O objetivo desta dissertação consiste em explicar a política de privatização de empresas públicas argentinas em uma perspectiva de longo prazo, buscando encontrar seus antecedentes e as principais conseqüências desta política dentro de um contexto de reforma do Estado. Para tanto, retoma-se o modelo de desenvolvimento adotado entre 1930 e 1970, destacando-se a alta intervenção e o posterior declínio do Estado no campo econômico. Este trabalho se insere na área da história econômica e por tal motivo abrange diversos âmbitos, não se limitando à dimensão econômica. Assim, aspectos relacionados à questão da eficiência e da regulação são levados em consideração, mas também aspectos de caráter político e social – envolvendo a influência de fatores externos e a atuação de grupos privados no processo privatista – e a importância do instrumental técnico e do discurso através da consideração das leis, decretos, normas e depoimentos das autoridades governamentais. Nesse sentido, tem-se como hipótese que vários condicionantes contribuíram para a implementação de um conjunto de reformas estruturais no início do governo Menem, de forma que fatores de natureza econômica associaram-se a fatores políticos e ideológicos para explicar as opções e o desenrolar dos acontecimentos. Ademais, busca-se discutir o processo de privatizações argentinas a partir das características distintivas assumidas durante a primeira fase de implementação (1989-1994) comparando-se a seqüência de transferência das empresas públicas com a adotada por países que se tornaram paradigmas de privatização. Neste sentido, aprofundou-se o exame das privatizações avaliando um setor específico em termos de eficiência e regulação: o das telecomunicações. Tendo como referência o marco teóricoempírico, em suma, constatou-se que o fenômeno de privatização argentino guardou especificidades nacionais relacionadas principalmente aos condicionantes econômicos e à ideologia política que o sustentava. Demonstrou-se que, embora o governo Menem tenha decidido pela adoção de um programa privatizador com um processo de transferência diferente quando comparado com outras experiências internacionais, houve razões excepcionais que justificaram tal opção, não significando, por isso, o fracasso da política. Porfim, este trabalho busca contribuir ao debate sobre o papel do Estado na economia e sobre os limites das fronteiras entre o público e o privado. / The aim of this work is to explain the privatization policy for Argentinean public enterprises in a long term perspective. This perspective means that we were searching for the antecedents and the main consequences of this policy in a context of State reform. We analyzed the development model used between 1930 and 1970, focusing on the strong intervention by the State and the following decline of this intervention in the economic activities. This work can be categorized in the economic history field, embracing different aspects, that is, it is not limited to the economic range. For this reason, aspects such as those related to the issue of efficiency and regulation are considered here, but also those of a political and social character – as the influence of external factors and the action of private groups in the privatization process – and the importance of technical instruments and the discourse through laws, decrees, norms and testimonies of governmental authorities. As a hypothesis, we considered that various conditions contributed to the implementation of a group of structural reforms in the beginning of the Menem’s government, in a way that economic factors got associated with political and ideological factors to explain the option and the events that followed. We have also discussed the Argentinean privatization process according to the distinctive characteristics that it assumed during the first phase of implementation (1989-1994) by comparing the sequence used in Argentina to transfer public enterprises with those adopted in countries considered as paradigms of privatization. Thus, we have gone further on the analysis of privatization by evaluating a specific sector, that of telecommunications, in terms of efficiency and regulation. Using an empirical-theoretical approach, we have evidenced that the Argentinean privatization process kept national specificities related mainly to the economic conditions and the political ideology that gave support to the process. We have demonstrated as well that even though Menem decided to adopt a privatization program with a transference process different from those of other international experiences, there were exceptional reasons that justified this choice and that it did not mean a failure to the policy. Finally, this work sought to contribute with the debate on the role of the State in the economy and on the limits and frontiers between the public and the private sectors.

