Esta dissertação aborda a história de três greves ferroviárias ocorridas nos anos de 1951,1952 e 1954, na cidade de Santa Maria, e as suas relações com os governos trabalhistas. Seu objetivo precípuo é investigar as formas pelas quais se estabeleceram ligações entre os ferroviários e os políticos vinculados ao trabalhismo ao longo das manifestações grevistas que ocorreram dentro do período em que o estado foi governado por representantes do Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB). Para explicar as greves e o papel nelas exercido pelo trabalhismo, são discutidas questões como as tradições de solidariedade e negociação dos ferroviários gaúchos; a gênese, as características e o desenvolvimento dos movimentos reivindicatórios; os atos de violência perpetrados pelos governos durante as paredes e, finalmente, o modo como essa história foi pensada e reelaborada no presente por dois ferroviários aposentados que vivenciaram, de algum modo, os processos abordados na presente dissertação. / This essay adresses the history of three railway strikes in 1951, 1952 and 1954, in Santa Maria, and its relationship with the political doctrine known as Labourism. Its main goal is to investigate the ways the affiliations that have been established between the railroad workers and the politicians related to the labourism along the strike manifestations that happened during the time the state was governed by Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB) To explain both the strikes and the manifestation of these influences, some questions are discussed, such as the solidarity and negotiation traditions of the gaucho railroad workers, its genesis, the characteristics and the development of the reclaim movements; the violence acts of the governments, responsible for the demands resolution and the way this history was thought and translated by the narrative of two retired railroad workers that lived, in some way, the aspects addressed in this dissertation.

Cette thèse propose trois essais empiriques consacrés à l'analyse des grèves en France, à partir de données récentes d'établissements et d'entreprises et l'utilisation de méthodes économétriques variées. Très peu d'études quantitatives, d'inspiration économique, ont été menées sur ce sujet en France, contrastant avec une littérature anglo-saxonne particulièrement étendue sur l'analyse économique des grèves. Le déclin de la syndicalisation et de l'action collective des salariés a néanmoins conduit à un déplacement progressif de l'intérêt des chercheurs anglo-saxons, en économie du travail et en relations industrielles (ou industrial relations), vers l'étude des relations de travail individuelles entre salariés et employeurs. L'individualisation des emplois et des relations de travail dans les entreprises est souvent considérée comme orthogonale à l'action collective des salariés. Le déclin des grèves et autres formes collectives de conflit a pu notamment être associé, dans la littérature anglo-saxonne, à une augmentation des manifestations individuelles de conflit et de la dispersion ou inégalité globale des salaires dans les entreprises. Nous proposons, dans cette thèse, une analyse originale des grèves en France, en lien avec ces deux aspects, caractéristiques de l'individualisation des emplois et des relations de travail dans les entreprises. Le premier chapitre s'intéresse à la relation existant entre l'expression collective de conflit, dont les grèves, et des formes individuelles de conflit croissantes dans les établissements français, i.e. les recours aux prud'hommes et l'action disciplinaire. L'analyse conduite révèle une relation de substitution entre l'expression collective de conflit et le recours aux prud'hommes des salariés, tandis que les grèves et autres conflits collectifs tendent parallèlement à s'associer à un recours accru des employeurs à l'action disciplinaire. Le deuxième chapitre considère explicitement cette relation, plus spécifiquement entre les grèves et l'absentéisme des salariés, dans l'estimation et l'analyse de l'effet des grèves sur la productivité du travail des entreprises françaises. L'occurrence de grèves sur la période récente passée tend à s'associer à un gain de productivité du travail dans les entreprises concernées par une faible fréquence de grèves, sous condition que celles-ci soient associées à une expression individuelle de mécontentement des salariés (i.e. absentéisme) plus faible.Le troisième chapitre examine le rôle de la dispersion salariale intra-firme dans les variations de l'activité de grève entre les établissements français. Si une forte dispersion des salaires au sein de la main d'oeuvre s'avère être un frein à la mobilisation collective des salariés dans des grèves, elle apparaît néanmoins être à l'origine d'une activité de grève plus soutenue, en termes de fréquence et de durée des grèves, dans certains établissements. / This thesis consists of three essays on the analysis of labor strikes in France, using recent data on workplaces and firms and applying various econometric methods. Very few quantitative studies, in economics, have been conducted on this issue in France, in contrast with a particularly large Anglo-saxon literature on the economic analysis of strikes. The decline of unionization and collective action of employees led however to a progressive shift in the interest of Anglo-saxon researchers, in labor economics and industrial relations, towards the study of individual labor relations between employees and employers. The individualization of jobs and labor relations is often considered as orthogonal to employee collective action. The decline