The choice of the topic Readiness of members and civilian employees of the Prison Service of the Czech Republic to the emergency in the South Bohemian Region for my thesis was my independent decision. This choice was entirely deliberate, since this service is also incorporated into the Integrated Rescue System (IRS). However the active service of the Prison Service of the Czech Republic in case of emergency can be very specific. The Prison Service of the Czech Republic may be according to Act No. 239/2000 Coll., on the Integrated Rescue System, used to deal with emergencies. It is incorporated among the other IRS bodies. All these bodies can be deployed to deal with emergencies, but only on condition of a written contract for the assistance. Usable forces and resources of the body must be known. Based on these facts I defined following objectives of the thesis: ? analysis of readiness of members and civilian employees of the Prison Service of the Czech Republic to the emergency in the South Bohemian Region, ? detection of methods, possibilities and conditions of use of the Prison Service in this context, ? training materials design for members and civilian employees of the Prison Service of the Czech Republic. There were also these two hypotheses tested: ? members and civilian employees are adequately trained and are ready to deal with emergencies, ? the Prison Service of the Czech Republic can be fully utilized for an active service in the solution of emergencies. If we focus on the first goal of my work, I have prepared an anonymous questionnaire containing eight questions to adequately analyse readiness. These questionnaires were distributed to all members and civilian employees of PS in South Bohemian Region. I would be able to confirm or refute the first hypothesis on the basis of these results. I could evaluate executed analysis on the basis of the obtained information and comment on the first hypothesis. The maximum number of points in the questionnaire was set for 24. The average score was between 19 to 20 points. It can be concluded that members and civilian employees are adequately trained, and the first hypothesis was confirmed. To be able to evaluate the second hypothesis, I had to perform historical analysis and due to this analysis I concluded that the second hypothesis can be confirmed only partially. The hypothesis was related to the possibility of deploying members and employees of PS on the incident. The historical analysis shows that this body was deployed in the past, however its forces and resources were not represented by members or civilians, but crews of convicted persons. This way of utilization was repeated and it could be said that the deployment of work crews is successful, so I concluded that the second hypothesis was confirmed, but only partially. The Prison Service is fully usable for dealing with emergencies, but its forces and resources are constituted mainly of work crews of convicted persons. If we focus on the legislation determining the use, communication or coordination of this body with the municipal authorities, this is provided only by contract for the assistance. I tried to design a document, how such contract for the assistance could look like. The next chapter outlines the information that could be used as a guide for the decision into what area and what depth members and civilian employees should be trained. Members and civilian employees are annually trained in this matter by the appropriate employee of PS. All objectives of the thesis have been met and are completed by own opinion of the author.

The thesis deals with analysis of current security system in the Czech Republic and, in particular, with the legal framework for the training of state authorities and local governments to manage non-military events. The study and analysis of legislation and the subsequent synthesis of the findings enabled to arrange the chapters into a clearly structured whole. The rights and obligations of the emergency management authorities at the emergency response training and management, the system of security councils and crisis headquarters, activities and the scope of competencies of individual entities providing the emergency response training and management, focusing on the scope and powers of the regional and local administrative bodies, are described. The level of financial security spent by individual institutions on preparation for emergencies management is clearly surveyed. For municipal authorities, a model of a call for the provision of material support and resources at the time of an emergency situation has been suggested, since the large majority of mayors perform this activity voluntarily and without a refund of their salaries (besides their jobs) and they are not fully familiar with the issue. The current security system in the Czech Republic is functioning, and its settings and functionality have been verified in recent years in various emergency situations, without finding significant deficiencies. Yet it is still necessary to optimize the scope, methodology and actions of its components at different levels and in different areas and to consolidate the relevant legislation