Esta dissertação analisa os efeitos das transformações contemporâneas nos processos de subjetivação dos trabalhadores do serviço público estatal em um contexto de Reforma do Estado. Trata-se de um estudo que recorta algumas proposições do Plano de Reforma do Estado que têm sustentado o discurso governamental sobre a ineficiência do serviço público justificando a introdução no seu interior de modos de operar característicos da lógica privada e empresarial. A pesquisa foi realizada com professores e funcionários de duas instituições de educação profissional da região do Vale do Rio dos Sinos. Com base nas contribuições teóricas de Michel Foucault, a análise toma a Reforma do Estado como um dispositivo que atualiza as estratégias de afirmação de uma governamentalidade constituída a partir das novas configurações do capitalismo. A pesquisa demonstra que a Reforma do Estado engendrou um conjunto de procedimentos e de saberes considerados úteis para a conformação de sujeitos e de instituições adequados às necessidades contemporâneas do capital, no nosso caso orientado aos trabalhadores das escolas e aos futuros trabalhadores que estão sendo formados por estas instituições de educação profissional. Finalmente, o estudo enfatiza a heterogeneidade do Estado e a multiplicidade discursiva que possibilitam vislumbrar as resistências que coexistem no interior dos jogos de poder e verdade que caracterizam o campo de pesquisa. / This paper analyses the effects of contemporary transformations on the processes of subjectivation of state public service workers in a context of State Reform. It is about a study that cuts some of the propositions from the State Reform Plan which have been sustaining government speeches about the inefficiency of public services justifying the introduction of modus operandi characteristic of the private and business logics in its interior. The research was made with teachers and employees of two institutions of professional education in the Sinos Rives Valley area. Based on the theoretical contributions of Michel Foucault, the analysis takes the State Reform as a device updating the affirming strategies of a governmentality constituted from the new configurations of capitalism. The research shows that the State Reform generated a series of procedures and knowledge considered useful in conforming subjects and institutions adequate to the contemporary needs of capital, in our case oriented towards school workers and the future workers being formed by these professional education institutions. Finally the study emphasizes State heterogeneity and discursive multiplicity which make possible to see the resistances that coexist in the power and truth games characteristic of this research field.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / O presente trabalho tem como objeto de anÃlise a reestruturaÃÃo da educaÃÃo superior no Brasil com base na dÃcada de 1990, articulada Ãs orientaÃÃes dos organismos multilaterais, particularmente, definida e organizada pelo Banco Mundial para os paÃses de capitalismo perifÃrico. Para isso, circunscreve-se esse processo no Ãmbito da crise estrutural do capitalismo mundial e da reforma do Estado brasileiro. Para a periferia do capitalismo, tornava-se imperioso âenxugarâ o Estado, transferindo responsabilidades pÃblicas para a iniciativa privada. A pluralidade e a diversidade dos interesses globais do capital afetado pela crise estrutural que atinge o modo de produÃÃo capitalista hà mais de duas dÃcadas formam o quadro sÃcio polÃtico da virada neoliberal disseminada em extensÃo planetÃria. Isto significou: reduÃÃo do tamanho do Estado e soberania do mercado auto-regulÃvel com exacerbaÃÃo da mercantilizaÃÃo de produtos e serviÃos produzidos de forma capitalista. No que diz respeito à falÃncia da polÃtica pÃblica, no caso que aqui interessa analisar, o da educaÃÃo superior, vÃ-se que a minimizaÃÃo do Estado conduz a uma diversificaÃÃo/diferenciaÃÃo das InstituiÃÃes de Ensino Superior (IES) que atendem principalmente aos interesses/necessidades de extensÃo da produÃÃo capitalista de mercadoria. Assim, com a anÃlise empreendida neste trabalho, vÃ-se a reforma do Estado brasileiro, implementada particularmente a partir de 1995 pelo governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, e, para o que aqui interessa, a reestruturaÃÃo da educaÃÃo superior e a mudanÃa na produÃÃo da ciÃncia brasileira, como uma intervenÃÃo consentida e realizada pelas autoridades educacionais, orientadas pelas agÃncias multilaterais, no contexto da universalizaÃÃo do capitalismo, direcionadas por uma razÃo instrumental, que se constitui no epicentro da mercantilizaÃÃo do trabalho, em geral, e, em particular, da esfera educacional em seu nÃvel superior. Expressando ainda, de outra maneira, o que està em jogo à a imposiÃÃo de uma racionalidade instrumental à universidade, materializada na gestÃo empresarial e na ideologia da eficiÃncia, competitividade e produtividade. Toda a reestruturaÃÃo por que passa esse patamar de ensino à justificada pela retÃrica da competÃncia, da eficÃcia, da eficiÃncia. Ao final de seus dois mandatos, Fernando Henrique Cardoso ajustou o Brasil Ãs demandas das agÃncias multilaterais, com irreparÃvel prejuÃzo para a Ãrea social. TÃo somente aquilo que tornaria o Estado um ÃrgÃo reprodutor do capital foi realizado, para tornÃ-lo adaptado, competente, eficaz e eficiente. O que se viu foi à transformaÃÃo do Estado em um Estado forte para o capital e mÃnimo para ao menos atenuar a profunda crise social que ora se vivencia.

