This work examines the impact of European integration on modern European states, focusing in particular on the expression of civic, political, and social rights in these states. Without an accurate understanding of how integration has transformed states, those involved in the creation of state institutions--now and in the future--cannot hope to know how their societies will be affected by European integration, what role social voice will play in the governance process, and ultimately, how the European project might play-out. Understanding the effect of European integration on the lives of everyday citizens is the main impetus behind this research. This work aims to provide an objective assessment of the effects of European integration on state transformation and, subsequently, the expression of rights in modern Europe. This is accomplished through the examination of three case studies, each of which focuses on a different policy area. Overall, these case studies cover the time period 1990-2014. Operationalized, the research herein addresses the following question: How has being a member of the European Union or striving to join it changed states and specifically those areas linked to the expression of civic, political, and social rights? Additionally, this study tests a new theoretical construction of statehood--the Member State--so that, in the future, this construct might be used to better inform integration theories. This is all carried-out through statistical analyses that establish causal links for observed changes in the expression of civic, political, and social rights in Europe. The findings of the thesis suggest that the expression of civic and social rights have not been decreasing due to state transformation brought on by European integration, while the expression of political rights have been. Furthermore, this research finds support for the new theoretical construct of Member Statehood.

À cheval sur les Alpes occidentales, les Etats de Piémont-Savoie occupent une place majeure sur l'échiquier européen tout au long de l'époque moderne. Or, rares sont les historiens français, italiens et anglophones à se pencher sur cette monarchie en dépit du récent renouveau historiographique insufflé par les Sabaudian Studies à l'initiative de l'historien américain Matthew Vester. Aucune étude approfondie sur la construction territoriale de cet Etat secondaire (puissance moyenne) n'a été menée jusqu'à présent : les recherches françaises se restreignent le plus souvent à des études locales centrées sur les questions économiques, sociales et religieuses de la « région Savoie », tandis que les historiens italiens ont produit depuis la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle de nombreux travaux cantonnés à l'histoire politique du Piémont. Quant aux Anglo-saxons, ils ont travaillé sur de trop courtes périodes pour saisir l’ensemble des mécanismes du processus d'étatisation du Piémont-Savoie. Un renouveau historiographique est nécessaire sur cette monarchie composite fragmentée par les montagnes entre les pays de « l’au-delà » (versant français) et ceux de l’ « en-deçà » (versant italien). Si cette thèse se focalise sur le Piémont, cœur politique de cette monarchie depuis 1563, la Savoie et le comté de Nice seront aussi évoqués pour surmonter l'impasse dans laquelle se trouve la plupart des études « régionales » menées jusqu'à présent. Cette étude vise à approfondir nos connaissances sur cet Etat secondaire qui a façonné les versants français et italien des Alpes. Elle amène aussi à envisager autrement l'histoire de l'Europe à travers une histoire politique et diplomatique renouvelée d’une dynastie européenne : celle de la maison de Savoie, de sa restauration en 1559 (ses États sont occupés dans le cadre des guerres d’Italie depuis 1536) à l’annexion de Nice et de la Savoie par la France révolutionnaire à l’automne-hiver 1792-1793. Il convient de partir du postulat suivant : la construction du Piémont-Savoie dans l'Europe d'entre-deux disputée entre la France et les Habsbourg est conditionnée par la politique d'une dynastie souveraine au succès parfois mitigé, ainsi que par le jeu des grandes puissances soucieux de préserver l’équilibre européen. Trois axes seront à privilégier. Le premier est l’ambitieuse politique territoriale de la maison de Savoie qui bascule d'un versant à l'autre, puis consolide et étend son Piémont peu à peu élevé au statut de puissance italienne. Ensuite, la diplomatie de cette dynastie en quête d’indépendance vise s’affirmer face à ses voisins hégémoniques (France et Empire). Enfin, il convient de s’intéresser au(x) rôle(s) que les grandes puissances (France, Empire, Espagne et Angleterre) attribuent à cet Etat d’abord considéré comme un « territoire-tampon » empêchant tout contact direct entre la France et le Milanais espagnol, puis comme un « État-barrière » empêchant la France d’entrer en Italie et un « Etat-équilibre » contrebalançant la puissance autrichienne à la tête de la moitié de la péninsule. Cette réflexion sera prolongée par un court épilogue sur le sort de cette monarchie progressivement annexée par la France révolutionnaire jusqu’à disparaitre une seconde fois en 1802. S’achève ainsi une histoire possible du Piémont-Savoie commencée deux siècles et demi plus tôt. / .