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:33:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sergio Andrade Yendo.pdf: 743089 bytes, checksum: c4acac99ebece0317d763266867cabac (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-03-21 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The exercise of sovereignty by the people, specifically the popular sovereignty of the poor, is vital for national development. The underprivileged are the main interested in development, desiring improvement of general living conditions and diffusion of technical progress. In recent years, there was a considerable reduction of poverty and income inequality. However, underdevelopment was not surpassed. Based on the thought of Celso Furtado, this research aims to establish the basis for a discussion about the resumption or not of national development. That is, if Brazil is on track or not, even in a first step, of development. To do so, will adopt the view furtadian on development. From this, I will try to check if there is a first stage in the process of developing or if there is an economic state of emergency. In this way, trying to obtain evidences, this study will analyze the cash transfer program called Bolsa Familia, after exposition of the core of the doctrine of Furtado on development and underdevelopment. The Bolsa Familia has contributed a lot to the reduction of inequality and poverty. Because of that, it will be taken as empirical element to answer the question: was considerable the social homogenization and the investment in human factor? These are the foundations of development in Furtado and are for example, in Article 3º, brazilian's transformation clause in the 1988 Brazilian Constitution. / O exercício da soberania pelo povo, mais especificamente a soberania popular dos pobres, é fundamental para o desenvolvimento nacional, uma vez que os desvalidos são os principais interessados no desenvolvimento, com melhoria das condições gerais de vida e difusão do progresso técnico. Nos últimos anos, constatou-se uma considerável redução da pobreza e da desigualdade de renda. Porém, o subdesenvolvimento não foi superado. Partindo do pensamento de Celso Furtado, esta pesquisa visa estabelecer as bases de uma discussão acerca da retomada ou não do desenvolvimento nacional. Isto é, se o país se encontra ou não no caminho, ainda que num primeiro passo, do desenvolvimento. Para tanto, será adotado o ponto de vista furtadiano sobre o desenvolvimento. A partir disso, tentar-se-à contrapor a possibilidade de um início de processo de desenvolvimento a um estado de exceção econômico que se apresenta. Para isso, será analisado o caso do Programa Bolsa Família, após a exposição do cerne da doutrina de Furtado sobre o desenvolvimento e o subdesenvolvimento. O Bolsa Família em muito contribuiu para a diminuição da desigualdade e da pobreza. Em razão disso, ele será tomado como elemento empírico para se chegar à questão: houve homogeneização social e investimento considerável no fator humano? Essas são as bases do desenvolvimento em Furtado e estão por exemplo, no Artigo 3º, nossa cláusula transformadora positivadas na Constituição de 1988.

En France, à la suite de précédentes constitutions, la Constitution de la Ve République consacre l’état de siège (art. 36) ; à l’étranger, de nombreux pays l’ont adopté. Ce constat laisse béant un paradoxe suivant : si la France adopte, la première, une législation d’exception, elle n’offre pas pour autant de réflexion approfondie sur ce qu’est l’état d’exception. L’étude des origines et de l’histoire de l’état de siège met au jour les raisons d’un tel paradoxe.L’état de siège est originellement une disposition technique du droit militaire (loi des 8-10 juillet 1791), qui prévoit que, dans certaines circonstances, l’ordre public et la police passent de l’autorité civile, compétence par principe, à l’autorité militaire. Ainsi, la loi prévoit le renversement du principe selon lequel l’autorité civile prime sur le militaire. Au cours de la Révolution, cette disposition est utilisée afin de réprimer les troubles violents qui se multiplient à l’intérieur du territoire. Durant le XIXe siècle, les régimes successifs y recourent également, jusqu’à ce que la Cour de cassation, en 1832, donne un coup d’arrêt à cette pratique. Le législateur est donc contraint d’adopter un texte – la loi du 9 août 1849 – qui encadre précisément son usage. Cette loi est, véritablement, une législation d’exception, au sens où elle contrevient à un principe consacré par l’ordre constitutionnel, en fonction de circonstances déterminées, pour un temps et un lieu circonscrits. Elle accorde également à l’autorité militaire des pouvoirs étendus qui restreignent les libertés publiques, et consacre la compétence des juridictions militaires pour juger les non-militaires. / In France, following previous Constitutions, the state of siege gained acceptance under the Constitution of the Fifth Republic (art. 36); many countries abroad adopted it. This fact leaves a gaping paradox: even if France adopts the first emergency legislation, it does not mean that it provides an in depth reflection on what is the state of emergency. The study of the genesis and history of the state of siege reveals the reasons for such a paradox. Originally, the state of siege was a technical measure of military law (law of July 8-10, 1791), which provided that in certain circumstances, public order and police would transfer from the civil authority, competent on principle, to the military authority. Thus, law foresaw the reversal of the principle according to which the civil authority takes precedence over the military. During the Revolution, this measure was used to suppress the violent unrest that became more frequent inside the territory. Throughout the nineteenth century, successive governments had also recourse to it until the Supreme Court put an end to this practice in 1832. Consequently ,the legislator was forced to pass a bill - the Law of August 9, 1849 - which would frame precisely its use. This law truly is an emergency law, which means that it contravenes a principle enshrined in the constitutional order, depending on specific circumstances, for a circumscribed time and place. It also gives to the military authority enlarged powers which restrict civil liberties, and establishes the jurisdiction of military courts to judge non-military courts.

