O centenário da independência do Brasil, comemorado em 1922, mostrou-se uma oportunidade excepcional para as elites brasileiras exporem projetos de identidade nacional, de predominância europeia, no que diz respeito à cultura, o que inclui considerações racistas, e de manutenção da estrutura social, calcada no capitalismo liberal. O presente trabalho tem por objetivo investigar como tais projetos impactaram as exposições, congressos, e outros eventos comemorativos. A Exposição Internacional e os congressos de História do Brasil e Internacional de Americanistas mostraram um país inserido na economia mundial, buscando os fatos e os personagens fundadores da nacionalidade, interessado em se aproximar dos demais países do continente e que considerava a miscigenação uma aliada para promover o branqueamento da população. O estudo também se volta ao mecenato estatal, cuja intenção de adquirir quatro quadros de assunto histórico, relacionados aos acontecimentos de 1822, estimulou alguns artistas a retomar a produção de tal gênero de pintura, porém algo distanciados dos cânones acadêmicos e incorporando questões e discursos em pauta naquele momento histórico. O juri encarregado selecionou, para aquisição, as obras: Sessão do Conselho de Estado, de Georgina de Albuquerque; Primeiros sons do Hino da Independência, de Augusto Bracet; Tiradentes, o precursor, de Pedro Bruno; Minha terra, de Hélios Seelinger. Os eventos retratados, apesar da presença de personagens históricos, abordaram o direito de voto à mulher; a revisão do período monárquico e da figura de Pedro I; a trajetória do país de 1500 a 1889, sob a perspectiva da miscigenação e do branqueamento; o papel do Estado, enquanto instância de repressão. / The centennial of Brazil independence, celebrated in 1922, was an exceptional opportunity for Brazilian elites expose projects of national identity, of European predominance, with respect to culture, which includes racists considerations, and maintenance of the social structure, based on liberal capitalism. The present study aims to investigate how these projects impacted the exhibitions, conferences, and other commemorative events. The International Exhibition and the Congress of History of Brazil and the International Congress of Americanists showed a country inserted in a world economy, looking for facts and founders for a nationality, interested in being closer to the other countries of the continent, considering miscegenation as an allied to promote whitening of the population. This work studies the acquisition of four historical paintings, related to the events of 1822, under the state commitments which led some artists to resume the production of this genre, although something distanced from academic canons but incorporating questions and speeches of that historical moment. The responsible committee selected for purchase the works: Sessão do Conselho de Estado, by Georgina de Albuquerque; Primeiros sons do Hino da Independência, by Augusto Bracet; Tiradentes, o precursor, by Peter Bruno; Minha terra, by Helios Seelinger. The paintings portrayed, despite the presence of historical characters, the womans right to vote; the revision of the monarchic period and the figure of D. Pedro I; the country history from 1500 to 1889, from the perspective of miscegenation and whitening; the state\'s role as an institution of repression.

Depuis la mise en place du PNNS (Programme National Nutrition Santé) en 2001 en France, chacun sait qu'il faut manger des légumes quotidiennement, et ce depuis le plus jeune âge, pour bénéficier d'une alimentation équilibrée. Dans le pays dont le « repas gastronomique » a été labellisé en 2010 par le comité intergouvernemental de l'UNESCO pour la sauvegarde du patrimoine immatériel de l'humanité, la culture alimentaire a donc vu, depuis une vingtaine d'années, sa tradition basée sur le goût et la commensalité, bouleversée par une approche de plus en plus fonctionnelle de l'alimentation, centrée sur la nutrition et la santé.Le mangeur français est, dans ce contexte, assailli de discours contradictoires sur l'alimentation, mais qui tendent pour la plupart à le responsabiliser et potentiellement à le culpabiliser. Imprégné d'une culture alimentaire de plaisir et de liberté, il subit un véritable bouleversement des valeurs liées à l'alimentation.On pourrait alors penser que les pratiques ont changé et que la consommation de légumes, aujourd’hui mise en valeur par les politiques de santé publiques, a fortement augmenté. Paradoxalement, ce n'est pas le cas. La dernière étude du CREDOC montre même qu’« en 2016 (…) on n’a jamais eu aussi peu de grands consommateurs de fruits et légumes, que ce soit chez les enfants ou les adultes. » (2017). Par ailleurs, « l’atteinte du repère de cinq fruits et légumes par jour se fait avant tout en consommant plus de fruits frais » (Ibid.).Or si les dernières études montrent une baisse générale de la consommation des légumes, les classes diplômées de la société sont les seules qui conservent une consommation plus forte, principalement de légumes frais. La question est alors de savoir si le légume ne