A growing literature on hybrid peace governance has showed the importance of taking into account the interactive nature of peacebuilding. However, this literature largely remains imprecise about how local-international interactions affect outcomes, and the hybrid turn has not produced much comparative empirical evidence. This study attempts to contribute to filling this research gap by developing a causal explanation for why micro-level local-international interactions produce within-country variations in post-war democratization. Based on scholarship on strategic bargaining, local ownership and legitimacy, it is hypothesized that a higher prevalence of legitimate local-international partnerships leads to higher adherence to good governance principles. The study uses key informant interviews and survey data to conduct a qualitative most-similar case study at the sub-national level. From the analysis of three municipalities in Kosovo, some support for the hypothesis is generated. The results show that with increased capacity from international support and legitimacy derived from closeness to citizens, local non-political actors can put pressure on political actors to reform. However, more studies are needed to refine the theory and test its applicability in other contexts.

<p>The thesis studies the county governors of northern Sweden during the period 1634–1769, altogether 41 men, and their part in the ongoing state formation process during the early modern period. The office of county governor was established in the constitution of 1634 and played an integral part in the modernisation of the local and regional administration of the Swedish realm. The governors’ primary tasks were to monitor the bailiffs and other civil servants and to protect the interests of the Crown. Another task was to maintain the communication between the King and the subjects. The Crown wished to increase its control over the political, economic, ideological and military spheres of society, in the pursuit of greater revenues and more conscripts to army, among other things. Special interest is paid to four different aspects of the governors and their work.</p><p>A study of the governors’ conception of their position and duties of the office shows that their valuation of the office varied with the individual office-holder’s personal status and situation. Many governors uttered sentiments reminiscent of a patrimonial administration, although the system de jure showed many bureaucratic characteristics.</p><p>At the county council, a former arena of regional self-government, the governors met and interacted with the subjects and announced decrees from the Crown. The county council was an important forum for regional administration and interaction, although it was not sanctioned in law, and therefore held at an ad hoc basis.</p><p>The daily work of the governors varied with the changing times and conditions of the region and the realm as a whole. In times of war, military matters were predominant in the governor’s correspondence with the King. But the daily administrative work on the regional and local level was never dominated by military issues. All different aspects of society had to be kept in working order, whether the realm was at war or not. The supplications that were sent from the subjects to the governor also always had a good chance of being granted. This was an important tool for legitimating the prevailing social order. The rulers of the realm thereby presented themselves as benign and ready to attend to the subjects’ needs.</p><p>A few governors of northern Sweden were subjected to the investigations of royal commissions, but none of the them were deposed by such commissions. The investigations were caused by complaints from other civil servants, military officers and also from the populace. The accusations pertained to abuse and neglect of office and violations of the rights of specific groups.</p>

This dissertation is the result of a study of power relations between the crown and the church in Sweden during the 17th century. The study is focused on the Swedish Parliament and how the Estate of the Clergy responded to royal pretensions. The Swedish Clerical Estate is viewed as essential for the Swedish state formation process. The argument in the study is inspired by theories suggesting that state building and state formation were outcomes of a bargaining process between rulers and local power holders. The perspective presented by the historian Jan Glete is of great importance. He defines the early modern state as a complex organization providing protection and violence control. He emphasizes that the power of the state and the state’s character were dependent upon how the state could assert power. In order to do this, the rulers bartered with their subjects using protection as a commodity while in return the subjects paid required taxes. This bargaining process is interpreted as interactive. The rulers linked various local interests to the state and in doing so gained control of the society and the use of violence. The Swedish Clerical Estate played an important role in this process. Due in part to this fact, the clergy differed from the other subjects of the realm such as the nobility or the peasants. The clergy did not own any sizeable amount of property and did not exert any economical influence. Instead the Clerical Estate negotiated using their ideological, cultural and political resources. These commodities became essential in how the king organized the state. In exchange for royal protection, the clergy were given the task of supporting and explaining the crown’s economical and military needs. By doing so, the Clerical Estate legitimated the royal power in the parliament and in the society as a whole. At the same time, this negotiation signified a definition of the role of the clergyman within the state. Though the Clerical Estate sometimes tried to reject royal claims, it was the king who decided the conditions of negotiation. The parliament as a political field was created by the king and for the king. From a political point of view, religion and a theological framework became of great importance and were adopted by the crown in order to exploit resources. Taking this into consideration, the 17th century Swedish state seems to be more effective than other European early modern states.

