The research on xenophobia in South Africa is underpinned by the relationship described by Frantz Fanon between violence and oppression present within the structures of domination. This research addresses the colonial structures that manifested themselves within the oppressive modes in societies. It employs a Fanon analysis of the xenophobic violence of May 2008 and serves to provide an understanding of the experiences of a particular condition and of how a broader invisible context plays an important role in what society sees and assimilates. The question can be asked: Is it safe to say that the xenophobic attacks were racist, or was it mere bigotry? An analysis based on the writings of Franz Fanon coupled with a psychological account of the participants, affirms that the xenophobic attacks revealed that the previously colonised or oppressed black people in South Africa reacted with regard to the assimilation of the master and its slave narrative and dialect. Theories of oppression and slavery posit that patterns of colonialism reoccur and manifest themselves both internally and externally within society. A serious debate is necessary to question whether the incidents came at a time that South Africa should have reflected on society’s interaction with foreign immigrants. / Political Sciences / M.A. (Politics)

The key challenge to socio-economic transformation in South Africa is closing the gap between the poor and the rich. What is distinctive about South Africa is the uneasy coexistence of poverty and opulence. This study seeks to explore the structural, historical roots of poverty among the blacks in South Africa by deploying Fanonian Critical Decolonial theory. This is the ideal theoretical approach to unmask the structural causes of poverty and inequality in South Africa. Colonial ambitions and the global political engineering of the world by America and Europe spans more than four hundred years, and is still very much alive today in subtle forms. This study asserts that this imperial history is the cause of poverty, lack of agency, and the hellish conditions under which many black people live. The rise of industrial capitalism and attendant urbanisation is at the core of this impoverishment of the black man. It is also shown that, once impoverished, the black man’s poverty gathers its own momentum, leading to more poverty that is then handed down to succeeding generations. Contrary to Eurocentric theorising, the study shows that blacks are not ‘problem’ people but people with problems, who, instead of being condemned, should be regarded with sympathy. This research thesis focuses on Alexandra Township and Sandton as symbols of poverty and privilege, respectively. The former represents Fanon’s zone of non-being where life is lived in conditions of want and poverty, whilst the latter represents the zone of being characterised by good living and prosperity. The thesis will demonstrate the fact that these anomalous socio-economic disparities are not natural but man-made, and therefore require the action of human beings to correct them. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)