serait pas en passe de devenir un nouvel aliment distinctif, concentrant les valeurs dominantes de notre société surmoderne (Augé, 1994) reprises à leur compte par les catégories « moyennes supérieures », telles la fraîcheur, la légèreté, le naturel, etc. Si l’on peut gager une diffusion des pratiques aujourd’hui minoritaires du haut de l’échelle sociale vers le bas, suivant par là les théories de l’innovation sociale observées au fil de l’histoire, il semble pertinent de s’intéresser aux freins et leviers, au-delà des conditions matérielles, de la consommation des légumes chez ces mangeurs.Pour comprendre, interpréter, analyser la consommation des légumes en France, il s’agit ici d’étudier l'imaginaire qu'ils déploient chez les mangeurs les plus consommateurs, car si « tout fait social doit être étudié sous l'angle matériel et sous l'angle mental » (Corbeau, Poulain, 2002), les paramètres du choix rationnel sont loin d'être suffisants, dans le cas de l'alimentation en général, et des légumes en particulier, pour comprendre leur faible consommation. Dans ce cadre, la consommation de légumes est appréhendée comme source de distinction et d’intégration sociale.A partir de l’enquête de terrain sur 20 mangeurs, restreinte en nombre mais étendue de par les multiples protocoles d’enquêtes déployés, issus de catégories socioprofessionnelles diplômées, il s’agit de comprendre le rapport entre l'expérience sensorielle et même polysensorielle, sensible (multimodale) attachée aux légumes et les représentations concomitantes.De l’expérience de dégustation à l’ « image du goût » (Boutaud, 2005) des légumes, en passant par le contexte et les modalités de leur consommation, l’idée est de saisir, sur le terrain et de façon très concrète, la manière dont les discours médiatiques nombreux sur les légumes, constitutifs des imaginaires sociaux sur le sujet, sont reçus, perçus, appropriés et plus ou moins intégrés dans les pratiques des mangeurs, eux-mêmes situés à la croisée d’un faisceau de facteurs favorables ou non à l’image des légumes, à différentes échelles, consciemment ou inconsciemment. / Since the establishment of the PNNS (National Health Nutrition Program) in 2001 in France, everyone knows that we must eat vegetables daily, and from a very young age, to enjoy a balanced diet. In the country whose "gastronomic meal" was certified in 2010 by the UNESCO Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, the food culture has, for twenty years, seen its tradition based on on taste and commensality, disrupted by an increasingly functional approach to nutrition, focused on nutrition and health.The French eater is, in this context, beset by contradictory discourses on food, but which tend for the most part to make him responsible and potentially to make him feel guilty. Impregnated with a food culture of pleasure and freedom, it undergoes a real upheaval of the values ​​related to food.One could then think that the practices have changed and that the consumption of vegetables, today highlighted by the public health policies, has strongly increased. Paradoxically, this is not the case. The latest CREDOC study even shows that "in 2016 (...) we have never had so many large consumers of fruits and vegetables, whether in children or adults. "(2017). In addition, "reaching the benchmark of five fruits and vegetables a day is primarily done by consuming more fresh fruit" (Ibid.).However, while the latest studies show a general decline in vegetable consumption, the certified classes of society are the only ones that maintain a higher consumption, mainly of fresh vegetables. The question then is whether the vegetable would not be on the way to becoming a new distinctive food, concentrating the dominant values ​​of our super-modern society (Augé, 1994) taken over by the "upper middle" categories, such as freshness, lightness, naturalness, etc. If we can bet a diffusion of practices today minority from the top of the social ladder down, following the theories of social innovation observed throughout history, it seems relevant to be interested the brakes and levers, beyond the material conditions, the consumption of vegetables among these eaters.To understand, interpret and analyze the consumption of vegetables in France, it is a question here of studying the imaginary that they deploy among the most consuming eaters, because if "all social fact must be studied from the material and from the mental point of view "(Corbeau, Poulain, 2002), the parameters of rational choice are far from sufficient, in the case of food in general, and vegetables in particular, to understand their low consumption. In this context, the consumption of vegetables is understood as a source of distinction and social integration.From the field survey on 20 eaters, limited in number but extended by the multiple survey protocols deployed, from socioprofessional categories graduates, it is to understand the relationship between sensory experience and even polysensory, sensitive (multimodal) attached to vegetables and concomitant representations.From the tasting experience to the "image of taste" (Boutaud, 2005) of vegetables, through the context and the modalities of their consumption, the idea is to grasp, on the ground and in a very concrete way, the way in which the numerous media discourses on vegetables, constitutive of social imaginaries on the subject, are received, perceived, appropriate and more or less integrated into the practices of the eaters, themselves located at the crossroads of a bundle of favorable factors or not in the image of vegetables, at different scales, consciously or unconsciously.