaine. / A produção da diferenciação socioespacial é analisada levando em conta suas dimensões objetivas e subjetivas, a partir da comparação entre duas cidades médias com diferentes níveis de complexidades, Catanduva e São José do Rio Preto-SP. O cotidiano, enquanto unidade de espaço e tempo, é nossa dimensão de análise, tendo as práticas espaciais dos sujeitos sociais pesquisados, enquanto plano analítico, o que nos permitiu identificar como o processo de fragmentação socioespacial se expressa na produção do espaço urbano, sobretudo a partir dos espaços vividos, conferindo sentidos e significados às práticas, que envolvem relações contraditórias entre dentro e fora, antes e depois, mudança e permanência, espaço e tempo. Com base na realização de 22 entrevistas e em observações de campo, a pesquisa revelou que, sob o discurso da busca por segurança, os sujeitos pesquisados, moradores de espaços residenciais fechados de classe média e elite, valorizam e produzem estratégias de distinção socioespacial, nas quais o espaço é dimensão estratégica que não se limita ao âmbito do morar. Tal busca modifica as maneiras como esses sujeitos sociais vivenciam o urbano e aquilo que lhe é inerente, sendo a cidade cada vez mais vivida e representada em fragmentos. Essa tendência à separação, presente nas duas cidades pesquisadas, estende-se também para as práticas de consumo, evidenciando-se de maneira mais significativa em São José do Rio Preto, cidade na qual há maior presença de espaços fechados de moradia e consumo, amplamente valorizados. Em Catanduva, ainda há permanências das práticas tradicionais de consumo, no centro principal da cidade. Porém, quando operamos a partir do processo de articulação escalar, levando em conta as práticas de consumo dos entrevistados de Catanduva que frequentam certos shopping centers de São José do Rio Preto, verifica-se que a produção da diferenciação socioespacial se efetiva, mas exige uma transposição da escala intraurbana para ser apreendido no contexto de cidades não metropolitanas, sobretudo cidades médias nos limiares. Concluímos, assim, que não se trata de medir em que cidade a diferenciação ocorre com maior ou menor intensidade, mas de identificar as lógicas que guiam os processos de urbanização no período contemporâneo. / The production of socio-spatial differentiation is analyzed in this paper considering its objective and subjective dimensions, through the comparison of two midsize cities with different complexity levels, Catanduva and São José do Rio Preto. The daily life, understood as a space-time unity, is our analysis dimension, and the spatial practices of the researched subjects are our analytical plan, which allowed us to identify how the social and spatial fragmentation process is expressed in the production of the urban space. This occurs mainly in relation to the lived spaces, which attributes meaning and significance to the practices that involve contradictory relations between the inside and the outside, the before and the after, the transformation and the continuity, space and time. We conduct our research through 22 interviews and field observations, which revealed that the researched subjects – middle class and elite residents of gate communities -, under the speech of search for security, value and produce strategies of social and spatial distinction, in which the space is a strategic dimension that is not restricted to the scope of inhabiting. This quest modifies the ways these social subjects experience the urbane, with all the things that are connected to it, and in this manner the city is progressively lived and represented in fragments. This tendency to separation, observed in the two researched cities, also reaches the purchasing practices, despite being more significant in São José do Rio Preto, because there are more gated spaces of residence and purchase in this city. In Catanduva, there still are traditional practices of purchasing in the center of the city. However, when we operate in the scale articulation process, considering the purchasing practices of the interviewed subjects that live in Catanduva but attend the shopping centers of São José do Rio Preto, we observe the existence of the differentiation process as well. The difference is that this process requires a transposition of the intra-urban scale in order to be apprehended in the context of non-metropolitan cities, mainly in the case of threshold midsize cities. Our conclusion is that we should not consider the size of the city in order to analyze the process, but to identify the logics that drive the urbanization processes in the contemporary period.

Despite the authority that time holds in the discipline of studying events of the past, not all historians or writers analyzing the past use time to study history—some use space, including writers who write about and interact with an urban topography. The space used by these writers is built space, as well as inhabited and practiced "lived" space. Whereas time provides a transparent overview of history, the urban spaces tend to be opaque. Clarifying history through urban space is additionally troublesome, because built space and its attached memories are visibly forgotten and ignored as time advances. Despite the difficulties of working with and understanding urban space, some intellectuals specifically choose space as a tool of discernment of history. For these individuals, understanding history becomes an investigation of sensing, feeling, and divining human activity out of the mass of artifacts and used spaces. Hermine Cloeter is one such urban forensic historian.