Korea and Japan stand out in the group of OECD countries for their rapid increase in, and high levels of, non-standard employment. The empirical evidence leads us to a two-part puzzle: Why are there so many precarious workers in Korea and Japan? And what are the institutional determinants of such labour market risks? This thesis commences by introducing the concept of 'risk shift', and the fuzzy-set ideal type approach is employed to conduct a comparative study of 18 countries. The labour market risks in Korea and Japan are then compared in an international context with 16 selected OECD countries. Fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis is employed to investigate the institutional determinants of labour market risks. It then focuses on the increase in non-standard employement in Korea and Japan. Taiwan is also included as a contrasting case, the study taking an institutional approach employing Comparative Historical Analysis. Chapters employing CHA examine how the different welfare production regimes evolved and how they matter in explaining the high rate of non-standard employment in East Asia. The new risk discussion, the argument on the definition and impact of deindustrialization and lastly theories on East Asian welfare states are revisited in the conclusion of this thesis. Finally, I critically discuss the notion of precarious workers and highlight the centrality of social policy that their organizational configuration affects political culture, the formation of the production system, the structure of the labour market and the kind of risk a country could experience.

In this dissertation I explore the redistributive effects of second-dimensional identity politics in parliamentary democracies. Specifically, I focus on parties’ electoral incentives to manipulate the salience of the territorial-identity cleavage. My main argument is that a greater electoral salience of the second dimension distorts the nature of redistributive outcomes. Although the redistributive effects of second dimensions of political competition have been explored in majoritarian democracies, much less is known about their effects in democracies with proportional representation (PR). The dissertation brings “bad news” in that regard: when the territorial second dimension is salient, it is no longer true that parliamentary democracies with proportional electoral systems redistribute more –which is the prevalent view in the existing literature. In fact, the so called “left-bias” of PR systems vanishes when the territorial-identity cleavage is politically activated. This key insight therefore offers a fundamental qualification to the institutionalism literature, by making an effort to understand the way in which regional diversity interacts with institutions through multidimensional political competition. The dissertation is divided in two parts: one theoretical and one empirical. First, I develop a formal model that illustrates the way in which parties’ second-dimension electoral incentives affect both the electoral stage and the subsequent post-electoral coalition bargaining among parties in national parliaments. The reason is that both right-wing and regionalist parties have incentives to increase the salience of the second dimension at the electoral stage to attract voters, and subsequently the coalition bargaining among parties in parliaments offers new opportunities for legislative coalitions. In the second part of the dissertation, I test the empirical implications at the macro-level, the meso-level and the individual-level. The main empirical results can be summarised as follows. First, I present empirical evidence according to which the legislative salience of the second dimension induces a negative effect on redistribution and a positive effect on the regionalisation of public policy. Second, I provide evidence which shows that both right-wing and regionalist parties strategically increase the electoral salience of the second dimension when they are “losers” on the first dimension. Finally, I illustrate the way in which the salience of the second dimension affects the formation of individual preferences for redistribution. In sum, this dissertation provides new arguments and empirical evidence that demonstrates how second dimensional politics can have profound redistributive consequences in parliamentary democracies.

This thesis contributes to the growing EU-US literature by comparing and explaining the evolution of urban policy in these two federal systems. The thesis begins with a puzzle: after introducing two similar and equally short-lived regeneration schemes—Model Cities (MC) (1967) and URBAN (1994)—the US and the EU followed different paths: the former replaced MC with the durable Community Development Block Grant (CDBG) in 1974, while the latter ended urban policy by ‘mainstreaming’ URBAN in its regional policy in 2006. To solve the puzzle I formulate a two-part argument: first, I explain the similarities between MC and URBAN as resulting from three factors: a favourable political context, holistic urban policy ideas, and centre-periphery mistrust. I then explain subsequent trajectories by looking at the interplay of policy and politico-constitutional institutions. While both MC and URBAN were unable to ‘stick’ because of their inherent weaknesses, the result of their demise depended on the existence of a federal ‘city welfare’ state. In the US, the Housing and Urban Development Department (HUD) embodied this state, and channelled Nixon’s attacks on MC into the creation of the structurally stronger CDBG. In the EU, conversely, DG Regio could not provide a comparable anchor for urban policy: when URBAN was attacked by regions and cities, the DG just reverted to its ‘business as usual’ by mainstreaming the programme. I test my argument with a macro-historical comparison of the two cases and four in-depth city studies—Arlington, VA and Baltimore, MD on the US side, and Bristol, UK and Pescara, Italy on the EU side—aimed at analysing micro-level institutional dynamics. In both parts of the study I use a wide range of sources: secondary and grey literature, statistical sources and, especially, archival material and elite interviews. At both levels of analysis the test confirms my argument.