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2016-08-22T20:31:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Vinicius Araújo Bezerra.pdf: 871497 bytes, checksum: ad740178302fffb44b543eaea10f9405 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2016-08-23T11:25:02Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Vinicius Araújo Bezerra.pdf: 871497 bytes, checksum: ad740178302fffb44b543eaea10f9405 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-23T17:08:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Vinicius Araújo Bezerra.pdf: 871497 bytes, checksum: ad740178302fffb44b543eaea10f9405 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-24 / Capes / Mercosur, in the course of its history, went through moments of elation and concern. During the euphoria, the regional block could provide to the members with na increase in trade flow and insert their economic more competitively in the contexto of globalization. During concern, the partners used to protectionism to address the crisis and generated suspicions in relation to Block due, in particular, the relationship between Brazil and Argentina. From the late 1990s, both decided to revitalize Mercosur in order to enlarge it economic scope for political, cultural and social. Mercosur must therefore be understood as a process in constant improvement. Brazilian diplomacy in this context established a strategic relationship with Argentina to realize that if there is no agreement between them, the Brazilian project for regional integration would not advance. Brazil encouraged the creation of the South American space with Mercosur as the core of this policy. To this end, it sought to build a regional identity as a way of encouraging political consultation between the states, cooperation and development, but without neglecting the guiding principles of Brazilian foreign policy: autonomy and universalism. From the idea of concentric circles, Brazil signed with Argentina, Mercosur placed in the core with links to other regional bodies with the pragmatic goal of international integration. By analyzing the speeches by the president, Dilma Rousseff, in his first term, the intention that Mercosur remains an instrument for Brazil to achieve part of its international demands. Thus, from the paradigm of the PEB, the conceptions of the constructivist theory of International Relations and discourse analysis methodology the dissertation proposes, at the end, to understand to what extent the Brazilian intention in Mercosur serves to achieve its international goals. / O Mercosul, no decorrer de sua história, passou por momentos de euforia e de preocupação. Durante a euforia, o Bloco regional conseguiu proporcionar aos membros um aumento no fluxo comercial e inserir suas economias de forma mais competitiva no contexto da globalização. Durante a preocupação, os sócios se utilizaram do protecionismo para enfrentar a crise e geraram desconfianças em relação ao Bloco, devido, especialmente, a relação entre o Brasil e a Argentina. A partir do final dos anos 1990, ambos resolveram revitalizar o Mercosul com o intuito de ampliá-lo, ou seja, passar do escopo econômico para também, político, cultural e social. O Mercosul, portanto, deve ser entendido como um processo em constante aperfeiçoamento. A diplomacia brasileira, nesse contexto, estabeleceu uma relação estratégica com a Argentina ao perceber que, se não há concertação entre ambos, o projeto brasileiro para a integração regional não avança. O Brasil incentivou a constituição do espaço sul-americano tendo o Mercosul como núcleo dessa política. Para tanto, buscou a construção de uma identidade regional como forma de estimular a concertação política entre os Estados, a cooperação e o desenvolvimento, mas sem deixar de lado os princípios orientadores da política externa brasileira: a autonomia e o universalismo. A partir da ideia de círculos concêntricos, o Brasil se firmou com a Argentina, colocou o Mercosul no núcleo e se articulou com outras instâncias regionais com o objetivo pragmático de inserção internacional. Ao analisar os discursos proferidos pela presidente da República, Dilma Rousseff, em seu primeiro mandato, é perceptível a intenção de que o Mercosul permaneça um instrumento para o Brasil alcançar parte de suas demandas internacionais. Com isso, a partir dos paradigmas da PEB, das concepções da teoria construtivista das Relações Internacionais e da metodologia da análise do discurso, a dissertação propõe, ao final, entender até que ponto a intenção brasileira no Mercosul serve para a consecução de seus objetivos internacionais.