From the beginning of 2000 the European accession process was placed at the centre of peace-building in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The prospect of EU membership provided a common vision that could encourage different segments of society and the political elites to bridge ethnic divergences and engage in authentic post-war reconciliation. As a pre-accession criterion the European Union required Bosnia and Herzegovina to unify its fragmented policing system at the level of the state. However, this requirement proved to be a step too far, resulting in a protracted and ultimately unsuccessful process of political negotiations that lasted from 2004 to 2007. This thesis analyses the police reform negotiating process. In the aftermath of interethnic violence, ethnic communities tend to focus on protecting their self-continuity and, as a result, aspects of identity and security become closely linked. It was for this reason that the European Union’s insistence on placing law enforcement authority at the state level in Bosnia and Herzegovina came to be viewed as an identity threat, which subsequently affected interethnic group dynamics in a negative way. From this premise, the study goes on to assess the impact of the negotiating process on the political discourse in Bosnia and Herzegovina and on public notions of societal security. The study illustrates the background and rationale of the European Union’s strategy and analyses the dynamics between the international community and the domestic political elite. The conclusions of the thesis are drawn from interviews with the principal domestic politicians and the main international policymakers of the international community, and also from a broad range of opinion surveys as well as the original documentation of the negotiating process.

The thesis studies the county governors of northern Sweden during the period 1634–1769, altogether 41 men, and their part in the ongoing state formation process during the early modern period. The office of county governor was established in the constitution of 1634 and played an integral part in the modernisation of the local and regional administration of the Swedish realm. The governors’ primary tasks were to monitor the bailiffs and other civil servants and to protect the interests of the Crown. Another task was to maintain the communication between the King and the subjects. The Crown wished to increase its control over the political, economic, ideological and military spheres of society, in the pursuit of greater revenues and more conscripts to army, among other things. Special interest is paid to four different aspects of the governors and their work. A study of the governors’ conception of their position and duties of the office shows that their valuation of the office varied with the individual office-holder’s personal status and situation. Many governors uttered sentiments reminiscent of a patrimonial administration, although the system de jure showed many bureaucratic characteristics. At the county council, a former arena of regional self-government, the governors met and interacted with the subjects and announced decrees from the Crown. The county council was an important forum for regional administration and interaction, although it was not sanctioned in law, and therefore held at an ad hoc basis. The daily work of the governors varied with the changing times and conditions of the region and the realm as a whole. In times of war, military matters were predominant in the governor’s correspondence with the King. But the daily administrative work on the regional and local level was never dominated by military issues. All different aspects of society had to be kept in working order, whether the realm was at war or not. The supplications that were sent from the subjects to the governor also always had a good chance of being granted. This was an important tool for legitimating the prevailing social order. The rulers of the realm thereby presented themselves as benign and ready to attend to the subjects’ needs. A few governors of northern Sweden were subjected to the investigations of royal commissions, but none of the them were deposed by such commissions. The investigations were caused by complaints from other civil servants, military officers and also from the populace. The accusations pertained to abuse and neglect of office and violations of the rights of specific groups.