Submitted by Neusa Fagundes (neusa.fagundes@unioeste.br) on 2018-02-23T17:57:53Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Gislaine.Buraki2017.pdf: 5870775 bytes, checksum: d5c2cfeb280ca07ec84082e371894afd (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-23T17:57:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Gislaine.Buraki2017.pdf: 5870775 bytes, checksum: d5c2cfeb280ca07ec84082e371894afd (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-07 / The assumptions of neoliberalism cooperated the structuring of State reform in 1995, making possible the reorganization of the State Administration Management under the democratic principle that is building since the promulgation of the Federal Constitution of 1988, which in Art.206, reports " The democratic management of public education in the form of the law" (BRAZIL,1998). With the law of guidelines and Bases of National Education nº 9394/1996, we find in articles 14 and 15, the regulation and organization of the insertion of the " democratic management of public education" in the form of the law, with the participation of the school and local community. In the public network of Teaching of Cascavel - PR, the discussion process about the implementation of the School Council began in 2004, however only was only effected after the approval of the Municipal Law nº 6.116, in September 12, in 2012, in municipal schools the direct and secret election for representatives of parents, teachers, servants and students for the mandate of 2013 to 2015. Based on these considerations, we intend, from documentary, bibliographical and field research, to understand and analyze the form of effectiveness and the form of effectiveness and the existing contradicictions concerning the democratic management and the School Board, as well as in which management perspective this collegiate body acts and it's interlocution with the Interative PDDE - Mechanism of the Joint Action Plan of the Ministry of Education and Culture. Field rasearch was carried out through the collections of data, using a semi- strutured questionnaire tonthe Directors (born members of the School Councils of Municipal Schools), in order to characterize the training for conselors, the possibilities and the limits in Democratic Management and Performance of the School Director. The study is based on theoretical approach that takes into account the historical context, the transformations and relations between the subjects. Throughout the research, we revealed that the emphasis on participation or the possibility of discussing some issues in order to consolidate Democratic Management. We note, therefore, that there is a lack of participation and difficulties in mobilizing the school community, since the majority of council members only obey the information and deliberations that have already been taken by the Direction or SEMED. / Os pressupostos do neoliberalismo contribuíram para a estruturação da Reforma do Estado em 1995, possibilitando a reorganização da Administração do Estado com base no modelo Gestão Gerencial. No âmbito educacional, conduziu a reorganização da Gestão Escolar sob o princípio democrático. Este princípio está em construção desde a promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988, no Art. 206, dispõe que “a gestão democrática do ensino público na forma da lei” (BRASIL, 1988). Com a Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação Nacional nº 9394/1996, percebemos, nos artigos 14 e 15, a regulamentação e a organização da inserção da “gestão democrática do ensino público” na forma da lei, com a participação da comunidade escolar e local. Na Rede Pública Municipal de Ensino de Cascavel - PR, o processo de discussão sobre a implantação do Conselho Escolar iniciou-se em 2004, mas somente foi efetivado após a aprovação da Lei Municipal nº 6.116, de 12 de setembro de 2012, ocorrendo nas Escolas Municipais a eleição direta e secreta para representantes dos pais, professores, servidores e alunos para o mandato de 2013 a 2015. Com base nessas considerações, pretendemos, a partir de pesquisa documental, bibliográfica e de campo, compreender e analisar a forma de efetivação e as contradições existentes referentes à Gestão Democrática e a atuação do Conselho Escolar, bem como em qual perspectiva de gestão este órgão colegiado atua e sua interlocução com o PDDE Interativo – Mecanismo do Plano de Ações Articuladas do Ministério da Educação e Cultura. A pesquisa de campo ocorreu por meio da coleta de dados, utilizando-se de questionário semiestruturado aos Diretores (membros natos dos Conselhos Escolares das Escolas Municipais), a fim de caracterizar a formação para conselheiros, as possibilidades e os limites na Gestão Democrática e na atuação do Diretor Escolar. O estudo faz-se a partir de abordagem teórica que leva em consideração o contexto histórico, as transformações e as relações entre os sujeitos. Ao longo da pesquisa, desvelamos que a ênfase na participação ou a possibilidade de discussão de alguns temas em para consolidação da Gestão Democrática. Notamos, assim, que existe ausência de participação e dificuldades para mobilizar a comunidade escolar, uma vez que os membros dos conselhos, em sua grande maioria, apenas acatam as informações e deliberações que já foram tomadas anteriormente pela Direção ou pela SEMED.