FundaÃÃo de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Cearà / Esta tese tem como objetivo compreender os modos de contestaÃÃo e de legitimaÃÃo do desenvolvimento gestados no tempo de instalaÃÃo do complexo mÃnero-industrial de Itataia, por aqueles que conformam um campo de disputa sobre os efeitos decorrentes da operaÃÃo da mina de urÃnio e de fosfato, localizada no municÃpio de Santa QuitÃria, situado no semiÃrido cearense. Os modos de contestaÃÃo ao discurso do desenvolvimento se referem aos posicionamentos e Ãs interpretaÃÃes dos movimentos sociais reunidos na ArticulaÃÃo Antinuclear do Cearà (AACE) e atores sociais que se colocam contrÃrios ao empreendimento, ressaltando a sua ameaÃa e os seus riscos ao meio ambiente, à saÃde e Ãs atividades socioeconÃmicas sustentÃveis realizadas nas localidades onde o Projeto Santa QuitÃria se instalarÃ. Os trÃs modos de legitimaÃÃo do desenvolvimento sÃo: o discurso da abundÃncia dos bens naturais, como urÃnio e fosfato, que justificaria a mineraÃÃo destes; o discurso da sustentabilidade, que defende a opÃÃo da geraÃÃo de energia nuclear como mais limpa e sustentÃvel; e o discurso da redenÃÃo do semiÃrido propriamente, que ressalta a geraÃÃo de empregos que virà com o empreendimento e suas hipotÃticas vantagens econÃmicas para o municÃpio. O desenvolvimento como redenÃÃo refere-se aos discursos e aÃÃes que visam legitimar o Projeto Santa QuitÃria (PSQ) pelo seu poder de transformar a regiÃo do semiÃrido cearense pela construÃÃo e enaltecimento do desenvolvimento para uma regiÃo marcada pelo acesso desigual aos bens naturais. A pesquisa foi realizada uma parte dela em campo, especificamente na sede do municÃpio de Santa QuitÃria e em dois de seus distritos rurais, Riacho das Pedras e Morrinhos. Outra parte foi realizada nas audiÃncias pÃblicas concernentes ao projeto de grande escala de mineraÃÃo de urÃnio e fosfato. TambÃm recorri aos documentos produzidos no Ãmbito de uma gestÃo planejada dos recursos energÃticos e da geraÃÃo de energia nuclear pelo Governo Federal e Ãqueles produzidos pelos movimentos sociais e entidades civis que sÃo contra o projeto de mineraÃÃo. Uma pesquisa nos veÃculos de comunicaÃÃo tambÃm foi importante para coletar dados e afirmaÃÃes dos sujeitos envolvidos na defesa e na contestaÃÃo ao Projeto Santa QuitÃria. Finalmente, concluo que os conflitos decorrentes dessa relaÃÃo e os conflitos socioambientais que resultam do longo processo que antecede a operaÃÃo da mina colocam em relevo percepÃÃes conflitantes sobre a ideia de desenvolvimento. / This thesis aims to understand the ways of contestation and legitimization of development gestated during the installation of the Itataiaâs Mineral Industrial Complex by those who conform a playing field on the effects of the operation of the uranium and phosphate mine, in municipality of Santa QuitÃria, located in the semi-arid region of CearÃ. The ways of challenging the discourse of development are related to the positions, the interpretations of social movements gathered in the Antinuclear Articulation of Cearà (AACE) and how social actors are against the enterprise, highlighting its threat and risks to the environment, Health and sustainable socioeconomic activities in the locations where the Santa Quiteria Project will be installed. The three modes of legitimation of development are: the discourse of abundance of natural goods such as uranium and phosphate that would justify mining; The discourse of sustainability that defends the option of generating nuclear energy as cleaner and sustainable; And properly the discourse of the redemption of the semiarid, emphasizing the generation of jobs to come and the hypothetical economic advantages for the municipality. Development as redemption refers to the discourses and actions aimed at legitimizing the Santa QuitÃria Project (SQP) for its power to transform the semi-arid region of Cearà by building and enhancing development for a region marked by unequal access to natural assets. Part of the research was fieldwork, specifically at the headquarters of the municipality of Santa QuitÃria and in two of its rural districts, Riacho das Pedras and Morrinhos. Another part was held at public hearings concerning the project with large scale uranium mining and phosphate. I also referred to the documents produced within the framework of a planned management of energy resources and the generation of nuclear energy by the Federal Government and those produced by the social movements and civil entities that are against the mining project. A research in the communication vehicles was also important to collect data and affirmations of the subjects involved in the defense and in the contestation to the Santa QuitÃria Project. Conclusively, conflicts arising from this relationship and socio-environmental conflicts resulting from the long process that precedes the mineâs operation highlight the conflicting perceptions about the idea of development.