Cette recherche-action participative s’inscrit dans un paradigme féministe intersectionnelle. Elle présente la façon dont sept jeunes femmes de la rue (18-23 ans) de Québec ont fait l’expérience de la violence structurelle et ont déployé des stratégies pour y faire face. Elle s’articule autour d’une définition de la violence structurelle inspirée de celle proposée par Farmer, Bourgois, Scheper-Hugues et al. (2004) qui la présentent comme étant le processus à la racine des inégalités sociales et de l’oppression vécue par différents groupes sociaux. Ce processus s’opère dans trois dimensions complémentaires soit : 1) la domination symbolique, 2) la violence institutionnelle et 3) la violence quotidienne. Une analyse de contenu thématique a permis de dégager l’expérience des participantes dans chacune de ces dimensions. L’analyse de la domination symbolique a montré que les participantes ont été perçues à travers le prisme de quatre visions ou préjugés : 1) l’image de la jeune délinquante (Bad girl), 2) le discours haineux envers les personnes assistées sociales, 3) la culture du viol et 4) l’hétéronormativité. Les différentes expériences de violence quotidienne et institutionnelle vécues par les participantes peuvent être mises en lien avec ces manifestations de la domination symbolique. Les participantes ont expérimenté la violence institutionnelle à travers leurs trajectoires au sein des services de protection de l’enfance, durant leurs démarches pour obtenir un emploi, un logement ou du soutien financier de la part des programmes offerts par l’État et pendant leurs demandes d’aide auprès d’organismes communautaires ou d’établissements du réseau de la santé et des services sociaux. L’analyse de l’expérience des participantes a permis de révéler deux processus imbriqués de façon cyclique de violence structurelle : l’exclusion et le contrôle social. La plupart des stratégies ii expérimentées par les participantes pour combler leurs besoins fondamentaux les ont exposées au contrôle social. Le contrôle social a exacerbé les difficultés financières des participantes et a accru leur crainte de subir de l’exclusion. Bien que la violence structurelle expérimentée par les participantes se situe à la croisée des rapports de pouvoir liée au genre, à la classe sociale, à l’âge et à l’orientation sexuelle, il se dégage que la domination masculine s’est traduite dans le quotidien des participantes, car l’exclusion et le contrôle social ont créé des contextes où elles ont été susceptibles de subir une agression sexuelle ou de vivre de la violence de la part d’un partenaire intime. L’analyse de la dimension intersubjective de la grille d’analyse de Yuval-Davis (2006) montre la présence de certains rapports de pouvoir liés à la classe sociale au sein même de la population des jeunes de la rue. Cette analyse souligne également la difficulté des participantes à définir les contours de la violence et d’adopter des rapports égalitaires avec les hommes. Enfin, le processus de recherche-action participative expérimenté dans le cadre de cette thèse a été analysé à partir des critères de scientificité présentés par Reason et Bradbury (2001). L’élaboration de deux projets photos, choisis par le groupe en guise de stratégie de lutte contre la violence structurelle, a contribué à ouvrir le dialogue avec différents acteurs concernés par la violence structurelle envers les jeunes femmes de la rue et s’est inscrit dans une perspective émancipatoire. / This participatory action-research shows how seven street involved young women (18-23 years) in Quebec have experienced structural violence and how they deployed strategies to overcome. It is based on a definition of structural violence inspired by Farmer, Bourgois Scheper-Hughes et al., (2004) who presents this as the root of social inequality and oppression experienced by several social groups. This process operates in three complementary dimensions: 1) the symbolic domination, 2) institutional violence, and 3) the daily violence. A content analysis has identified the participants experience in each of these dimensions. The analysis of symbolic domination revealed that participants were seen through four prejudices: 1) the bad girl, 2) prejudices against welfare recipients, 3) rape culture and 4) heteronormativity. The violence of everyday life and institutional violence experienced by participants may be connected with symbolic domination. Participants experienced institutional violence during their paths within the child protective system, through their efforts to get a job, housing or financial support from government programs, and during their requests for help from community organizations or establishments of the health and social services. It reveals two patterns of structural violence that mutually reinforce each other in a cycle: Social exclusion and social control. Most of participant’s strategies to overcome social exclusion and to fulfill their needs make them vulnerable to social control. Social control helps increase their financial difficulties and their fear of exclusion. These two patterns of structural violence had created context for sexual victimization and intimate partner violence. While structural violence experiences by participants is at the crossroads of power relationship related to gender, social class, age and sexual orientation, it emerges that male domiiv nance is reflected in participants daily life. The analysis of the intersubjective dimension of Yuval-Davis grid (2006) identifies power relationship within the population of street youth, participants struggle to defining violence and to adopt egalitarian relationships with men. Finally, an analysis of the participatory action-research process experienced in this thesis was conducted from Reason and Bradbury (2001)’s criteria of validity. The development of two photo projects, selected by the group as a strategy against structural violence, helped open a dialogue with various stakeholders involved in structural violence against street-involved young women.

The key challenge to socio-economic transformation in South Africa is closing the gap between the poor and the rich. What is distinctive about South Africa is the uneasy coexistence of poverty and opulence. This study seeks to explore the structural, historical roots of poverty among the blacks in South Africa by deploying Fanonian Critical Decolonial theory. This is the ideal theoretical approach to unmask the structural causes of poverty and inequality in South Africa. Colonial ambitions and the global political engineering of the world by America and Europe spans more than four hundred years, and is still very much alive today in subtle forms. This study asserts that this imperial history is the cause of poverty, lack of agency, and the hellish conditions under which many black people live. The rise of industrial capitalism and attendant urbanisation is at the core of this impoverishment of the black man. It is also shown that, once impoverished, the black man’s poverty gathers its own momentum, leading to more poverty that is then handed down to succeeding generations. Contrary to Eurocentric theorising, the study shows that blacks are not ‘problem’ people but people with problems, who, instead of being condemned, should be regarded with sympathy. This research thesis focuses on Alexandra Township and Sandton as symbols of poverty and privilege, respectively. The former represents Fanon’s zone of non-being where life is lived in conditions of want and poverty, whilst the latter represents the zone of being characterised by good living and prosperity. The thesis will demonstrate the fact that these anomalous socio-economic disparities are not natural but man-made, and therefore require the action of human beings to correct them. / Development Studies / M. A. (Development Studies)