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-09-02T13:08:48Z No. of bitstreams: 1 helyenerosecruzsilva.pdf: 1084377 bytes, checksum: 891be0498991ee4094798c9365ac962a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Diamantino Mayra (mayra.diamantino@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-09-06T11:53:15Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 helyenerosecruzsilva.pdf: 1084377 bytes, checksum: 891be0498991ee4094798c9365ac962a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-06T11:53:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 helyenerosecruzsilva.pdf: 1084377 bytes, checksum: 891be0498991ee4094798c9365ac962a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-01-14 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Essa dissertação realiza uma análise preliminar da relação trabalho-saúde a partir do trabalho docente, especificamente com a adoção da administração gerencial na rede estadual de Minas Gerais, introduzida através do Projeto Escolas-Referência. O governo de Minas Gerais depositou neste Projeto toda a sua expectativa de superação das dificuldades impostas à educação na busca por resultados. Contudo, considerando as orientações dos organismos internacionais para as Reformas na América Latina, esta tentativa de superação se da com parcos recursos destinados à educação e com sobrecarga de trabalho para os docentes, submetendo os trabalhadores a condições precárias de trabalho e vida, ao mesmo passo que é depositado sobre seus ombros toda a responsabilidade do sucesso ou fracasso da “Reforma”. No âmbito da Superintendência Regional de Ensino de Juiz de Fora, onze escolas foram escolhidas para implantar o Projeto. Destas, escolhemos como terreno para um estudo de caso a Escola Estadual Antônio Carlos, por ter sido a primeira escola desta Superintendência a ser convidada para ser uma escola-referência e, por ter sido a que mais vem se destacando neste processo. Para fundamentar a reflexão foram realizadas pesquisas bibliográficas e estudos teórico-analíticos. A metodologia utilizada pautou-se em entrevistas qualitativas com os trabalhadores docentes da referida escola que lá trabalham desde o momento da implantação do Projeto. O objetivo foi analisar os determinantes concretos da “reforma” gerencial do Estado que incidem sobre o trabalho docente nas escolas-referência do Estado de Minas Gerais, com centralidade nos impactos sobre a saúde desses trabalhadores. O estudo demonstra a configuração do adoecimento deste trabalhador em tempos de contrarreforma e a percepção destes sobre o processo no qual são protagonistas. / This dissertation conducts a preliminary analysis of the relationship between work and health, from teaching, specifically with the adoption of management administration in the state of Minas Gerais, introduced through the Schools Project-Reference. The government of Minas Gerais deposited in this project throughout its expectation of overcoming the difficulties posed to education in the pursuit of results. However, considering the guidelines of international organizations for Reforms in Latin America, this attempt to be overrun with the meager resources allocated to education and workload for teachers, subjecting workers to poor working conditions and life at the same step that is deposited on your shoulders all the responsibility for success or failure of the Reformation. Under the Regional Superintendent of Schools of Juiz de Fora, 11 schools were chosen to deploy the Project. Of these, we chose to land such a case, the State School Antônio Carlos, for being the first school of this Superintendency to be invited to be a school-reference and for being the most important in this process. To support this reflection and literature searches were conducted theoretical and analytical studies. The methodology used was based on qualitative interviews with employees of that school teachers working there since before the implementation of the Project and the goal was to analyze the determinants of actual managerial reform of the state that focus on the teaching in schools of the State-reference Minas Gerais, focused on impacts on the health of these workers. The study demonstrates the configuration of this illness in times of counter worker and their perceptions on the process in which they are protagonists.

