El objetivo de esta investigación es comprender cómo el ámbito televisivo desarrolla la cobertura periodística en relación a los hechos de desacato a las normas durante el Estado de Emergencia en Lima en el presente año. Los conceptos principales de esta investigación están basados en tres rubros de estudio: Lenguaje periodístico, estudios del contenido audiovisual y estudios sociológicos. Al manejar estos tres rubros de estudio y relacionarlos entre sí para hallar la forma en cómo la televisión emite sus mensajes. Metodológicamente hablando, la investigación será un estudio cualitativo basado en notas y reportajes y como unidad de análisis se va a recurrir a entrevistas a científicos sociales y periodistas involucrados en la cobertura de estos hechos noticiosos sobre desacato a las normas en el Estado de Emergencia en Lima en el año 2020. / The objective of this research is to understand how the television field manages to develop of journalistic coverage in relation to the acts of contempt for the norms during the State of Emergency in Lima this year. The main concepts of this research are based on three major fields of study: journalistic language, audiovisual content studies and sociological studies. When handling these three great fields of study and relating them to each other to find the way in which television broadcasts its messages, a very rigorous and detailed investigation in this aspect is suggested. Methodologically speaking, the investigation will be analytical (based on interviews with journalists and scientists ) and as a unit of analysis, television journalistic material (reports, reports and program notes) will be used where the facts of contempt of the rules in the State of Emergency in Lima in 2020. / Trabajo de investigación

La transición del papel al mundo digital produjo que el periodismo sufriera una serie de cambios, desde la recomposición estructural de sus redacciones hasta modificar la manera de redactar. También provocó una estrecha cercanía con los lectores que navegaban por internet, quienes se acostumbraban rápidamente al uso de las tecnologías emergentes. Con la finalidad de obtener más visitas en sus páginas web, los medios digitales desarrollaron nuevas técnicas y estrategias, como la multimedialidad, interactividad, hipertextualidad, y brindar contenidos de entretenimiento en mayor proporción. Incluso en épocas de crisis sanitarias, diversas empresas periodísticas del Perú y el mundo decidieron priorizar el ocio y espectacularizar las noticias relacionadas con la salud pública. Por ello, esta investigación pretende conocer cómo fue la construcción de la cobertura informativa en las páginas web de los diarios Perú21 y La República durante los dos primeros días de confinamiento obligatorio originados por la pandemia del COVID-19 (15 y 16 de marzo del 2020), para alcanzar el objetivo de averiguar sus características y determinar si hubo una presencia mayoritaria de publicaciones acerca del coronavirus en medio de una coyuntura apremiante para la sociedad. Como hipótesis, se sostiene que ambos diarios utilizaron sus recursos para no privilegiar las notas vinculadas con la mortal enfermedad. Sin embargo, luego de un proceso de recolección de datos e interpretación, se concluye que Perú21 y La República sí tuvieron una producción de noticias que primó la cobertura del coronavirus y todas sus implicancias, con diferencias en el modo de ejecución. / The transition from paper to the digital world caused journalism to undergo a series of changes, from the structural recomposition of its newsrooms to modifying the way of writing. It also caused a close relationship with readers who surfed the internet, who quickly became accustomed to the use of emerging technologies. In order to obtain more visits to their web pages, digital media developed new techniques and strategies, such as multimedia, interactivity, hypertextuality, and provide entertainment content in a greater proportion. Even in times of health crisis, various journalistic companies in Peru and the world decided to prioritize leisure and spectacularize news related to public health. Therefore, this research aims to know how was the construction of the informative coverage on the web pages of the newspapers Perú21 and La República during the first two days of mandatory confinement caused by the COVID-19 pandemic (March 15 and 16, 2020), to achieve the objective of finding out its characteristics and determining if there was a majority presence of publications about the coronavirus in the midst of a pressing situation for society. As a hypothesis, it is argued that both newspapers used their resources to not privilege the stories related to the deadly disease. However, after a process of data collection and interpretation, it is concluded that Perú21 and La República did have a news production that prevailed in coverage of the coronavirus and all its implications, with differences in the mode of execution. / Tesis

The diploma thesis evaluates the impact of the crisis caused by covid-19 on construction companies, especially through a questionnaire survey and interviews with representatives of construction companies. The theoretical part of the work, which precedes the questionnaire survey and interviews, describes the construction company and also explains topics such as anti-epidemic restrictions, compensation programs or the state of emergency caused by the covid crisis.

The topic of the thesis is education of children in COVID 19 period from the point of view of Roma mother. In the theoretical part the author presents the history of Roma population in Czech republic and their cultural specifics. Special focus is given to education. Practical part then focuses on analysis of interviews and observations of Roma mothers. Focus will be given to their perception of online education of their children including evaluation of what possible support was offered to them by the state and what obstacles they met in online education.

<p>Slutgiltigt godkännandedatum: 2022-10-03</p>

Torture and the Drama of Emergency: Kyd, Marlowe, Shakespeare recovers the legal complexity of early modern torture and makes it central to an account of the anti-torture politics of the English stage. More people were tortured in the 1580s and 1590s than at any other time in England's history, and this sudden increase generated a backlash in the form of calls for the protection of liberties. Chapters on plays by Thomas Kyd, Christopher Marlowe, and William Shakespeare show how theater contributed to this backlash by means of its unique ability to present on the public stage the otherwise private suffering characteristic of state torture. Above all, these playwrights alerted audiences to the dangers posed by the concentration of absolute power in the hands of the monarch. The introduction and first chapter of Torture and the Drama of Emergency demonstrate that although torture was unknown to common law, it was executed in the context of a state of emergency. The second chapter presents Kyd's The Spanish Tragedy as resistance literature: rather than critiquing Spanish cruelty, as its setting implies, the play indicts English torture. Kyd uses the genre of revenge tragedy, enormously popular after and because of his play, to argue that torture is a form of revenge the state itself might carry out. Chapter three, on 1 and 2 Tamburlaine, argues that Tamburlaine transforms the world into a military camp by extending martial law to everyone, everywhere. Marlowe's portrayal of the creation and rise of this totalitarian regime depicts the nightmarish consequences for the people when the state's power to extend martial law remains unchecked. The final chapter, on King Lear, argues that in his most pessimistic play Shakespeare suggests there is no escape from the state's ability to seize absolute power in times of crisis. Lear's moving but tenuous declaration of human rights remains a dream that cannot survive the state of emergency created when he divides the kingdom. / text

