The aim of this thesis is to elucidate Homeric aesthetical, ethical, and political values; the relation between these values and those of the polis; and what this relation tells us about the place of Homeric society in our account of the development of the polis. I argue that the system of value that we find in the Iliad and the Odyssey is predicated on the ideas of portion, proportion, and proper distribution. These ideas, I contend, animate the Homeric conception of justice and of appropriateness. Further, I argue that this system shares much ground with the middling ideology of the polis, but is different from this ideology in respect of the discourse of sōphrosunē and of being mesos/metrios. From this, I maintain that the Homeric worldview reflects the social and material conditions of a world that shares the basic values of the polis but is not as sociologically complex as the polis. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

Tema svarbi tuo, kad į kiekvieną augančią naują kartą žvelgiama su viltimi, kad šiai kartai bus būdingos tvirtesnės prodemokratinės vertybės, didesnis aktyvumas pilietinėse ir politinėse veiklose negu vyresnėms gyventojų kartoms. Remiantis ankstesniais tyrimų duomenimis, jaunoji Lietuvos gyventojų karta skiriasi nuo vyresnių kartų ypač mažu rinkiminiu aktyvumu ir menka parama politinei bendrijai, jaunoji karta taip pat neišsiskiria didesniu aktyvumu visuomeninių organizacijų ir judėjimų veikloje negu vyresnės kartos, jauniems žmonėms būdingas dar netvirtesnis bendruomeninis solidarumas ir filantropinės nuostatos negu vyresniems gyventojams. Taigi keliamas klausimas - kokios politinės vertybės sąlygoja sėkmingą politikų karjerą politiniame gyvenime? „Gyvenimo ciklo“ teorijos šalininkai tvirtina, jog pilietinio aktyvumo laipsnis priklauso nuo gyvenimo ciklo etapų – politinis ir pilietinis aktyvumas didėja žmonėms tampant vyresniais. Lietuvos jaunosios kartos sumažėjusį politinį ir pilietinį aktyvumą aiškinti reiktų ne „gyvenimo ciklo“ poveikiu, bet giluminiais vertybiniais poslinkiais kultūroje. Darbo tikslas – atskleisti jaunimo požiūrį į politines vertybes ir nustatyti, kuris iš dviejų veiksnių - gyvenimo būdo/ciklo ar vertybinių pokyčių – yra svarbesnis aiškinant žemą jaunų žmonių politinio aktyvumo lygį ir nepasitikėjimą valdžia. Tyrimo dalykas – akademinio jaunimo nuostatos politinių vertybių atžvilgiu. Tyrimo objektas – akademinis, Vilniaus Pedagoginio Universiteto... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The work was made by Daiva Cereskiene, Political sociology master’s degree student of VPU Social sciences faculty Sociology and political sciences department. The subject of the work is: Academic youth provision in respect of political values (VPU case). The director of the work is Doc. V. Senkus. The work size is 67 pages. The chosen topic is an important source in rising every time a new looks in the hope that this generation will be characterized by a stronger pro - democracy values, more and more active in civic and political activities than older generations. However, studies indicate that the young generation of Lithuanian population are different from those of older generations in particular, low electoral turnout and poor support for the political community, the younger generation also does not stand a higher activity of public organizations, movements and activities than the older generation, young people still characterized communal solidarity and philanthropic provisions than the older population also raises the question - what determines the success of the political values of political life, political career? The negative aspects of the problem lies in the public opinion to public officials and top representatives of the political will of behavior, which affects many other negative consequences, distrust of power, corruption, low level of participation in elections, noncitizenship, emigration, etc. The paper aims - to reveal the attitudes of young people in... [to full text]