During its years, the European Union (EU) has experienced several different crises that have challenged its association and put democracy at risk. The financial crisis in 2009 and the migration crisis in 2015 are two difficult periods that caused a split between the member states. In 2020, the Union faced another crisis when the world witnessed the birth of the COVID-19 pandemic. To protect public health, states have introduced state of emergency (SoE) that gives the political government more power to make quick decisions and restrict residents' democratic freedoms. Discussions about how the pandemic affects democracy in the EU have been raised. This study aims to examine different views on how EU democracy is affected by the pandemic. The purpose is to identify how five different representatives of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and intuitions reason about the pandemic's effect on EU democracy. In addition, the purpose is to compare differences and similarities between their different points of view. To generate a result, the interviews were analyzed through previous research and a theoretical framework of Utilitarianism and Consequentialism. The theories analyze through a normative ethics perspective that determines what action is morally right based on the consequences of it. The results show that the pandemic has caused an acceleration of anti-democratic development and a higher concentration of power within the governments. The respondents in the study believe that the pandemic has acted as an accelerator of anti-democratic development in countries where this was already going on before the pandemic struck. Moreover, SoE has caused practical changes in democratic processes, such as restricting participation and democratic freedoms, increasing disinformation, and limiting trust-building between countries. The difference identified was that respondents from institutions did not consider that SoE harms EU’s democracy, but instead is morally right to implement. However, respondents from NGOs defined the implementation of SoE as detrimental to democracy in the EU and questioned whether it is morally right in terms of its consequences for democracy. / Den Europeiska unionen (EU) har under sina år genomgått flera olika kriser som utmanat dess association och satt demokratin på spel. Finanskrisen 2009 och Migrationskrisen 2015 är två svåra perioder som orsakade ett splittrat EU. År 2020 ställdes unionen inför ännu en kris när världen bevittnade födelsen av COVID-19 pandemin. För att skydda folkhälsan har stater infört undantagstillstånd som ger det politiska styret mer makt för att ta snabba beslut och begränsar invånares demokratiska friheter. Diskussioner kring hur pandemin påverkar demokratin i EU har lyfts. Denna studie ämnar till att granska olika synvinklar på hur EU:s demokrati påverkas av pandemin. Syftet är att identifiera hur fem olika företrädare för icke-statliga organisationer och institutioner resonerar kring pandemins effekt på EU:s demokrati. Dessutom är syftet att jämföra skillnader och likheter mellan deras olika synvinklar. För att generera ett resultat analyserades intervjuerna genom tidigare forskning och ett teoretiskt ramverk av Utilitarism och Konsekventialism. Teorierna analyserar utifrån normativ etik som bestämmer vad som är moraliskt rätt genom konsekvenser av handlingar. Resultatet visar att pandemin har orsakat en accelerering av antidemokratisk utveckling och en högre koncentration av makt. Respondenterna i studien anser att pandemin har fungerat som en accelerator av antidemokratisk utveckling i länder där detta redan pågick innan pandemin. Sedermera har undantagstillstånd orsakat praktiska förändringar i demokratiska processer så som begränsning av deltagande och demokratiska friheter, ökning av desinformation och begräsning av förtroendeskapande mellan länder. Skillnaden som identifierades var att företrädare från institutioner inte ansåg att undantagstillstånd skadar EU:s demokrati utan i stället är moraliskt rätt. Företrädare för icke-statliga organisationer definierade däremot implementeringen som skadlig för demokratin i EU och ifrågasatte om det är moraliskt rätt utifrån dess konsekvenser som skapas för demokratin.