This thesis explores continuity and change in the developmental welfare approach in Thailand following the 1997 Asian financial crisis. It examines both the exogenous and endogenous forces that generated change as well as both the ‘process’ and the ‘content’ of transformation or responses to the crisis. It uses the One Tambon One Product (OTOP) policy as a case study to explore these changes. The principle research question is: To what extent did the post 1997 crisis policy on social protection in Thailand represent a shift from its existing institutional path of developmental welfarism? Extending from this overarching question are subsidiary questions, which guided the thesis. They include: To what extent did the OTOP policy address the social protection gaps that became apparent in the Asian financial crisis? To what extent did the OTOP policy benefit its target population? The thesis uses historical institutionalism (HI) and the role of ideas as the analytic frameworks in analyzing change. The thesis argues that the exogenous shock of the 1997 financial crisis contributed to some departure from the institutional path of developmental welfarism in Thailand. However, the change did not follow the conventional punctuated equilibrium (PE) model under the HI framework in the sense of moving from one equilibrium to another after an exogenous shock. Rather, the radical change that took place after the exogenous shock was gradual. The new set of institutional arrangement prompted significant ideational and institutional transformations. They involved both intended and unintended consequences of incremental shifts in the forms of ‘layering’ ‘drift’ and ‘conversion’ (Streeck and Thelen, 2005). In addition, the thesis argues that the transformation in Thailand after the 1997 financial crisis lies in an intermediate order of change that is found between shifts in policy instrument and a wholesale ‘paradigm shift’ (Hall, 1993). Here, apart from having introduced a new policy such as OTOP, the Thai government engaged in a broader rethinking of Thailand’s developmental welfare path. Moreover, the study finds that the structure of economic development in a developing country context can both promote and impede social protection, rather than only subordinate the latter. The claim is based on the finding that the expansion of economic policy goals in Thailand supported local development and increasing inclusiveness of the informal sector after the 1997 financial crisis. Finally, the thesis argues that social protection delivery or lack thereof reflects contestation of ideas as well as material interests. Both the state and the policy beneficiaries in the OTOP context pushed for their interests when there were gaps between policy formulation and implementation. As a result, changes occurred both in the policy goals and in who benefited from OTOP.

The collapse of the communist regimes in Central and Eastern Europe in 1989-1990 heralded the beginning of an economic transition from central planning to market economies. The subsequent period was marked by malfunctioning of these countries’ social sectors, including their health care systems, raising serious issues of equity. This thesis examines the impact of the transition period and the introduction of social insurance on equity in health care provision in Bulgaria. Equity in health care is investigated with respect to function - i.e. financing (according to ability to pay) and delivery (according to need) - and outcomes - i.e. health status, income inequality and poverty. Differences in health, health care financing and delivery are explored by income, education, ethnic, employment, marital status, age and sex groups. Furthermore, the thesis outlines the impact of health care provision, in particular social insurance, on poverty and health inequalities. The thesis employs empirical analysis based on household data. Its methodology includes concentration and decomposition analysis, and provides new ways of modelling health care financing and delivery, as well as the link between health and health care delivery. The thesis concludes that social insurance does not provide a uniform means of improving equity and that the root cause of the problem lies in the large proportion of out-of-pocket payments and the rather limited size of the health insurance sector. Inequity in health care provision leads to poverty and untreated illness. The data suggests that there are differences between socio-economic groups as regards their likelihood to seek treatment for their ill health, which result in differences in their health status. The social factors that have impacted the most on health are low education and low income.