Šiuolaikinė Centrinė Azija (CA / Kazachstanas, Uzbekistanas, Kyrgyzstanas, Tadžikistanas ir Turkmėnistanas) yra tarptautiniu mastu ekonomine ir saugumo prasme svarbus regionas. Jo didžiausia problema – ilgalaikio politinio stabilumo, kuris tapo disertacijos objektu, stoka. Atitinkamai, disertacijos tikslas buvo nustatyti pagrindines esamo ir potencialaus Centrinės Azijos valstybių nestabilumo priežastis, detaliai atskleisti jų esmę ir pasiūlyti efektyvią ilgalaikio stabilumo CA šalyse užtikrinimo koncepciją. Stabilumas studijoje apibrėžtas kaip revoliucijos bei objektyvios / subjektyvios (psichologinės) socio-politinės ir socio-ekonominės nepasitenkinimo valdžia bazės kaip revoliucijos prielaidos ir sąlygos atskiroje šalyje nebuvimas. Palankesnės sąlygos bet kokiai revoliucijai (klasikinei ar „spalvotai“), kaip teigiama disertacijoje, susidaro pereinamojo laikotarpio visuomenėse, neturinčiose gilių istorinių valstybingumo tradicijų, kaip tai yra CA valstybėse. Todėl buvo padaryta išvada, kad sėkmingas valstybės (kaip etninio-pilietinio ir institucinio darinio) „kūrimas“ yra fundamentali prevencinė revoliucijos (nestabilumo) ir jos prielaidų atsiradimo sąlyga, prezidentinių Centrinės Azijos šalių režimų valdymo sistemos organizavimo metu taikant socio-politinio korporatizmo principą. Jo esmė – konsensualinė valstybės valdančiojo elito politika, tenkinant ne vien savo, bet ir visuomeninius socio-ekonominius poreikius, kas turėtų užtikrinti ilgalaikį politinių CA šalių sistemų... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Contemporary Central Asia (CA / Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan) is an internationally important region in economic and security sense. Its biggest problem is the lack of long-term political stability, which became the object of the thesis. Accordingly, the purpose of the thesis was to determine the basic reasons of instability in CA states, to disclose their detailed essence and offer an effective conception to maintain long-term stability in them. Stability was defined in dissertation as absence of revolution and objective/subjective socio-political and socio-economic base of discontent with the government of a single taken country, which is a premise and condition of the revolution in it. More favorable conditions for any revolution (classical or “colorful”), as it was stressed in the study, are supposed to form in the transitional societies with no deep historical tradition of statehood, as it is in case of CA states. Therefore, the conclusion was made that the successful state (as ethnic-civil entity and institutional system) “building” is a fundamental preventive condition of revolution (instability) and its premises there, applying principle of socio-political corporatism in organization of the system of governance in the framework of Central Asian presidential regimes. The core idea of the principle is a consensual politics of the ruling elite of the country, meeting not only individual needs, but also socio-economic needs of the... [to full text]