Global awareness of governments’ abuse of the Constitutional State of Emergency “CSoE” took place after the COVID-19 pandemic, although it is not a new phenomenon and is widely used, especially by hybrid autocratic regimes. However, few studies have studied its impact on social movements’ Political Collective Action “PCA” and were limited to the analysis of single deviant cases. In order to fill the gap, the research is aimed to investigate how, if at all, social movements in hybrid regimes overcome the PCA challenges under the CSoE? As a corollary, the study will examine the four PCA challenges -organization, interest, demands, and mobilization- in the context of Egypt, with emphasis on the “legal” procedures deployed by hybrid regimes via the highlight of social movement repression.The findings of the comparison conducted is consistent with the proposed causal mechanism, as it implies that when social movement overcome PCA challenges, their level of threat increases, placing a significant cost on the government, which increases the likelihood of the repression.

L’objet de la recherche consiste à mettre en évidence que la prise en compte des violences émeutières requiert une évolution de l’environnement juridique et des méthodes de maintien de la paix publique hérités de notre histoire. Notre dispositif de gestion de l’ordre public est particulièrement adapté au modèle français de manifestation. C’est considérable et exemplaire à beaucoup d’égards mais cela ne peut clore le débat sur les formes de la réaction sociale nécessaires pour répondre aux différentes formes du répertoire de la protestation en particulier à la dynamique complexe des désordres émeutiers.Alors que la manifestation, son encadrement par les forces de sécurité intérieure et son environnement juridique ressortissent à la culture de l’organisation et de l’ordre, les violences émeutières relèvent, quant à elles, de comportements colériques naturels. Elles constituent un objet et un enjeu différents que traduisent notamment la récurrence des crises en milieu urbain et la difficulté d’y faire face de façon satisfaisante.Sur le plan opérationnel comme sur le plan juridique, l’éventail de la réponse aux désordres est particulièrement large, mais il traduit également un double embarras :• Les violences émeutières sont le plus souvent des violences d’expression. Qu’ils en soient conscients ou non, face à ces comportements, le juge et le politique se sont montrés fréquemment indulgents dans un contexte juridique où la liberté d’expression est un droit fondamental et la manifestation une conquête sans équivalent dans notre pays. Les réponses sociale et judiciaire se caractérisent donc par une mansuétude parfois légitime, parfois inadaptée mais souvent mal comprise.• Les modes d’action policiers et les outils du Droit façonnés par l’environnement juridique et la culture de la manifestation, peuvent se révéler inadaptés pour répondre aux émeutes urbaines et conduire à des évolutions aussi variées qu’inappropriées comme la banalisation du recours à des régimes juridiques d’exception et la sédimentation d’une culture d’affrontement entre police et population.Le concept retentissement / identification et l’analyse des colères rebelles et insoumises ouvrent la voie à une adaptation du droit et de la réponse sociale conciliant le respect des droits fondamentaux et le maintien de la paix publique dans l’espace urbain. Tel est l’enjeu de la dialectique « Libertés - Droit - désordres ». / The object of the research is to highlight that rioting violence cannot be dealt with without an evolution of the legal framework and public-order policing inherited from our History. Our way to manage public-order policing is particularly suitable to our French traditional demonstration pattern. It is significant and exemplary in many respects but that alone cannot close the debate about the forms of social reaction that would be necessary to answer the various forms of the repertoire of protest especially the complex dynamics of rioting disorders.Even though the demonstration, its framing by the police and its legal framework are both an order issue and a cultural issue, rioting acts of violence are a natural irascible behaviour of the human nature. Riots are an object and an issue which translate into in recurring urban crises and the difficulty to satisfactorily deal with them.From an operational point of view and from a judicial one, there is a wide range of answers to the disorders but this results in a double embarrassment:• Riots are very often a means of expression. Consciously or not, the judge and the policy-maker have frequently been indulgent with these behaviours in a legal context in which freedom of expression is a fundamental human right and demonstrating a conquest without equivalent in our country. Social and judicial answers are characterized by indulgence, sometimes legitimate, sometimes inadequate and often ill-understood.• Policing and the tools of the law that were shaped by the legal framework and the culture of demonstration can prove to be inadequate to cope with urban riots and they can result in various as well as inappropriate answers like the trivialization of emergency legal schemes and the sedimentation of a culture of clash between people and the police.The repercussion and identification concept and the analysis of the rebel and unsubdued bouts of anger pave the way to an adaptation of the law and the social response aiming at balancing both the expression of the basic rights and the preservation of public peace in urban areas. This is what is at stake with the dialectics « Liberties – Law – Disorder ».