Neste corpascrever, meu argumento é o de que levar a sério o problema da naturalização da violência estrutural confere uma (re)nova(da) perspectiva sobre processos de politização de diferenças. Ao inquirir acerca das precondições para a geração de enquadramentos não hegemônicos em contextos marcados por violências estruturais, proponho a reconceitualização dos projetos de politização de diferenças enquanto defesa de processos de autodeterminação cole(a)tiva. Essa tese é defendida em três movimentos interdependentes: (3) por meio de reflexões filosófico-epistemológico-poéticas sobre a relevância da espacialização cole(a)tiva para a experiência da temporalidade; (2) por meio de considerações teóricopolíticas sobre a relação entre o problema do essencialismo e a possibilidade de agência cole(a)tiva subversiva; bem como (1) por meio do vislumbre da con-figur-ação do processo de (r)existência dos povos munduruku e ribeirinho à construção de barragens no Médio Tapajós. Conforme sugiro, a politização de diferenças, sob o proposto viés, apresenta-se como condição sine qua non para viabilizar a apreensão do modus operandi de violências estruturais, uma vez que apenas movimentos (pro)positivos cole(a)tivos permitem a emergência de imagens capazes de colocar a norma hegemônica fundamentalmente em xeque, de modo a transcender os limites inerentes a posturas exclusivamente reativas, co-movendo no sentido da reestruturação do mundo. / In this writingbody, I exam in depth the problem of naturalization of structural violence in order to argue for a (re)new(ed) perspective on the politicization of differences. I suggest a reconceptualization of the politicization of differences as a defense of colle(a)ctive selfdetermination processes through an investigation about the preconditions for the generation of non-hegemonic frames in contexts ruled by structural violence. This thesis is undertaken in three interdependent movements: (3) a philosophical-epistemological-poetical reflexion on the relevance of colle(a)ctive spatialization processes for the experience of temporality; (2) a political-theorical consideration on the relationship between the problem of essentialism and the possibility of subversive colle(a)ctive agency; and (1) a perspective on the con-figura( c)tion of the Munduruku and the riverside peoples (r)existence process to the construction of dams in Middle Tapajós region. I argue that the politicization of differences is conditio sine qua non in order to enable the denaturalization of structural violence, as only (pro)positional colle(a)ctive movements transcend the limits of merely reactive positions, enabling the emergency of images that can call the hegemonic rule into question and, therefore, initiate processes of structural trans-formation.

Neste corpascrever, meu argumento é o de que levar a sério o problema da naturalização da violência estrutural confere uma (re)nova(da) perspectiva sobre processos de politização de diferenças. Ao inquirir acerca das precondições para a geração de enquadramentos não hegemônicos em contextos marcados por violências estruturais, proponho a reconceitualização dos projetos de politização de diferenças enquanto defesa de processos de autodeterminação cole(a)tiva. Essa tese é defendida em três movimentos interdependentes: (3) por meio de reflexões filosófico-epistemológico-poéticas sobre a relevância da espacialização cole(a)tiva para a experiência da temporalidade; (2) por meio de considerações teóricopolíticas sobre a relação entre o problema do essencialismo e a possibilidade de agência cole(a)tiva subversiva; bem como (1) por meio do vislumbre da con-figur-ação do processo de (r)existência dos povos munduruku e ribeirinho à construção de barragens no Médio Tapajós. Conforme sugiro, a politização de diferenças, sob o proposto viés, apresenta-se como condição sine qua non para viabilizar a apreensão do modus operandi de violências estruturais, uma vez que apenas movimentos (pro)positivos cole(a)tivos permitem a emergência de imagens capazes de colocar a norma hegemônica fundamentalmente em xeque, de modo a transcender os limites inerentes a posturas exclusivamente reativas, co-movendo no sentido da reestruturação do mundo. / In this writingbody, I exam in depth the problem of naturalization of structural violence in order to argue for a (re)new(ed) perspective on the politicization of differences. I suggest a reconceptualization of the politicization of differences as a defense of colle(a)ctive selfdetermination processes through an investigation about the preconditions for the generation of non-hegemonic frames in contexts ruled by structural violence. This thesis is undertaken in three interdependent movements: (3) a philosophical-epistemological-poetical reflexion on the relevance of colle(a)ctive spatialization processes for the experience of temporality; (2) a political-theorical consideration on the relationship between the problem of essentialism and the possibility of subversive colle(a)ctive agency; and (1) a perspective on the con-figura( c)tion of the Munduruku and the riverside peoples (r)existence process to the construction of dams in Middle Tapajós region. I argue that the politicization of differences is conditio sine qua non in order to enable the denaturalization of structural violence, as only (pro)positional colle(a)ctive movements transcend the limits of merely reactive positions, enabling the emergency of images that can call the hegemonic rule into question and, therefore, initiate processes of structural trans-formation.