Varieties of Capitalism theory predicts that the skill specificity of workers determines their demand for social protection. In this thesis, I test this assumption using a measure of occupational mobility between pre- and post-unemployment, which I apply to European workers in different skill groups as defined by Fleckenstein et al., (2011). Using this measure as an indicator of the portability of workers' skills, I then evaluate whether the lower marketability of human capital investments is associated with greater demand for unemployment protection. The findings demonstrate that whilst this relationship is apparent in certain countries, notably Coordinated Market Economies such as Germany, the assumptions do not apply across institutional settings. Consequently, skill specificity cannot explain variation in attitudes towards unemployment protection policies between countries.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Antonia Moreira Lellis.pdf: 513803 bytes, checksum: b626e476f2cb0c995342a184d723880f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-09-10 / Search the managerial and administrative relationship between social organizations and the Secretaria of State of Health of São Paulo, through contract management and other controls and indicators and the involvement of stakeholders / public accountability and user of public health, through. The creation of social organizations. To provide services to health, through programs of advertising occurred in the reform of State 1995/1998, generates controversy and questions about the quality and cost Service provision of non-governmental entities. As the process has only 10 years, its is necessary accompaniments. Two hypotheses feed this search: 1. If the system of horizontal accountability actors and /or public bodies undertake to point out and / or respond to questions and concerns relevant. 2. If in the vertical accountability of the public are ancouraged to participate. Theoretical methodology: research operated in report of OSS and SES and the SES officials. The results obtained in the internal control between the parties OSS and SES are made, but, still, perhaps there isn t a permanent communication between the actors and the society / Pesquisar a relação gerencial e administrativa entre as Organizações Sociais e a Secretaria de Estado de Saúde de São Paulo, via contrato de gestão e demais controles e indicadores e o comprometimento dos stakeholders/accountability pública e o cidadão usuário de saúde . A criação das Organizações Sociais para prestar serviços à Saúde , através de programas de publicização ocorrida na reforma do Estado 1995/1998, gera polêmicas e indagações sobre a qualidade e custo dessa prestação de serviços de entidades não governamentais. Como o processo tem cerca de 10 anos, é necessários acompanhamentos. Duas hipóteses alimentam esta pesquisa: 1. Se no sistema de accountability horizontal os atores e/ou órgãos públicos comprometem-se em apontar e/ou responder às questões e dúvidas relevantes. 2. Se no sistema de accountabilitity vertical os cidadãos estão estimulados a participar. Aspectos teóricos metodológicos: pesquisa operada em relatórios das OSS e SES e com funcionários da SES. Os resultados obtidos no controle interno entre as partes OSS e SES são realizados, ainda assim não se afirma que exista permanente comunicação entre os atores e com a sociedade

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Antonia Moreira Lellis.pdf: 513803 bytes, checksum: b626e476f2cb0c995342a184d723880f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-09-10 / Search the managerial and administrative relationship between social organizations and the Secretaria of State of Health of São Paulo, through contract management and other controls and indicators and the involvement of stakeholders / public accountability and user of public health, through. The creation of social organizations. To provide services to health, through programs of advertising occurred in the reform of State 1995/1998, generates controversy and questions about the quality and cost Service provision of non-governmental entities. As the process has only 10 years, its is necessary accompaniments. Two hypotheses feed this search: 1. If the system of horizontal accountability actors and /or public bodies undertake to point out and / or respond to questions and concerns relevant. 2. If in the vertical accountability of the public are ancouraged to participate. Theoretical methodology: research operated in report of OSS and SES and the SES officials. The results obtained in the internal control between the parties OSS and SES are made, but, still, perhaps there isn t a permanent communication between the actors and the society / Pesquisar a relação gerencial e administrativa entre as Organizações Sociais e a Secretaria de Estado de Saúde de São Paulo, via contrato de gestão e demais controles e indicadores e o comprometimento dos stakeholders/accountability pública e o cidadão usuário de saúde . A criação das Organizações Sociais para prestar serviços à Saúde , através de programas de publicização ocorrida na reforma do Estado 1995/1998, gera polêmicas e indagações sobre a qualidade e custo dessa prestação de serviços de entidades não governamentais. Como o processo tem cerca de 10 anos, é necessários acompanhamentos. Duas hipóteses alimentam esta pesquisa: 1. Se no sistema de accountability horizontal os atores e/ou órgãos públicos comprometem-se em apontar e/ou responder às questões e dúvidas relevantes. 2. Se no sistema de accountabilitity vertical os cidadãos estão estimulados a participar. Aspectos teóricos metodológicos: pesquisa operada em relatórios das OSS e SES e com funcionários da SES. Os resultados obtidos no controle interno entre as partes OSS e SES são realizados, ainda assim não se afirma que exista permanente comunicação entre os atores e com a sociedade