Submitted by Sandra Pereira (srpereira@ufrrj.br) on 2017-01-09T10:45:11Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Francismara de Oliveira Lelis.pdf: 2980217 bytes, checksum: 7d648305b08763627a67fa6fea461482 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-09T10:45:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Francismara de Oliveira Lelis.pdf: 2980217 bytes, checksum: 7d648305b08763627a67fa6fea461482 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-13 / In court, in 1881, the Imperial Lyceum of Arts and Crafts, institution that offered vocational education with an emphasis on design, opens its first female class. To celebrate the inauguration of the new course, the Lyceum publishes a collection of texts entitled "Commemorative Polyantheia of classes inauguration for female gender of Imperial Lyc?o of Arts and Crafts" gathering various Brazilian intellectuals, of which 127 men and only 4 women lectured about education that Lyceum should provide for the female public.This study aims to historicize this unique document, seeking to understand the role of the Arts and Crafts Lyceum in court education, the creation of the women's course within the educational possibilities intended for feminine gender, besides to analyze how the authors (men and women) of Polyantheia understood the opening of the course and the importance and the meanings attributed to female education / Na corte, em 1881, o Imperial Liceu de Artes e Of?cios, institui??o que oferecia ensino profissionalizante com ?nfase no desenho, abre sua primeira turma feminina. Para comemorar a inaugura??o do novo curso, o Liceu publica uma colet?nea de textos intitulada ?Polyantheia commemorativa de inaugura??o das aulas para o sexo feminino do Imperial Lyc?o de Artes e Officios?, reunindo diversos intelectuais brasileiros, dos quais 127 homens e apenas 4 mulheres dissertaram sobre a educa??o que o Liceu deveria fornecer para o p?blico feminino. O presente trabalho visa historicizar esse documento singular, buscando compreender o papel do Liceu de Artes e Of?cios na educa??o da Corte, a cria??o do curso, dentro das possibilidades educativas destinadas ao g?nero feminino, al?m de analisar como os/as autores/as da Polyantheia compreenderam a abertura do curso e a import?ncia e os sentidos atribu?dos ? da educa??o feminina.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T13:54:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Claudia Helena dos Santos Araujo.pdf: 907930 bytes, checksum: bd70f7a5188933a1899a0ec780360c2c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-09-15 / This study aimed to present a thematic analysis and theoretical state of the art made about the uses of computers in school education in the period 1997 to 2007 in productions scientific journals published in national and international level as well as the Working Group on Education and Communication from the National Association of Postgraduate and Research in Education (ANPEd). Thus, a search that was guided proposed, essentially, the following question: "What theoretical guidance guide the pedagogical discourse in this scientific articles on uses of computer in school?". Based on this assumption, there was a literature search of character executrix, with thematic balance of production and found 107 work related to the subject of the investigation and, furthermore, 1330 authors referenced in these studies. considers that the theoretical contribution to subsidize the path of the research methodology was based on texts by Soares (1989), Warde (1993), Deslandes (1994), Tiballi (1998), Ferreira (2002), Eco (2005), Franco ( 2005), Bardin (2006), Triviños (2006) and Barreto (2006). The body indicated the establishment of two broad categories, namely: "The computer as a teaching" and "The computer as a theoretical discussion in the context of society and education." It is here that the studies are considered direct in their vast majority, more to the theme of the distance education and to the issues of use of computers in the teaching and learning