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:30:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alberto Monteiro Barroso de Sousa.pdf: 37574084 bytes, checksum: 84b2a04581263dbb60f9d5324a04b201 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-10 / Soccer in Brazil is a mass and elite Sport that crosses social classes and brings everyone together in one sole objective: the goal. Usually soccer is seem as leisure, beyond entertainment, and what are the values transmitted or reinforced by soccer? The present study has as its objective to research the relation between values transmitted through soccer with values in children between the ages of 10 to 12 years old. In observing a soccer game one finds that errors and subsequent injustices happen with frequency even though not always is the injustice committed perceived as being something bad, for at the same time it is seem a good by the team and supporters favored and bad for the team and supporters disadvantaged since that sentiment of justice and injustice frequently occurs during a soccer match generating the banalization of injustice since not always injustice is felt as something negative. This is an exploratory study, studying political values that are transmitted by means of soccer to children in their phase of political socialization and the study presents a new method for studying values in children. The main focus of the theoretical framework is based on the supposition that modalities of political conscienciousness and forms of individual and collective actions vary according with everyday life routines with restrictions found in everyday life and with cultural notions of values and beliefs in social relations. The findings of the study show that for adversaries the rules ought to apply more rigidly than for allies and a close personal affinity with some soccer player had a strong influence on the understanding of justice by the children under study / O futebol no Brasil é o esporte das massas e das elites, que rompe classes sociais e aproxima a todos num único objetivo, o gol. Usualmente, o futebol é visto como lazer, mas além da diversão, quais serão os valores transmitidos ou reforçados pelo futebol? O presente trabalho tem por objetivo investigar se há relação entre valores transmitidos através do futebol com valores em crianças com idades que variem de 10 a 12 anos de idade. Ao observar um jogo de futebol percebemos que erros e consequentes injustiças acontecem com frequência, porém nem sempre a injustiça cometida é percebida como sendo algo ruim, pois ao mesmo tempo ela é boa para torcida favorecida e ruim para a torcida prejudicada, sendo que esse sentimento de justiça e injustiça ocorre frequentemente durante uma partida de futebol podendo gerar a banalização da injustiça já que nem sempre a injustiça é sentida como sendo algo negativo. Trata-se de pesquisa exploratória, pois faz análise de valores políticos transmitidos por intermédio do futebol para crianças em fase de socialização política e desenvolve um novo método de aplicação da pesquisa com crianças. O eixo norteador do referencial teórico baseia-se no pressuposto de que as modalidades da consciência política e as formas de ações individuais e coletivas dos indivíduos variam de acordo com a vida rotineira/ cotidiana, com as restrições da vida cotidiana e com as noções culturais de valores e crenças das relações sociais. O resultado verificado na pesquisa demonstrou que para os adversários, as regras devem ser mais rígidas do que para os aliados e que a afinidade pessoal tem forte influência sobre o entendimento de justiça entre as crianças

<p>This thesis compares work orientations in six Western countries (the USA, Great Britain, New Zealand, Germany, Norway, and Sweden), using data from the 1997 International Social Survey Program (ISSP). The main issue examined is whether different ‘production regimes’ correspond to levels and patterns of employment and organizational commitment among the working population.</p><p>It is concluded that the country levels of employment commitment varies depending on the institutional set-ups, with respect to production and welfare regimes, being highest in the Scandinavian countries and lowest in Great Britain and the USA. Organizational commitment varies in a more complex manner, with the strongest commitment being found in the USA and the lowest in Sweden. In all countries, the most important factor determining the level of an individual’s organizational commitment is whether the person finds his or her job interesting. This effect is independent of job satisfaction. Organizational commitment was also found to be positively and strongly correlated with right-wing political values in five of the six countries. When it comes to employment commitment, it was found that women display, often significantly, higher commitment than do men. The results suggest that the most important motivator for employment commitment is the desire for interesting work. The concluding discussion summarises and presents the main findings in schematic figures, and includes interpretative discussions focusing on future research.</p>

This thesis compares work orientations in six Western countries (the USA, Great Britain, New Zealand, Germany, Norway, and Sweden), using data from the 1997 International Social Survey Program (ISSP). The main issue examined is whether different ‘production regimes’ correspond to levels and patterns of employment and organizational commitment among the working population. It is concluded that the country levels of employment commitment varies depending on the institutional set-ups, with respect to production and welfare regimes, being highest in the Scandinavian countries and lowest in Great Britain and the USA. Organizational commitment varies in a more complex manner, with the strongest commitment being found in the USA and the lowest in Sweden. In all countries, the most important factor determining the level of an individual’s organizational commitment is whether the person finds his or her job interesting. This effect is independent of job satisfaction. Organizational commitment was also found to be positively and strongly correlated with right-wing political values in five of the six countries. When it comes to employment commitment, it was found that women display, often significantly, higher commitment than do men. The results suggest that the most important motivator for employment commitment is the desire for interesting work. The concluding discussion summarises and presents the main findings in schematic figures, and includes interpretative discussions focusing on future research.