of strikes and other collective disputes may have been linked, in the Anglo-saxon literature, to an increase in individual expressions of conflict and in the overall wage dispersion or inequality within firms. We propose, in this thesis, an original analysis of strikes in France, in connection with these two facets, linked to the individualization of jobs and labor relations in firms. The first chapter documents the relationship between the collective expression of conflict, including strikes, and growing individual forms of conflict in French workplaces, i.e. Employment Tribunal (or prud'hommes) claims and disciplinary action. It is shown that the collective expression of conflict and Employment Tribunal claims are substitutes in French workplaces, while strikes and other collective disputes increase the employer use of disciplinary action. The second chapter deals explicitly with this relationship, more specifically between strikes and employee absenteeism, in estimating and analyzing the effect of strikes on labor productivity in French firms. Strike occurrence during the recent past period tends to be associated with a surplus in labor productivity in firms affected by a low strike frequency, conditionally to a weaker employee expression of discontent (i.e. absenteeism). The third chapter discusses the role of within-firm wage dispersion in variations of strike activity between French workplaces. If a great wage dispersion among the workforce proves to be an obstacle to employee collective organization in strikes, it seems however to result in a more intense strike activity, in terms of frequency and of duration, in some workplaces.

Este trabalho analisa os conflitos entre Estado, burguesia industrial e classe trabalhadora em torno da Lei de Férias. Aprovada em 1925, a medida foi duramente criticada pelo empresariado brasileiro, que não mediu esforços na hora de descumpri-la. A classe trabalhadora, que aparentemente não tinha essa como uma de suas grandes bandeiras de reivindicação, passou a exigir o cumprimento desse direito e a se organizar cada vez mais para tal. O Estado brasileiro, por sua vez, sobretudo após 1930, ao mesmo tempo em que legislava cada vez mais sobre as relações laborais no país, não garantia correspondente fiscalização, o que era percebido tanta pelos patrões quanto pelo operariado. Os escritos de cada um desses atores, suas denúncias, estratégias coletivas e especialmente a forma como se davam as diversas greves ocorridas no período aqui analisado (que vai até 1935, momento em que eclodem inúmeras paredes no Brasil) nos ajudam a reconstituir a história das disputas pelo direito a 15 dias de férias remuneradas no país. / This thesis analyzes the conflicts between state, industrial bourgeoisie and the working class around the Annual Leave. Approved in 1925, the measure was strongly criticized by Brazilian businessmen, which made every effort at the time to tease it. The working class, which apparently did not have this as one of its major claiming flags, began to enforce this right and to organize itself for it. The Brazilian government, in turn, especially after 1930, while legislated increasingly on working relations in the country, did not guaranteed a corresponding security inspection, which was perceived by employers as much as the working class. The writings of each of these actors, their complaints, collective strategies and especially the way the different strikes occurred in the period analyzed here (which runs until 1935, at which hatch numerous strikes in Brazil) help us to reconstruct the history of struggles over the right to 15 days of paid vacation in the country.

Esta dissertação aborda a história de três greves ferroviárias ocorridas nos anos de 1951,1952 e 1954, na cidade de Santa Maria, e as suas relações com os governos trabalhistas. Seu objetivo precípuo é investigar as formas pelas quais se estabeleceram ligações entre os ferroviários e os políticos vinculados ao trabalhismo ao longo das manifestações grevistas que ocorreram dentro do período em que o estado foi governado por representantes do Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB). Para explicar as greves e o papel nelas exercido pelo trabalhismo, são discutidas questões como as tradições de solidariedade e negociação dos ferroviários gaúchos; a gênese, as características e o desenvolvimento dos movimentos reivindicatórios; os atos de violência perpetrados pelos governos durante as paredes e, finalmente, o modo como essa história foi pensada e reelaborada no presente por dois ferroviários aposentados que vivenciaram, de algum modo, os processos abordados na presente dissertação. / This essay adresses the history of three railway strikes in 1951, 1952 and 1954, in Santa Maria, and its relationship with the political doctrine known as Labourism. Its main goal is to investigate the ways the affiliations that have been established between the railroad workers and the politicians related to the labourism along the strike manifestations that happened during the time the state was governed by Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB) To explain both the strikes and the manifestation of these influences, some questions are discussed, such as the solidarity and negotiation traditions of the gaucho railroad workers, its genesis, the characteristics and the development of the reclaim movements; the violence acts of the governments, responsible for the demands resolution and the way this history was thought and translated by the narrative of two retired railroad workers that lived, in some way, the aspects addressed in this dissertation.