process. The main theoretical references identified in studies about education and technology are based on the following authors: Pierre Lévy, Paulo Freire, Lev S. Vygostky and Manuel Castells. / Este estudo teve por objetivo apresentar uma análise temática e teórica do Estado da Arte realizado sobre os usos do computador na educação escolar no período de 1997 a 2007 nas produções científicas publicadas nos periódicos nacional e internacional nível A bem como no Grupo de Trabalho sobre Educação e Comunicação da Associação Nacional de Pósgraduação e Pesquisa em Educação (ANPEd). Dessa forma, foi norteada uma pesquisa que propunha, essencialmente, a seguinte questão: Quais orientações teóricas perspassam o discurso pedagógico presente nos artigos científicos sobre os usos do computador no ensino escolar? . Com base em tal pressuposto, realizou-se a pesquisa bibliográfica de caráter inventariante, com balanço temático da produção, encontrando 107 trabalhos relacionados ao tema da investigação e, ainda, 1.330 autores referenciados nestes estudos. Vale considerar que o aporte teórico que subsidiou o caminho metodológico da pesquisa foi baseado em textos de Soares (1989), Warde (1993), Deslandes (1994), Tiballi (1998), Ferreira (2002), Eco (2005), Franco (2005), Bardin (2006), Trivinõs (2006) e Barreto (2006). O corpus indicou a criação de duas grandes categorias, a saber: O computador como meio pedagógico e O computador como reflexão teórica no contexto da sociedade e na educação . Conclui-se que os estudos aqui considerados se direcionam, em sua grande maioria, mais para a temática da educação a distância e para as questões de uso do computador no processo de ensino e aprendizagem. As principais referências teóricas identificadas nos estudos acerca da educação e tecnologia são baseadas nos seguintes autores: Pierre Lévy, Paulo Freire, Lev S. Vygostky e Manuel Castells.

Cette thèse se propose de présenter et d’analyser les discours prescriptifs des fabulistes du XVIIIe siècle, en commençant par celui de Houdar de La Motte qui, dans ses Fables nouvelles, en 1719, s’est posé en adversaire admiratif de La Fontaine, inégalable poète mais moraliste très contestable. Après avoir présenté ce recueil fondateur dans le contexte de la crise générale de la poésie que connaît la France à l’heure de la Qurelle d’Homère, l’on étudie les idées de l’audacieux fabuliste, soucieux d’établir des règles pour réaliser des apologues en vers qui soient conformes à l’objectif didactique qui, selon La Motte, est une priorité dans ce genre d’écrire. Quatre des successeurs de La Motte, dont les recueils sont parus de 1729 (Richer) à 1792 (Florian), ont été retenus pour examiner si cette première poétique prescriptive a été suivie ou contestée par des poètes qui s’y réfèrent forcément, comme d’ailleurs ils se réfèrent à La Fontaine, modèle écrasant qu’on se risque parfois à analyser pour percer son secret ou qu’on se contente d’admirer pour s’autoriser à ambitionner une place après lui. / This thesis proposes to present and analyze the prescriptive discourses of the eighteenth-century’s fabulists, starting with the one of Houdar de La Motte, who in his new Fables in 1719 posed as an admiring opponent of La Fontaine, matchless poet but a very questionable moralist. After presenting this founding book in the context of the general crisis of poetry in France at the time of Homer's Qurelle, we study the ideas of the daring fabulist, anxious to establish rules to make apologues in verses that are in conformity with the didactic objective which, according to La Motte, is a priority in this kind of writing. Four of the successors of La Motte, whose collections were published from 1729 (Richer) to 1792 (Florian), were retained to examine whether this first prescriptive poetic was followed or disputed by poets who necessarily referred to it as they would refer to La Fontaine, an overwhelming model that one sometimes dares to analyze in order to pierce his secret or that one merely admires to allow himself to ambition a place after him.