It is generally accepted that the youth are overall apathetic towards political activities and that such apathy is evidenced in low voter turnout during elections. Such conventional wisdom seems to be based mainly on findings in Western democracies and generates concern as to the future nature and resilience of democracy. When a significantly large proportion of the voting population shows apathetic attitudes towards the processes that enable participation of the public in democracy, it questions the extent to which a democracy can be consolidated. In the past the South African youth played an important role in the process of transformation to democracy and thereby possibly left a legacy of youth involvement. However, in the developing world, which includes South Africa, the youth seems to show the same sort of abstaining behaviour as their Western counterparts towards elections. This is problematic as the South African youth comprises a significantly large proportion of the voting population. This dissertation focuses on South African university youth and their political and voting behaviour. They have been chosen for the focus of this study as they are widely considered to be the future elite and leadership of South Africa. The aim of this study is to determine the extent to which Western scholarly explanations of youth voting behaviour can be applied to South African university youth. Western literature on voting behaviour identifies various models of voting behaviour (which comprise the Sociological Model, Michigan Model, Party Identification Model, Media/Dominant Ideology Model and Rational Choice Model) and age effects on voting behaviour (Cohort Effect, Individual Ageing Effect and Life Cycle Effect). Each of these seeks to explain voting behaviour and in order to determine how applicable they are to South African university youth, an analytical framework was developed in order to analyse and interpret the data gathered by means of questionnaires and focus group discussions. Ultimately it was found that most Western models and age effects are to some extent applicable in explaining the voting behaviour of South African university youth (albeit to a greater or lesser extent). / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

The environmental crisis threatens the fundamental values of the political liberal tradition. As the autonomy, the security and the prosperity of persons and peoples are jeopardized by political inaction, the legitimacy of the liberal constitutional order is compromised. Because of important collective action problems, the democratic processes are unfit to address the present crisis and protect adequately the natural environment. Two institutional solutions deemed capable of preserving the legitimacy of the functional domination at the heart of social order are analyzed. The first is the constitutionalization of a right to an adequate natural environment, which purports to circumvent the paralysis of legislative power. The second is the declaration of a limited state of emergency and the use of exceptional powers, which purports to circumvent the paralysis of both legislative and judiciary powers. Despite their legitimacy, the diligent application of these political solutions remains improbable. / La dégradation de l’environnement naturel menace les valeurs fondamentales de la tradition libérale que sont l’autonomie, la sécurité et la prospérité des personnes et des peuples. À ce titre, la légitimité morale de l’ordre constitutionnel libéral et la légitimité morale de l’autorité politique qui le représente sont toutes deux compromises. Or, les mécanismes démocratiques apparaissent pour de nombreuses raisons inaptes à assurer une protection suffisante de l’environnement naturel. Pour rétablir la légitimité des rapports de commandement et d’obéissance qui fondent l’ordre social, deux solutions institutionnelles sont analysées. La première consiste à constitutionnaliser un droit à un environnement naturel de qualité pour dépasser la paralysie du pouvoir législatif. La seconde consiste à déclarer un état d’urgence limité et à recourir aux pouvoirs d’exception, de manière à dépasser l’impotence législative et l’impotence judiciaire. En dépit de leur légitimité, la mise en œuvre de ces solutions politiques demeure improbable.

Contents: Introduction; The Smell of Revolution and Popcorn; Filling the Gaps: Historical Context; Brazilian Cinema in the Age of Neoliberalism and Political Discourse of the New Brazilian Left; US Films and the Iraq War: This isn’t my America; Epilogue