Esta dissertação aborda a história de três greves ferroviárias ocorridas nos anos de 1951,1952 e 1954, na cidade de Santa Maria, e as suas relações com os governos trabalhistas. Seu objetivo precípuo é investigar as formas pelas quais se estabeleceram ligações entre os ferroviários e os políticos vinculados ao trabalhismo ao longo das manifestações grevistas que ocorreram dentro do período em que o estado foi governado por representantes do Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB). Para explicar as greves e o papel nelas exercido pelo trabalhismo, são discutidas questões como as tradições de solidariedade e negociação dos ferroviários gaúchos; a gênese, as características e o desenvolvimento dos movimentos reivindicatórios; os atos de violência perpetrados pelos governos durante as paredes e, finalmente, o modo como essa história foi pensada e reelaborada no presente por dois ferroviários aposentados que vivenciaram, de algum modo, os processos abordados na presente dissertação. / This essay adresses the history of three railway strikes in 1951, 1952 and 1954, in Santa Maria, and its relationship with the political doctrine known as Labourism. Its main goal is to investigate the ways the affiliations that have been established between the railroad workers and the politicians related to the labourism along the strike manifestations that happened during the time the state was governed by Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB) To explain both the strikes and the manifestation of these influences, some questions are discussed, such as the solidarity and negotiation traditions of the gaucho railroad workers, its genesis, the characteristics and the development of the reclaim movements; the violence acts of the governments, responsible for the demands resolution and the way this history was thought and translated by the narrative of two retired railroad workers that lived, in some way, the aspects addressed in this dissertation.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / This thesis aims to conduct an empirical study on Labor Economics, with the application of microeconometric techniques. We develop two independent chapters. The first chapter deals with the structure of executive compensation: specifically it tries to estimate the elasticity of executive compensation in relation to the performance of firms, measured by revenues. The estimations are carried out in two stages: at the first stage, we use crosssectional data, allowing the comparison of the annual information and at the second, we employ panel data. The main focus of this chapter is the analysis of results coming from the panel data set, because it has the advantage of eliminating the problem of unobserved heterogeneity, giving greater representativeness to the estimates. We found significant effects of the performance of local companies on the remuneration of its executives, with elasticity values similar to those obtained from studies conducted in European countries. The second chapter focuses on the analysis of strikes in Brazil, with emphasis on the impact of the 1988 Federal Constitution in its dynamics. Two different modeling exercises are conducted. The first examines the determinants of the duration of strikes by means of Cox proportional hazards model, controlling for the effects related to the size and characteristics of firms and macroeconomic indicators. The second exercise evaluates the factors that influence the final results of the demands of the strikers through the development and estimation of an ordered logistic model, controlling for size and business characteristics and duration of outages. The results show that the size of strikes is not conducive to agreement between the parties, being inversely related to duration and reducing the likelihood of meeting the demands of the strikers. Analyzing the direct relationship between duration and outcome of claims, it appears that longer strikes tend to have low probability of agreement between the parties. The study also highlights that the State of SÃo Paulo, place of beginning and development of major strike movements in Brazil, is also more conducive to settlements between workers and firms, since the strikes started on it tend to have lower durations and higher proportions of attendance of strikers claims. Regarding the main objective of the chapter, we highlighted differences in the characteristics of strikes in the post-constitutional period compared with the period before the Constitution. The results suggest that the Federal Constitution had a significant impact on the dynamics of the Brazilian strike movements, especially by expanding its regulations and giving greater bargaining power for workers. So, the legislation appears to favored agreements between parties, resulting in a trend of larger strikes and increasing the likelihood of meeting the demands of the strikers. / A presente tese tem por finalidade realizar um estudo empÃrico em Economia do Trabalho, com a aplicaÃÃo de tÃcnicas microeconomÃtricas. SÃo desenvolvidos dois capÃtulos independentes. O primeiro capÃtulo tem por objetivo verificar a estrutura de compensaÃÃo dos executivos, mais especificamente estimar a elasticidade da remuneraÃÃo em relaÃÃo ao desempenho das firmas, medido pelo faturamento. As estimaÃÃes sÃo realizadas em duas