In education policy, the irresistible force paradox—what happens when an irresistible force meets an immovable object?—resonates with many characterisations of the dynamics of education reform and the role of teachers’ unions in reform processes. According to many theories of teachers’ unions in the United States, the paradox is resolved in favour of the immovable object: strong teachers’ unions are alleged to block necessary reforms, hampering school effectiveness and efficiency. This research tests these claims about teachers’ unions, and their impact on reform outcomes—particularly, performance-related pay. Despite teachers’ unions’ supposed opposition to performance-related pay (PRP), there are a number of cases—both within and beyond U.S. borders—where PRP has been implemented. By exploring some of these ‘exceptional’ cases, this research outlines the conditions under which reform is likely to occur, and a more specific explanation of reform ‘failure’. It finds that, though education reform is often portrayed as a power struggle between reform proponents and opponents, there are multiple pathways through which reform may occur. Overpowering unions might be one route, but reform can also be secured through cooperation and compromise. These insights have significant implications for theories of teachers’ unions’ strength, preferences, and policy impact. The findings demonstrate that the insufficiency of existing theoretical accounts. Neither union preferences nor power are simple, monolithic, or predictable, and teachers’ unions do not and cannot block reform at all times and in all places. Beyond theory, these findings carry weighty implications for practitioners regarding the role of unions in public policy decision-making.

This thesis examines the reception, generation, and use of economic ideas in the British Liberal Party during the period between its decline in the inter-war years and its revival under Jo Grimond. It uses archival sources, party publications, and the political press to reconstruct the Liberal Party’s internal discourse about economic policy from the 1920s to the 1960s, and sets this discourse in the context of wider economic and political developments: the ‘Keynesian revolution’ in economic theory and British public policy, recurrent political interest in economic planning, and growing concern about relative economic decline. The strength of the two-party system which developed after the First World War meant that the Liberal Party spent most of this period in opposition, and even in the coalition governments of 1931-2 and 1940-5 Liberals had limited input into economic policy-making. As historians have frequently noted, however, the party played an important role in introducing Keynesian ideas to British politics through Lloyd George’s 1929 pledge to ‘conquer unemployment’, and seemed to anticipate the post-war managed economy in important respects. At the same time, the party maintained a close relationship with the economics profession, and vocally championed free trade and competitive markets. This thesis highlights the eclecticism of the Liberal Party’s economic heritage, and its continuing ambivalence towards state intervention. Although Liberals were early and sincere supporters of Keynesian demand-management policies, and took a close interest in economic planning proposals in the 1920s, 1940s and 1960s, their interventionism was frequently constrained by their internationalism and their support for free markets. Most Liberals, then, were neither unreconstructed Gladstonians nor unequivocal supporters of Britain’s post-war settlement. Rather, successive party leaders sought to integrate new economic knowledge with traditional Liberal commitments, in order to make both a credible contribution to policy debates and a distinctive appeal to the electorate.

