This is a study about the transition process and the consolidation of power in Belarus. In this paper the concept of "authoritarian state building and the sources of regime competitiveness in the fourth wave" is the major theory used. After giving a description of the theory‟s concepts a short historical background of Belarus follows. Chapters four describes and explain the political situation in Belarus during five periods. After each period I analyze the situation on the basis of the suppositions from the theory. The thesis also tries to explain the conditions needed for an authoritarian regime to be established. The result of the concluding discussion shows that the major theory in this thesis presents important factors that can help to explain why and how the autocratic rule in Belarus has been consolidated.

This essay investigates the post-war international intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Dayton Peace Treaty was welcomed as the first multilateral agreement amongst countries since the end of the cold war, including Russia. The treaty sought not only to end a war but wrote the Bosnian constitution. We see examples of state-building through international intervention in other parts of the world post-9/11 (Afghanistan, Iraq). The state-building actions in Bosnia was the first multilateral action after the cold-war it is therefore interesting to research the measures that were taken and to follow-up and investigate if it was a success or a failure. Bosnia today is falling behind other neighboring countries,  economically and democratically speaking. Neighboring Croatia has just recently become a new member state of the EU, many scholars along with member states of EU and the International Community agree that Bosnia should aim to reach the same goal as Croatia in order to ensure political and economical stability. However there seems to be conflicting agendas between the International Community and the local politicians. The essay will focus on the effects of the international intervention through state-building operations in Bosnia and how the international community took upon itself a major responsibility and the results of those efforts till today.

This thesis develops a model that can be used to assess the ability of religious institutions to contribute to post-conflict state building. Highlighting the tendency in state building literature to stop short in discussing what seems to be inferred, but unnameable—religion—the research proposes a framework that identifies theoretical mechanisms through which religious institutions can contribute to post-conflict state building. Drawing from the theologies of Roman Catholicism and Sunni Islam the thesis then reflects upon why they would, of their own accord, lend their considerable legitimacy and resources. The thesis diverges from traditional approaches such as rational choice theory that suggest religious institutions act to maximise membership or assets, and instead embraces a teleological view recognizing the importance of belief structures in understanding a religious institution's motivations. It embraces salvation as a hermeneutical key to outline a Roman Catholic theology of state building while drawing upon the concept of justice for Sunni Islam. The thesis concludes by incorporating the particularistic nuances of Bosnia and Herzegovina's unique historically and culturally influenced religious practices, structures and theologies to suggest the ability and willingness of the two religions' institutions to contribute to their country's state building.

Ces dernières années les États du Sud aussi bien que du Nord, se sont engagés dans une succession de réformes des administrations qui semblent suivre les mêmes modèles. La plupart des lectures de ces réformes, dans le contexte des pays du Sud, notamment africains, ne cessent d’invoquer leur caractère imposé, auquel les soumettent les bailleurs de fonds. Sans une vraie analyse au niveau local et sans une étude approfondie, ces réformes sont, grosso modo, présentées comme des échecs successifs. Cette thèse se veut donc une contribution à une lecture critique de ces réformes, de leur mise en oeuvre et des pratiques résultant de leur apprentissage, comme modes d’exercice de pouvoir.À partir d’une restitution empirique de la mise en oeuvre des réformes de décentralisation,notamment à travers le fonctionnement des municipalités, pour la ville de Beira et les bourgs de Mueda et Quissico au Mozambique, la thèse montre que l’apprentissage d’une réforme est influencé par les trajectoires spécifiques des rapports entre État et Sociétés, dans les espaces de mise en oeuvre.En combinant diverses approches de sociologie historique pour l’étude de l’administration à travers ces réformes successives, de sociologie de construction de l’État et de sociologie de l’action publique, ce travail défend la thèse que la réforme de l’administration, notamment décentralisatrice, en permettant une modification des modes d’articulation entre administration et citoyens, participe au redéploiement de l’État. En effet, les observations empiriques du fonctionnement quotidien des municipalités permettent de les voir comme de nouvelles arènes de diffusion et d’apprentissage entre État et administrés. C’est un processus qui doit forcément être resitué à l’intersection des enjeux spécifiques des lieux de mise en oeuvre et des cadres sous-jacents des réformes. / Over the last few years, States in the South and in the North have engaged in a series of government reforms that appear to have been created out of the same model. Most studies of these reforms insist on the idea that these reforms were imposed by donors, particularly in the context of developing countries, and especially for Africa. However, these analyses do not take into account local specificities and they therefore tend to present the reforms as successive failures. This thesis contributes to a critical reading of these reforms, their implementation and the practices resulting from their execution, demonstrating that they are means for exercising power. Indeed, starting from an empirical restitution of the implementation of decentralization reforms, notably through the proceedings of the municipalities for the city of Beira and the boroughs of Muedaand Quissico in Mozambique, the thesis shows that the learning curve of integrating reforms is influenced by the specific trajectory of the relationship between the State and society in the areas ofimplementation. By combining various approaches to historical sociology to the study of administration through these successive reforms, coupled with theories of sociology of state building and public action, this thesis argues that allowing changes in the relation between government and citizens through administrative reforms, especially decentralization, contributes to and participates in the redeploymentof the state.In fact, empirically observing the daily functioning of municipalities undergoing reformsenables to look at them as new arenas for propagation and learning in the linkage between States and their citizens. This process must necessarily be resituated into the intersection of the specific issues facing the locations of implementation and the underlying frameworks of reforms.