Η συγκεκριμένη μελέτη, διερευνά εκτενώς τις αξίες στα Νεοελληνικά αναγνώσματα εξαταξίου Γυμνασίου περιόδου 1940-1950, το θεματικό και ιδεολογικό περιεχόμενο τους, σε μια ιδιαίτερη ιστορικό-πολιτική φάση της πολεμικής και μεταπολεμικής Ελλάδας. Η έρευνα έδειξε ότι ανάλογα με τις πολιτικές και θρησκευτικές συνθήκες στα Νεοελληνικά αναγνώσματα έμπαιναν κείμενα που αποσκοπούσαν στην προαγωγή των σκοπών που επεδίωκε η πολιτική κατάσταση. Η εσωτερίκευση αξιών ήταν επιλεκτική για να υπηρετηθούν οι εκάστοτε σκοποί της εξουσίας. Αξίες που βοηθούν στη πολιτικοποίηση όχι στη κομματικοποίηση δεν προωθούνται σε αυτά τα κείμενα. Παρατηρούμε ότι το σύστημα αξιών της περιόδου αυτής είναι μια σύνθεση εθνικών, θρησκευτικών και ηθικών αξιών. Ο κεντρικός θεματικός πυρήνας των κειμένων παραμένει σχετικά σταθερός, με βασικό άξονα προσανατολισμού την πατρίδα, τους Ελληνικούς τόπους, τη φύση, τη θρησκεία και την οικογένεια. Το αξιολογικό περιεχόμενο στα αναγνωστικά της περιόδου αυτής επικεντρώνεται στην προβολή κυρίως εθνικών, θρησκευτικών και ηθικών αξιών. Εμφανίζει περισσότερο έναν εθνοκεντρικό, παραδοσιακό και συντηρητικό προσανατολισμό αξιών, που ανταποκρίνεται στη συντηρητική υφή της κυρίαρχης ιδεολογίας της εποχής εκείνης, και μεταβάλλεται σε μια συστηματική προσπάθεια κατήχησης και δογματικού διαποτισμού. Όλες οι αξίες συνεργάζονται και αλληλοσυμπληρώνονται, και τελικά αποτελούν ένα ενιαίο ιδεολογικό σύστημα αξιών, συμβατό με την ιδεολογία του εκπαιδευτικού συστήματος, που ηγεμονεύεται από την κυρίαρχη ιδεολογία του πολιτικοκοινωνικού συστήματος. / This study explores at length the values in Modern Greek Literature readings six-grade secondary Gymnasium period 1940-1950, the thematic and ideological content in a particular historical-political phase of the war and the post-war Greece. The investigations showed that depending on the political and religious conditions the texts had aimed at promoting the objectives pursued by the political situation. Thus was selective internalization of values to serve the respective objects of power. Values that help politicization rather than political parties are not promoted in these texts. Notice that the value system of this period is a synthesis of national, religious - moral values. Central core theme of the text remains relatively stable, with the main orientation axis of the homeland, the Greek places, nature, religion and family. The evaluative content to readers of this period show mainly focuses on national religious and moral values. It displays a more ethnocentric, traditional and conservative orientation of values, which correspond to conservative texture of the dominant ideology of the time, and changes in a systematic effort indoctrination and dogmatic indoctrination. Altogether the values complement each other, and ultimately form a single ideological value system, compatible with the ideology of the educational system, which overmaster by the dominant ideology of social and political system.

The environmental crisis threatens the fundamental values of the political liberal tradition. As the autonomy, the security and the prosperity of persons and peoples are jeopardized by political inaction, the legitimacy of the liberal constitutional order is compromised. Because of important collective action problems, the democratic processes are unfit to address the present crisis and protect adequately the natural environment. Two institutional solutions deemed capable of preserving the legitimacy of the functional domination at the heart of social order are analyzed. The first is the constitutionalization of a right to an adequate natural environment, which purports to circumvent the paralysis of legislative power. The second is the declaration of a limited state of emergency and the use of exceptional powers, which purports to circumvent the paralysis of both legislative and judiciary powers. Despite their legitimacy, the diligent application of these political solutions remains improbable. / La dégradation de l’environnement naturel menace les valeurs fondamentales de la tradition libérale que sont l’autonomie, la sécurité et la prospérité des personnes et des peuples. À ce titre, la légitimité morale de l’ordre constitutionnel libéral et la légitimité morale de l’autorité politique qui le représente sont toutes deux compromises. Or, les mécanismes démocratiques apparaissent pour de nombreuses raisons inaptes à assurer une protection suffisante de l’environnement naturel. Pour rétablir la légitimité des rapports de commandement et d’obéissance qui fondent l’ordre social, deux solutions institutionnelles sont analysées. La première consiste à constitutionnaliser un droit à un environnement naturel de qualité pour dépasser la paralysie du pouvoir législatif. La seconde consiste à déclarer un état d’urgence limité et à recourir aux pouvoirs d’exception, de manière à dépasser l’impotence législative et l’impotence judiciaire. En dépit de leur légitimité, la mise en œuvre de ces solutions politiques demeure improbable.