Contemporary Central Asia (CA / Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan) is an internationally important region in economic and security sense. Its biggest problem is the lack of long-term political stability, which became the object of the thesis. Accordingly, the purpose of the thesis was to determine the basic reasons of instability in CA states, to disclose their detailed essence and offer an effective conception to maintain long-term stability in them. Stability was defined in dissertation as absence of revolution and objective/subjective socio-political and socio-economic base of discontent with the government of a single taken country, which is a premise and condition of the revolution in it. More favorable conditions for any revolution (classical or “colorful”), as it was stressed in the study, are supposed to form in the transitional societies with no deep historical tradition of statehood, as it is in case of CA states. Therefore, the conclusion was made that the successful state (as ethnic-civil entity and institutional system) “building” is a fundamental preventive condition of revolution (instability) and its premises there, applying principle of socio-political corporatism in organization of the system of governance in the framework of Central Asian presidential regimes. The core idea of the principle is a consensual politics of the ruling elite of the country, meeting not only individual needs, but also socio-economic needs of the... [to full text] / Šiuolaikinė Centrinė Azija (CA / Kazachstanas, Uzbekistanas, Kyrgyzstanas, Tadžikistanas ir Turkmėnistanas) yra tarptautiniu mastu ekonomine ir saugumo prasme svarbus regionas. Jo didžiausia problema – ilgalaikio politinio stabilumo, kuris tapo disertacijos objektu, stoka. Atitinkamai, disertacijos tikslas buvo nustatyti pagrindines esamo ir potencialaus Centrinės Azijos valstybių nestabilumo priežastis, detaliai atskleisti jų esmę ir pasiūlyti efektyvią ilgalaikio stabilumo CA šalyse užtikrinimo koncepciją. Stabilumas studijoje apibrėžtas kaip revoliucijos bei objektyvios / subjektyvios (psichologinės) socio-politinės ir socio-ekonominės nepasitenkinimo valdžia bazės kaip revoliucijos prielaidos ir sąlygos atskiroje šalyje nebuvimas. Palankesnės sąlygos bet kokiai revoliucijai (klasikinei ar „spalvotai“), kaip teigiama disertacijoje, susidaro pereinamojo laikotarpio visuomenėse, neturinčiose gilių istorinių valstybingumo tradicijų, kaip tai yra CA valstybėse. Todėl buvo padaryta išvada, kad sėkmingas valstybės (kaip etninio-pilietinio ir institucinio darinio) „kūrimas“ yra fundamentali prevencinė revoliucijos (nestabilumo) ir jos prielaidų atsiradimo sąlyga, prezidentinių Centrinės Azijos šalių režimų valdymo sistemos organizavimo metu taikant socio-politinio korporatizmo principą. Jo esmė – konsensualinė valstybės valdančiojo elito politika, tenkinant ne vien savo, bet ir visuomeninius socio-ekonominius poreikius, kas turėtų užtikrinti ilgalaikį politinių CA šalių sistemų... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

Le but de la thèse est d'apprécier l'efficacité des programmes de reconstruction destinés à assurer le redressement économique de pays sortant de guerre civile depuis la fin de la Guerre froide. Du point de vue de la méthode, cette efficacité est évaluée à la fois par la pertinence du contenu et de l'organisation de ces programmes aux caractéristiques des économies post-conflictuelles, et par une évaluation de leur performance au vu d'indicateurs de redressement spécifiques à ces contextes. Les causes économiques des conflits et le fonctionnement d'une économie de guerre sont analysés dans la mesure ils conditionnent le passage à une économie de paix (chapitres 1 à 4). Une approche en termes d'économie politique (Stewart, Fitzgerald) recoupant inégalités horizontales et verticales et complétée par celle d'Amartya Sen contribue à rendre compte des spécificités de ce type de contexte que la théorie néoclassique ne permet pas d'appréhender. L'approche en termes de moyens d'existence (Chambers et Conway), de vulnérabilité due au contexte (Collinson) et d'économie institutionnelle donnent un cadre théorique cohérent pour cerner les caractéristiques économiques des sociétés post-conflictuelles (chapitres 5 à 7) et permettent d'identifier des facteurs bloquant ou de ralentissement du processus de redressement économique. L'étude de la configuration des programmes de reconstruction fait apparaître une prolifération d'acteurs aux logiques différentes, peu coordonnés et formant une administration de substitution non alignée dans un État fragile (chapitre 8). Le rapprochement entre programme et caractéristiques observées permet alors de procéder à l'évaluation de l'efficacité des programmes (chapitre 9). L'évaluation quantitative converge vers le constat d'un échec relatif, notamment du fait de leur lenteur (d'où risque de résurgence du conflit). Une modélisation à partir des données disponibles appuie l'identification effectuée de l'importance de certaines variables spécifiques (retour des populations déplacées, institutions, sécurité). L'analyse qualitative des causes de cette inefficacité fait apparaître : - les effets pervers du manque de coordination, analysée ici à la lumière de la théorie des coûts de transaction, de la théorie contingente et de l'analyse marginaliste, notamment sur le marché du travail et les capacités administratives, ce qui permet de mettre à jour le concept de seuil de capacités institutionnelles ; - l'inadaptation dans la conception et la mise en œuvre des programmes aux spécificités observées. Entre la référence mythifiée au Plan Marshall et l'absence d'intervention extérieure qui mènerait à un état de suffocation économique, l'analyse de cette inefficacité relative débouche sur quelques préconisations adaptables selon les contextes.