etapas: a primeira com dados transversais, permitindo a comparaÃÃo das informaÃÃes anuais e a segunda utilizando dados em painel. O foco principal deste capÃtulo à a anÃlise atravÃs de dados em painel, pois possui a vantagem de eliminar o problema da heterogeneidade nÃo observada, dando maior representatividade Ãs estimaÃÃes. Destacando a escassez de estudos brasileiros, realiza uma revisÃo de literatura internacional referente, permitindo comparar os resultados dessa pesquisa com os encontrados nos demais artigos publicados. O estudo encontra efeitos significativos do desempenho das firmas brasileiras sobre a remuneraÃÃo de seus executivos, com valores semelhantes aos obtidos por pesquisas realizadas em paÃses europeus. O segundo capÃtulo destaca a anÃlise das greves brasileiras, com Ãnfase no impacto da ConstituiÃÃo Federal de 1988 em sua dinÃmica. SÃo realizadas duas pesquisas distintas. A primeira analisa os condicionantes da duraÃÃo das paralisaÃÃes atravÃs do modelo de risco proporcional de Cox, controlando para efeitos relacionados ao tamanho e caracterÃsticas das firmas e indicadores macroeconÃmicos. A segunda pesquisa avalia os fatores que influenciam nos resultados finais das reivindicaÃÃes dos grevistas, considerando especificamente as informaÃÃes sobre as greves por motivos salariais; o estudo desenvolve uma ordenaÃÃo dos resultados dos acordos finais entre trabalhadores e empresas, possibilitando a realizaÃÃo da estimaÃÃo atravÃs do modelo logÃstico ordenado, controlando para tamanho e caracterÃsticas das empresas e duraÃÃo das paralisaÃÃes. Os resultados demonstram que o tamanho das greves nÃo à favorÃvel ao acordo entre as partes, estando inversamente relacionado com sua duraÃÃo e reduzindo a probabilidade de atendimento das solicitaÃÃes dos grevistas. Analisando a relaÃÃo entre duraÃÃo e resultados das reivindicaÃÃes, verifica-se que greves mais longas tendem a apresentar menor probabilidade de acordo entre as partes. O estudo ainda destaca que no Estado de SÃo Paulo, local de surgimento e desenvolvimento dos principais movimentos grevistas brasileiros, à tambÃm o mais favorÃvel ao entendimento entre trabalhadores e empresas, pois as paralisaÃÃes nele iniciadas tendem a ter menores duraÃÃes e maiores proporÃÃes de atendimento das reivindicaÃÃes. Em relaÃÃo ao objetivo principal do capÃtulo, sÃo evidenciadas as diferenÃas nas caracterÃsticas das greves no perÃodo pÃs-constitucional. Os resultados sugerem que a ConstituiÃÃo causou impacto significativo na organizaÃÃo dos movimentos grevistas, ampliando sua regulamentaÃÃo e dando maior poder de barganha aos trabalhadores. Assim, sÃo favorecidos os acordos entre as partes, resultando em uma tendÃncia de greves mais longas e elevando a probabilidade de atendimento das reivindicaÃÃes dos grevistas.

Orientador: José Dari Krein / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T21:56:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mandl_AlexandreTortorella_M.pdf: 3763201 bytes, checksum: 4e31e5b602a8a413bbb9ab243f4e49cd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: O objetivo desta pesquisa de mestrado é a análise da judicialização das greves nos anos 2000, expondo as ações e reações institucionais da Justiça do Trabalho. Num cenário de alterações do mercado de trabalho durante os anos 2000, cerca de 30% das greves foram solucionadas pela Justiça do Trabalho. Quais os motivos que levaram à greve ser judicializada? Quais os instrumentos jurídicos utilizados? Como atuaram os atores do Poder Judiciário diante da judicialização da greve? Como o Poder Judiciário julgou as greves? Como podem ser avaliados os resultados decorrentes da judicialização das greves? As causas e efeitos da judicialização das greves são importantes instrumentos de análise para complementar a compreensão das alterações da estrutura do mercado de trabalho, bem como do sentido da regulação trabalhista, do poder normativo da Justiça do Trabalho e das ações sindicais. A presente hipótese assevera que não é porque há uma queda da taxa de judicialização dos dissídios coletivos que a Justiça do Trabalho está "menos presente" nas relações de trabalho. Pelo contrário, o desafio é compreender, com qual caráter, com qual conteúdo e com quais instrumentos que a Justiça do Trabalho (especificamente, o TST) está decidindo sobre o direito de greve, considerando as alterações decorrentes da EC nº 45/04, em especial pelo crescimento de ações de interditos proibitórios / Abstract: The objective of this master¿s thesis is to analyze the judicialization of workers¿ strikes in the 2000s, revealing the institutional actions and reactions of the Labor Courts. In a context of changes in the labor market during the 2000s, around 30% of the strikes were decided by the Labor Courts. What were the reasons that led the strikes to be judicialized? What were the legal instruments used? How did the actors in the Judiciary act in relation to the judicialization of the strikes? What did the Judiciary decide about the strikes? How can the results stemming from the judicialization of the strikes be evaluated? The causes and effects of the judicialization of the strikes are important analytical instruments to complement the comprehension of the changes in the labor market structure, as well as the direction of labor regulation, of the normative power of the Labor Courts and of the trade union activity. The hypothesis presented here is that, although there is a fall in the judicialization rates of the collective bargaining agreements, the Labor Courts are not "less prevalent" in labor relations. On the contrary, the challenge is to comprehend the characteristics, the content and the instruments that the Labor Courts (specifically the TST ¿ Supreme Labor Court) are using to make their decisions on the right to strike, taking into account the changes stemming from the Constitutional Amendment n.45/2004, especially the increase of prohibitory interdicts / Mestrado / Economia Social e do Trabalho / Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico

The Labour Relations Act contains a definition of a strike which reads as follows: “’strike’ means the partial or complete concerted refusal to work, or the retardation or obstruction of work, by persons who are or have been employed by the same employer or by different employers, for the purpose of remedying a grievance or resolving a dispute in respect of any matter of mutual interest between employer and employee, and every reference to ‘work’ in this definition includes overtime work, whether it is voluntary or compulsory.” The Labour Relations Act offers strikers special protection against dismissal if they conform with the Act and its provisions. Hence the distinction between those strikes and protest action in compliance with the Act, namely ‘protected’ strikes and protest action, and those strikes and protest action in violation of the Act, namely, ‘unprotected’ strikes and protest action. Participation in an unprotected strike is one form of misbehaviour. The Labour Relations Act expressly prohibits the dismissal of employees engaged in a lawful strike. Employees engaged in strike action contrary to the provisions of the Labour Relations Act may be dismissed since their strike action is deemed to be a form of misconduct. The dismissal of striking employees must be both substantially and procedurally fair.

This study analyses whether the advent of strike action has an effect on the value and volatility of the South African Rand compared with the US Dollar. The literature suggests that strike action can have a significant effect on the exchange rate in terms of either value or volatility, and consequences can result that cause inefficiencies in the economy; inhibiting employment and economic growth. Strike action has become common place in South Africa, with 2012 alone recording 99 strikes, 45 of which were “wildcat” or unprotected strikes. This study uses GARCH and Intervention Analyses to determine what the resulting effects of the strikes might be on the exchange rate. The analysis used ZAR/USD exchange rate data for the period January 2000 to October 2013, and covered 72 of the most significant strikes in terms of lost man-days. The results are mixed, suggesting that the effects of strikes do not always conform to expectations (increased volatility and a depreciation in the Rand), and that outside factors affecting the global economy may have a more significant effect on the exchange rate than strikes on their own.

Section 213 of the Labour Relations Act defines ’strike’ as the partial or complete concerted refusal to work, or the retardation or obstruction of work, by persons who are or have been employed by the same employer or by different employers, for the purpose of remedying a grievance or resolving a dispute in respect of any matter of mutual interest between the employer and employee, and any reference to “work” this definition includes overtime work, whether it is voluntary or compulsory. According to Mcllroy: “As long as our society is divided between those who own and control the means of production and those who only have the ability to work, strikes will be inevitable because they are the ultimate means workers have of protecting themselves.” 1 The Constitutional Court justified the exclusion of a constitutional right to lock out and the inclusion of a constitutional right to strike by indicating that the right to strike is not equivalent to a right to lock out and is essential for workplace democracy. 2 The right to strike is essential to bolster collective bargaining and thereby to give employees the power to bargain effectively with employers. The employers on the According to the Constitutional Court employers enjoy greater social and economic power compared to individual workers and may exercise a wide range of power against workers through a range of weapons, such as dismissal, the employment of alternative or replacement labour, the unilateral implementation of new terms and conditions of employment, and the exclusion of workers from the workplace. To combat this and have a say in the workplace, the Constitutional Court held that “employees need to act in concert to provide them collectively with sufficient power to bargain effectively with employers and exercise collective power primarily through the mechanism of strike action”. The importance of the right to strike in creating workplace democracy is also reflected in a number of Labour Court and Labour Appeal Court judgments. other hand have economic strength that is used to bargain effectively. That is why the strike enjoys constitutional protection, whereas the lock-out does not. / Abstract