The United States of America and the institutions of the European Union are the most prominent democracy assistance donors in third countries. Over the last two decades, they have spent tens of billions of dollars to support the formation and consolidation of democratic regimes around the world. In this sense, the US and the EU have seemingly shared interests - i.e. seeking to build democratic institutions in target countries so that these become part of the community of democracies and contribute to the stability of the world's economic and political system. However, if we look at the approaches and strategies used by the US and the EU to support democracy, we find that they are often quite different and, in some respects, clashing. Why are the approaches of both actors different if they strive to reach the same goal? Or - upon closer examination - are their goals indeed somewhat different? The key problem is that democracy as such is a contested concept, so it is necessary to ask the question: if we are promoting democracy, what kind of democracy do we mean? If we finance the development of one or the other institution, what model of democratic establishment will be created? The thesis takes a constructivist view of this issue and demonstrates how the different democratic identities of the two...

This thesis concentrates on the role of the European Union as a state-building power. It scrutinizes EU foreign policy in terms of state-building phenomena in three selected areas: Western Balkans, Eastern Partnership, and Southern Neighbourhood. First, it presents the EU as an increasingly powerful international actor and a normative power. Then, it overviews the existing literature on state-building with a special focus on Francis Fukuyama's neoliberal approach and David Chandler's critical remarks. The thesis is methodologically grounded in the Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA), specifically the four-value fuzzy set QCA, which enables to bridge the quantitative and qualitative approaches. The analysis operates with 23 cases (countries) and five variables in order to assess the EU state-building practices in relation to the targeted states' resilience. Drawing on the moderate generalizations from QCA results, the thesis concludes that the EU is, indeed, a state-building power which strengthens the resilience of states through its state-building practices.

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During August 2008 commissioners, senior tax administrators and policy makers from 28 African countries attended the International Conference on Taxation, State Building and Capacity Development in Africa. The objective of the conference had been to investigate how African countries can improve their resource mobilization, thereby decreasing Africa’s reliance on foreign aid, improving the fiscal independence of African countries and improving the living conditions of their citizens. It was identified during the conference that African countries can improve their resource mobilization through an improvement of their existing taxation structures. An improvement in existing taxation structures could in turn be achieved through improved sharing of information between African tax authorities on their tax structures currently in place, as well as the habits of their respective taxpayers. In order to facilitate the improved sharing of information, as well as to better equip African Tax Administrations for the task at hand, the African Tax Administration Forum (ATAF) was formed. The aim of this research is to determine whether any progress has been made regarding tax administration reform by African countries following the Conference on Taxation, State Building and Capacity Development in Africa, during the period 2008 to 2012. This has been determined by evaluating the structures of the ATAF and the activities implemented by the ATAF during the period 2008 to 2012 to meet its initial strategic objectives. Secondly, African countries that were previously members of SADC, and have since become members of the ATAF as well, were evaluated in order to determine whether the countries in question have implemented tax administration and governance reforms during the period 2008 to 2012, which have led to an improvement in the tax administration and governance structures of the countries in question. Furthermore, an evaluation was performed as to whether the improvements have led to an improvement in the fiscal independence and humanitarian conditions of the countries in question, during the period 2008 to 2012. The conclusion arrived at reveals that the ATAF has implemented several activities during the period 2008 to 2012, to meet its initial strategic objectives. Furthermore, all the analysed African countries have improved their tax administration structures during the period 2008 to 2012. Unfortunately, not all the countries analysed have been able to improve their governance structures during the period 2008 to 2012 as well. However, where a country has been able to improve both its tax administration and governance structures during the period 2008 to 2012, its fiscal independence and humanitarian conditions have also improved during the period 2008 to 2012. / MCom (South African and International Taxation), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