No description available.

Armut ist kein statisches, isoliertes oder nur materielles Phänomen, sondern reproduziert sich strukturell und mit verstärkter Ausprägung in den nächsten Generationen. Ihre Ursache ist nicht rein wirtschaftlich, sondern die Konsequenz eines langen historischen Prozesses der Negierung und Ausbeutung, auch rassiell und geschlechtsspezifisch bedingt. Daher muss man das Problem der Indianer in Bolivien als Ergebnis der historischen und sozialen Verachtung und Annullierung von Seiten der Elite und Oligarchie verstehen, die ihre politische und ökonomische Teilnahme begrenzt haben. Leider hat dabei sogar die Bildung als Instrument gedient, um das dominante System zu rechtfertigen und die indianische Bevölkerung abzuwerten. Als Konsequenz dieser rassiellen Diskriminierung und Marginalisierung in Verbindung mit der wachsenden Armut ist ein sehr komplexes Phänomen entstanden, das man strukturelle Gewalt nennt. Unter der Betrachtung solcher Bedingungen im bolivianischen Kontext wird mit dieser Arbeit der Versuch unternommen, neue Bildungspolitiken vorzuschlagen, die als Fundament für eine bessere und gleichmäßige Verteilung der Möglichkeiten zur menschlichen Entwicklung und für die Konstruktion einer demokratischen Gesellschaft (Nation Building Prozess) dienen könnten. Dafür wird die Philosophie des Ordens der Salesianer als Referenz für neue Ansätze gewählt, bei denen die Bildung ein gemeinsames Konzept des Landes formuliert, das Vorurteile, Stereotypen und innere Grenzen, die sich von Generation zu Generation übertragen, ausräumt. Die Bedeutung der Bildung soll mit anderen Worten in deren Nutzung als Werkzeug für die Errichtung einer Friedenskultur liegen, die auf Toleranz, Solidarität und den Menschenrechten basiert, wobei die zwischeninstitutionelle Annäherung, Kooperation und der gegenseitige Austausch von Informationen und Erfahrungen in der Bildungsgemeinschaft (z.B. zwischen Don Bosco, Unicef oder Unesco) eine wichtige Rolle spielen.

The research on xenophobia in South Africa is underpinned by the relationship described by Frantz Fanon between violence and oppression present within the structures of domination. This research addresses the colonial structures that manifested themselves within the oppressive modes in societies. It employs a Fanon analysis of the xenophobic violence of May 2008 and serves to provide an understanding of the experiences of a particular condition and of how a broader invisible context plays an important role in what society sees and assimilates. The question can be asked: Is it safe to say that the xenophobic attacks were racist, or was it mere bigotry? An analysis based on the writings of Franz Fanon coupled with a psychological account of the participants, affirms that the xenophobic attacks revealed that the previously colonised or oppressed black people in South Africa reacted with regard to the assimilation of the master and its slave narrative and dialect. Theories of oppression and slavery posit that patterns of colonialism reoccur and manifest themselves both internally and externally within society. A serious debate is necessary to question whether the incidents came at a time that South Africa should have reflected on society’s interaction with foreign immigrants. / Political Sciences / M.A. (Politics)