Submitted by Gustavo Gomes (gustavolascasas@gmail.com) on 2014-02-18T13:08:24Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Redesenhando o estado no ??mbito municipal principais contribui????es do or??amento participativo de BH.pdf: 1421977 bytes, checksum: 8d92a4af28b68f8f45d872918af7cdc1 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Roger Guedes (roger.guedes@fjp.mg.gov.br) on 2014-02-18T18:25:27Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Redesenhando o estado no ??mbito municipal principais contribui????es do or??amento participativo de BH.pdf: 1421977 bytes, checksum: 8d92a4af28b68f8f45d872918af7cdc1 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-02-18T18:25:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Redesenhando o estado no ??mbito municipal principais contribui????es do or??amento participativo de BH.pdf: 1421977 bytes, checksum: 8d92a4af28b68f8f45d872918af7cdc1 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2000-12 / Funda????o Jo??o Pinheiro / A sociedade, frente a um mundo em constante transforma????o, marcado por novidades tecnol??gicas e por fatos que produzem impactos importantes nos processos econ??micos, pol??ticos e sociais, exige um Estado redesenhado, com novo perfil, apto a enfrentar desafios e a lidar com situa????es in??ditas, com r??pidas e profundas mudan??as estruturais, descentralizado e mais perme??vel ?? sua participa????o e controle. Nesse sentido, in??meras experi??ncias t??m sido propostas e implementadas. O Or??amento Participativo ?? uma dessas propostas inovadoras de gest??o p??blica experimentada no Brasil e fundada num modelo de Estado que caminha nessa dire????o. A partir de estudos realizados sobre este tema, levantamentos, an??lises e interpreta????o de instrumentos normativos, pesquisa documental e algumas estrevistas, procurou-se estudar as principais contribui????es do Or??amento Participativo para o redesenho do Estado no ??mbito municipal, tomando como refer??ncia o caso de Belo Horizonte. Esta pesquisa revela a significativa contribui????o dessa experi??ncia concreta no munic??pio para o estabelecimento de um padr??o democr??tico e transparente no relacionamento Estado ??? sociedade civil no n??vel local, para a moderniza????o e o aprimoramento das ag??ncias p??blicas e para a revaloriza????o do processo de planejamento governamental neste seu ??mbito. Aponta, tamb??m, a import??ncia do Or??amento Participativo para o incremento da responsabilidade fiscal e sua contribui????o enquanto instrumento para uma maior racionalidade do processo alocativo dos recursos p??blicos. Destaca, por fim, a relev??ncia da exist??ncia de estruturas administrativas descentralizadas que permitam ampliar a proximidade da administra????o p??blica com a comunidade e oferecer um maior controle p??blico sobre as a????es do governo. / Governo e Pol??tica

Este trabalho versa sobre o processo de construção da gestão democrática da educação na rede estadual de ensino do Rio Grande do Sul. O Objetivo desta investigação é percorrer a trajetória da gestão democrática da educação na rede estadual do Rio Grande do Sul de 1985 a 2001. Esta análise levou em consideração as influências das políticas neoliberais no decorrer dos anos 1990 e seus impactos nas políticas de gestão da educação. Foi utilizada uma abordagem qualitativa, com a análise da legislação educacional sobre o tema, atas de reuniões, programas de governo e entrevistas semi-estruturadas com os diferentes os sujeitos participantes deste processo. Embasando-se nos dados coletados, assim como na análise conjuntural de desenvolvimento deste processo, concluiu-se que os movimentos iniciados pelo CPERS/Sindicato na década de 1980 muito estimularam o debate sobre a proposta de gestão democrática, assim como os embates e as negociações com os diferentes governos estaduais do período pesquisado. Existiram algumas rupturas neste processo, porém a sociedade civil organizada soube reivindicar seus direitos tendo no governo Olívio Dutra uma discussão mais apurada sobre o tema. As resistências do poder legislativo, dos professores e da mídia para com o Governo Olívio Dutra acabaram originando alguns entraves para a ampliação da gestão democrática da educação. No entanto, a legislação construída foi um importante instrumento indutor de mudanças nas práticas escolares, fazendo parte do processo que está em pleno desenvolvimento. / This work approaches the process of construction of the education democratic management in the state educational network in Rio Grande do Sul from 1985 to 2001. It analyzes the correlation of forces in the process, as well as its subjects, proposals and confrontations. This analysis has taken into consideration the influences of neo-liberal policies along the 1990s and their impacts on the policies of education management. A qualitative approach has been adopted, involving the analysis of educational legislation on the theme, meetings records, government programs and semi-structured interviews with different subjects participating in this process. Based on data collected, as well as on the conjunctional analysis of development of this process, it was concluded that the movements initiated by CPERS/Union in the 1980s encouraged the debate about the proposal of democratic management, along with the confrontation and negotiations with different state governments during the period investigated. There were some disruptions in this process, yet the organized civil society was able to claim their rights, having a more accurate discussion about the theme during Olívio Dutra government. The resistances by the legislative power, teachers and media to Olívio Dutra government ended up giving rise to some hindrances for spreading the democratic management in education. However, the legislation constructed was an important means to induce changes in school practices, as part of the process that is being developed.