The environmental crisis threatens the fundamental values of the political liberal tradition. As the autonomy, the security and the prosperity of persons and peoples are jeopardized by political inaction, the legitimacy of the liberal constitutional order is compromised. Because of important collective action problems, the democratic processes are unfit to address the present crisis and protect adequately the natural environment. Two institutional solutions deemed capable of preserving the legitimacy of the functional domination at the heart of social order are analyzed. The first is the constitutionalization of a right to an adequate natural environment, which purports to circumvent the paralysis of legislative power. The second is the declaration of a limited state of emergency and the use of exceptional powers, which purports to circumvent the paralysis of both legislative and judiciary powers. Despite their legitimacy, the diligent application of these political solutions remains improbable. / La dégradation de l’environnement naturel menace les valeurs fondamentales de la tradition libérale que sont l’autonomie, la sécurité et la prospérité des personnes et des peuples. À ce titre, la légitimité morale de l’ordre constitutionnel libéral et la légitimité morale de l’autorité politique qui le représente sont toutes deux compromises. Or, les mécanismes démocratiques apparaissent pour de nombreuses raisons inaptes à assurer une protection suffisante de l’environnement naturel. Pour rétablir la légitimité des rapports de commandement et d’obéissance qui fondent l’ordre social, deux solutions institutionnelles sont analysées. La première consiste à constitutionnaliser un droit à un environnement naturel de qualité pour dépasser la paralysie du pouvoir législatif. La seconde consiste à déclarer un état d’urgence limité et à recourir aux pouvoirs d’exception, de manière à dépasser l’impotence législative et l’impotence judiciaire. En dépit de leur légitimité, la mise en œuvre de ces solutions politiques demeure improbable.

La protection constitutionnelle des droits de l’homme dans le monde arabe repose sur un processus complexe de démocratisation qui s’est accéléré après le Printemps arabe de 2011. L’émergence des droits de l’Homme s’impose comme un projet politique fort dans tous les pays qui sont l’objet de notre étude (Tunisie, Égypte, Algérie, Maroc) et nous démontre que le concept démocratique, dans son acception universaliste, n’est pas incompatible avec l’Islam. La constitutionnalisation des droits de l’Homme reste un apport majeur des mouvements constitutionnalistes qui ont érigé la constitution au rang de norme suprême de l’État de droit. Malgré l’instrumentalisation des constitutions par les dirigeants arabes et l’utilisation abusive de l’état d’urgence, nous assistons au rôle croissant du juge constitutionnel dans la protection des libertés fondamentales (contrôle constitutionnel) sous l’œil vigilent de la société civile et de la communauté internationale. / The constitutional protection of human rights in the Arab world is based on a complex process of democratization that has accelerated after the Arab Spring of 2011. The emergence of human rights is a strong political project in all the countries that are the subject of our study (Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria, Morocco) and shows us that the democratic concept, in its universalist sense, is not incompatible with Islam. The constitutionalization of human rights remains a major contribution of the constitutionalist movements that have made the constitution a supreme norm of the rule of law. Despite the instrumentalization of constitutions by Arab leaders and the misuse of the state of emergency, we are witnessing the growing role of the constitutional judge in the protection of fundamental freedoms (constitutional control) under the watchful eye of civil society and international community.

The environmental crisis threatens the fundamental values of the political liberal tradition. As the autonomy, the security and the prosperity of persons and peoples are jeopardized by political inaction, the legitimacy of the liberal constitutional order is compromised. Because of important collective action problems, the democratic processes are unfit to address the present crisis and protect adequately the natural environment. Two institutional solutions deemed capable of preserving the legitimacy of the functional domination at the heart of social order are analyzed. The first is the constitutionalization of a right to an adequate natural environment, which purports to circumvent the paralysis of legislative power. The second is the declaration of a limited state of emergency and the use of exceptional powers, which purports to circumvent the paralysis of both legislative and judiciary powers. Despite their legitimacy, the diligent application of these political solutions remains improbable. / La dégradation de l’environnement naturel menace les valeurs fondamentales de la tradition libérale que sont l’autonomie, la sécurité et la prospérité des personnes et des peuples. À ce titre, la légitimité morale de l’ordre constitutionnel libéral et la légitimité morale de l’autorité politique qui le représente sont toutes deux compromises. Or, les mécanismes démocratiques apparaissent pour de nombreuses raisons inaptes à assurer une protection suffisante de l’environnement naturel. Pour rétablir la légitimité des rapports de commandement et d’obéissance qui fondent l’ordre social, deux solutions institutionnelles sont analysées. La première consiste à constitutionnaliser un droit à un environnement naturel de qualité pour dépasser la paralysie du pouvoir législatif. La seconde consiste à déclarer un état d’urgence limité et à recourir aux pouvoirs d’exception, de manière à dépasser l’impotence législative et l’impotence judiciaire. En dépit de leur légitimité, la mise en œuvre de ces solutions politiques demeure improbable.

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