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T18:17:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Claires Salete Ziglioli.pdf: 2940196 bytes, checksum: 13a8350913e2ffc09c286e378e49f608 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-01-21 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This Master's Dissertation study aimed to analyze the domestic sexual violence against children and adolescents: a study of the city of Foz do Iguaçu-Pr, city of the Triple Frontier of Brazil, Argentina and Paraguay. The procedure began with the approach of the phenomenon of violence in its forms of structural violence and domestic violence. Subsequently, reference was made to the Integral Protection System, highlighting the Law Guarantee System, represented by Service Network in combating sexual violence, as well as the Combat Plans Sexual Violence against Children and National Teenagers, State and Municipal. The research took place in the SINAN, and in the organs (Guardianship Councils I and II, CREAS, NUCRIA, MP, Shelter and IML) identified as full protection in Foz do Iguaçu. It tried, thus, understand the coping flow to sexual violence against children and adolescents, as well as compliance with the actions of the Municipal Plan to Combat Sexual Violence against Children and Adolescents in the city. The methodology privileged the qualitative-quantitative approach, enriched with information obtained through the questionnaire and survey data online and on-site, next to the sectors in the year 2014. The data analysis was performed with a qualitative reading in the light of the theoretical framework, key to highlight some categories such as online data type of sexual violence; consequences of violence; author data aggression; referrals to the sectors that make up the organizational and functional structure of children and adolescents rights guarantee system; research on the spot, next to the Guardianship Councils I and II, the CREAS, the NUCRIA, the prosecutor, the Shelter and the IML, to map the number of cases received, accompanied and directed by them to other sectors; yet the actions undertaken by sectors, in relation to compliance with the structural axes of the Municipal Plan to Combat Sexual Violence against Children and Adolescents. According to the survey results, it was concluded that the flow of service and the Municipal Plan does not advocate in the city of Foz do Iguaçu in fighting domestic sexual violence against children and adolescents. Still, regarding the relationship between the Municipal Plan to Combat Sexual Violence against Children and Adolescents and the flow of care to sexual violence, it was found that children and adolescents remain being raped not only within the family, but by the institucions that should ensure their full protection. / Este estudo de Dissertação de Mestrado teve por objetivo analisar a violência sexual doméstica contra crianças e adolescentes: um estudo sobre o município de Foz do Iguaçu-Pr, cidade da Tríplice Fronteira do Brasil-Argentina-Paraguai. O procedimento iniciou-se com a abordagem sobre o fenômeno da violência, nas suas formas de violência estrutural e de violência doméstica. Posteriormente, fez-se referência ao Sistema de Proteção Integral, destacando-se o Sistema de Garantia de Direito, representado pela Rede de Atendimento no enfrentamento da violência sexual, como também os Planos de Enfrentamento à Violência Sexual contra Crianças e Adolescentes Nacional, Estadual e Municipal. A pesquisa realizou-se no SINAN e junto aos órgãos (Conselhos Tutelares I e II, CREAS, NUCRIA, MP, Casa Abrigo e IML), identificados como de proteção integral em Foz do Iguaçu. Procurou-se, assim, compreender o fluxo de enfrentamento à violência sexual contra crianças e adolescentes, bem como o cumprimento das ações do Plano Municipal de Enfrentamento à Violência Sexual contra Crianças e Adolescentes no município. A metodologia utilizada privilegiou a abordagem qualiquantitativa, enriquecida com informações obtidas por meio de questionário e de levantamento de dados online e in loco, junto aos setores no ano de 2014. A análise dos dados foi realizada a partir da leitura qualitativa à luz do referencial teórico, fundamental para evidenciar algumas categorias como: os dados online do tipo da violência sexual; as consequências da violência; os dados do autor da agressão; os encaminhamentos para os setores que compõem a estrutura organizativa e funcional do sistema de garantia de direitos de crianças e adolescentes; a pesquisa in loco, junto aos Conselhos Tutelares I e II, ao CREAS, ao NUCRIA, ao Ministério Público, a Casa Abrigo e ao IML, para mapear o número de casos recebidos, acompanhados e encaminhados por eles para outros setores; e, ainda, as ações realizadas pelos setores em relação ao cumprimento dos eixos estruturantes do Plano Municipal de Enfrentamento à Violência Sexual contra Crianças e Adolescentes. De acordo com os resultados da pesquisa, conclui-se que o fluxo de atendimento e o Plano Municipal não se preconizam no município de Foz do Iguaçu no enfrentamento da violência sexual doméstica contra crianças e adolescentes. Ainda no que concerne à articulação entre o Plano Municipal de Enfrentamento à Violência Sexual contra Crianças e Adolescentes e o fluxo de atendimento à violência sexual, verificou-se que as crianças e adolescentes permanecem sendo violentadas não somente dentro do ambiente familiar, mas também pelos órgãos que deveriam assegurar a proteção integral.