During August 2008 commissioners, senior tax administrators and policy makers from 28 African countries attended the International Conference on Taxation, State Building and Capacity Development in Africa. The objective of the conference had been to investigate how African countries can improve their resource mobilization, thereby decreasing Africa’s reliance on foreign aid, improving the fiscal independence of African countries and improving the living conditions of their citizens. It was identified during the conference that African countries can improve their resource mobilization through an improvement of their existing taxation structures. An improvement in existing taxation structures could in turn be achieved through improved sharing of information between African tax authorities on their tax structures currently in place, as well as the habits of their respective taxpayers. In order to facilitate the improved sharing of information, as well as to better equip African Tax Administrations for the task at hand, the African Tax Administration Forum (ATAF) was formed. The aim of this research is to determine whether any progress has been made regarding tax administration reform by African countries following the Conference on Taxation, State Building and Capacity Development in Africa, during the period 2008 to 2012. This has been determined by evaluating the structures of the ATAF and the activities implemented by the ATAF during the period 2008 to 2012 to meet its initial strategic objectives. Secondly, African countries that were previously members of SADC, and have since become members of the ATAF as well, were evaluated in order to determine whether the countries in question have implemented tax administration and governance reforms during the period 2008 to 2012, which have led to an improvement in the tax administration and governance structures of the countries in question. Furthermore, an evaluation was performed as to whether the improvements have led to an improvement in the fiscal independence and humanitarian conditions of the countries in question, during the period 2008 to 2012. The conclusion arrived at reveals that the ATAF has implemented several activities during the period 2008 to 2012, to meet its initial strategic objectives. Furthermore, all the analysed African countries have improved their tax administration structures during the period 2008 to 2012. Unfortunately, not all the countries analysed have been able to improve their governance structures during the period 2008 to 2012 as well. However, where a country has been able to improve both its tax administration and governance structures during the period 2008 to 2012, its fiscal independence and humanitarian conditions have also improved during the period 2008 to 2012. / MCom (South African and International Taxation), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Deux décennies après la chute de l'URSS (1991), ce mémoire propose une réévaluation de la thèse de Francis Fukuyama sur la Fin de l'Histoire, élaborée en 1989, qui postule qu'avec la chute de l'URSS aucune idéologie ne peut rivaliser avec la démocratie libérale capitaliste; et de la thèse de Samuel P. Huntington sur le Choc des civilisations, élaborée en 1993, qui pose l'existence d'un nombre fini de civilisations homogènes et antagonistes. Pourtant, lorsque confrontées à une étude approfondie des séquences historiques, ces deux théories apparaissent pour le moins relatives. Deux questions ont été traitées: l'interaction entre Idéologie et Conditions historiques, et la thèse de l'homogénéité intracivilisationnelle et de l'hétérogénéité antagoniste intercivilisationnelle. Sans les invalider complètement, cette recherche conclut toutefois que ces deux théories doivent être nuancées; elles se situent aux deux extrémités du spectre des relations internationales. La recherche effectuée a montré que les idéologies et leur poids relatif sont tributaires d'un contexte, contrairement à Fukuyama qui les pose dans l'absolu. De plus, l'étude de la Chine maoïste et particulièrement de la pensée de Mao Zedong montre que les traditions politiques locales sont plus hétérogènes qu'il n'y paraît au premier abord, ce qui relativise la thèse de Huntington. En conclusion, les rapports entre États sont plus dynamiques que ne le laissent penser les thèses de Fukuyama et de Huntington. / The central purpose of this research is a revaluation, two decades after the 1991 demise of the USSR, of Francis Fukuyama's 1989 "End of History" theory, which postulates that with the fall of the USSR no major ideology is a challenger to the domination of liberal capitalist democracy; and of Samuel P. Huntington's 1993 "Clash of Civilizations" theory that postulates the existence of a finite number of antagonistic homogeneous civilizations. When confronted with the actual unfolding of historical events, these two absolute and uncompromising theories appear increasingly relative. Two questions were researched: the interaction between Ideology and Historical conditions in the case of Fukuyama, and that of the presupposed Intra-civilizational homogeneity and Inter-civilizational antagonistic heterogeneity. This research, not dismissing them totally, comes to the conclusion that they constitute the two opposite poles of a continuum that encompass most types of interactions between polities. First, this thesis comes to the conclusion that ideologies and their relative weight are part of a broader picture rather than absolutes in themselves, as Fukuyama argues. Furthermore, the study of Maoist China and especially of the thoughts of Mao Zedong strongly suggests the heterogeneity of political traditions locally, contrary to Huntington's thesis. In other words, interactions between polities seem more dynamic than the simplistic linear approaches of Fukuyama and Huntington.