This thesis examines the political process of health care reform between 1989 and 1998 in the most advanced sizable political economy in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) – the Czech Republic. Its aim is to explain the political process bringing about post-Communist health policy change and stimulate new debates on welfare state transformation in CEE. The thesis challenges the conventional view that post-Communist health care reform in CEE was designed and implemented to improve the health status of the people, as desired by the people themselves. I suggest that this is a dangerous over-rationalisation, and argue that post-Communist health care reform in the Czech Republic was the by-product of haphazard democratic political struggle between emerging elites for power and economic resources. The thesis employs the analytical narrative method to describe and analyse the actors, institutions, ideas and history behind the health policy change. The analysis is informed by welfare state theory, elite theory, interest group politics theory, the assumptions of methodological individualism and rational choice theory, and Schumpeter’s doctrine of democracy. Its focus is on the interests of health policy actors and how they interacted within an unhinged, but fast-consolidating, institutional framework. The results demonstrate that, while historical legacies and liberal ideas featured prominently in the rhetoric accompanying health policy change, in Realpolitik, these were merely the disposable, instrumental devices of opportunistic, self-interested elites. The resultant explanation of health policy change stresses the primacy of agency over structure and formulates four important mechanisms of health policy change: opportunism, tinkering, enterprise, and elitism. In conclusion, the relevance of major welfare state theories to the given case is assessed and implications for welfare state research in CEE are drawn.

Concerns about population ageing have been central to reforms of pensions policy and social care policy in the UK over recent decades. However, policy responses to these social problems are in tension, as individuals have been expected to take greater responsibility for both pension saving and provision of care, even when care involves a reduction in earnings and savings. While the pension system protects carers’ state pensions, little attention has been paid to their non-state pensions. This thesis therefore explores the attitudes and beliefs carers hold regarding pensions, and the effect of caring on pensions planning, particularly planning a non-state pension. It focuses on the assumptions made about agency and decision-making contained within social policy. Semi-structured interviews were held with those aged 35-64 who were providing 20 hours of care or more a week in the Thames Valley and Greater London. Almost all of the carers reported disruption to their private pension savings as their employment was impacted by caring. Few felt able to make a choice regarding either caring or employment. Caring also affected the importance many attached to saving, although there was no uniform effect on decision-making. Some carers became more reflexive, attempting to take more control in response to the uncertainty in their lives; others felt powerless due to this uncertainty and limited financial resources. The study provided support for the theory of an ethic of care, which suggests individuals make decisions based on relationships rather than calculations of expected outcomes. The findings challenge the assumptions made in pensions policy. Carers were classed in four categories of approach to pensions savings: reflexive planners, non-reflexive planners, reflexive non-planners and non-reflexive non-planners. A range of financial and social resources corresponding to Bourdieu’s habitus and economic and cultural capital was required for carers to act as reflexive planners.

This thesis seeks to contribute to the knowledge base about social policy in the United States, using long-term care (LTC) financing policy reform as an illustrative example. Specifically, this thesis explores LTC financing reform efforts during three U.S. Presidential administrations: Bill Clinton (1993-2001), George W. Bush (2001-2009), and Barack Obama (2009-2010). Within this historical framework, the LTC provisions of the Health Security Act of 1993, the development of the Community Living Assistant Services and Supports or 'CLASS' Act during the Bush Administration, and the legislative success of the CLASS Act as a part of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act of 2010 provide comparable cases to compare the drivers of social policy. Drawing on the explanatory frameworks of the welfare state such as ideology, historical institutionalism, and an actor-centered approach to policy analysis, this thesis argues that successful path-departing legislation is difficult to achieve due, in part, to the presumed high costs of social programs and the complex institutional framework of the American political system. Policy outcomes result from the interaction between the complex processes and dynamics of the political system through which policy change (or the failure to change) actually occurs. The fact that the CLASS Act was politically successful, yet administratively inoperable as designed, reinforces the argument that social policy outcomes in the United States are reflective of a complex, enduring struggle of competing ideologies. This continual struggle, coupled with a heightened concern over cost control and fiscal austerity, helps to ensure that policies which are legislatively successful within the institutional architecture of the American political system are unlikely to produce major expansions of the welfare state. Social change is therefore highly difficult to achieve, even in the face of significant unmet social needs. Comprehensive reform of U.S. LTC financing arrangements will remain an elusive goal for the foreseeable future. Instead, incremental, highly pro-market solutions are likely to be the types of policies promoted in the years of ahead.