What do politicians talk about when discussing foreign affairs? Are these topics different from the ones in the newspapers? Finally, can unsupervised methods be used to help us understand these problems? Answering these questions is of paramount importance to understanding the relationship between foreign policy and mass media. Based on this discussion, this research has three main objectives: (a) to verify whether unsupervised methods can be used to analyze documents on international issues; (b) to understand the issues that politicians talk about when dealing with foreign affairs; and (c) to understand when and with which periodicity the mass media publish news on certain international topics. To do so, I created two new corpora, one with news articles published in the international section of two major Brazilian newspapers; and a corpus with all speeches made within the two Committees on Foreign Affairs of the National Congress of Brazil. I ran a topic model using Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA) in both. The results of this topic model show that LDA can be used to distinguish different international issues that appear in both political discourse and the mass media in Brazil. Additionally, I found that the LDA model can be used to identify when some topics are debated and for how long. The findings also demonstrate that Brazilian politicians and Brazilian newspapers are neither isolated nor unstable in what regards international issues. / Sobre o que os políticos falam quando discutem temas internacionais? Esses tópicos são diferentes daqueles que aparecem nos jornais? Finalmente, métodos não supervisionados podem ser usados para nos ajudar a entender esses problemas? Responder a essas perguntas é de suma importância para entender a relação entre política externa e mídia de massa. Com base nessa discussão, esta pesquisa tem três objetivos principais: (a) verificar se os métodos não supervisionados podem ser usados para analisar documentos sobre questões internacionais; (b) compreender sobre que assuntos os políticos falam quando lidam com relações exteriores; e (c) entender quando e por quanto tempo a mídia de massa publica notícias sobre determinados tópicos internacionais. Para tanto, eu criei dois novos corpora, um com notícias publicadas no caderno internacional de dois dos principais jornais brasileiros; e um corpus com todos os discursos feitos dentro das duas Comissões de Relações Exteriores do Congresso Brasileiro. Executei um modelo de tópico usando Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA) em ambos. Os resultados desse modelo de tópico mostram que ele pode ser usado para distinguir diferentes questões internacionais que aparecem tanto no discurso político como na mídia de massa no Brasil. Além disso, o modelo pode ser usado para identificar quando alguns tópicos são debatidos e por quanto tempo. Os resultados também demonstram que tanto os políticos como os jornais brasileiros não são isolados nem instáveis em relação a questões internacionais.

<p>This investigation explores and analyzes speeches by John McCain and Barack Obama, who were the candidates of the United States Presidential election 2008. Ten speeches by each speaker are in a non-biased way selected from the year 2007 from their official websites when they were senators of Arizona and Illinois respectively. The analyses of the speeches concern cohesive measures and are not about what they say in their political occupation. This approach was selected to see if there are any comparisons and/or contrasts in terms of cohesion between the speakers or within their own set of speeches. The website Coh-Metrix has been used and out of it nine measures have been selected and analyzed in detail. This study looks at the average words per sentence, the average syllables per word, the Flesch Reading Ease score, the average concreteness for content words, the average minimum concreteness for content words, the mean number of higher level constituents, the type-token ratio, the syntactic structure similarity, and the average number of negations. The two speakers had overall very similar results except for a few standard deviations as in for example the average concreteness and average minimum concreteness for content words results. However, eight out of the nine measurement numbers were non-significant according to a t-test for non-matched observations and/or a chi-square goodness-of-fit test. One measurement, the average number of negation expressions per 1000 words, was nonetheless highly significant according to a t-test and chi-square test, as Obama used about twice as many negations in comparison to McCain. This study shows that the speakers’ twenty speeches are similar in terms of structure and cohesion except for the fact that Obama uses more negation expressions compared to McCain. These results do not, however, necessarily say anything else about the speakers and/or speeches.</p><p>Keywords: cohesion, cohesion markers, cohesion measures/measurements, Coh-Metrix, speeches, texts</p>

This study examines the analyzes the 2010 National Tea Party Convention in order to determine whether the Tea Party Movements’ rhetoric is unique from the rhetoric employed by previously studied movements. The study forwards the concept of a pseudo-movement: a movement that appears radical, but has normative, procedural goals.