Economic globalization is said to promote peace and prosperity while reducing poverty and deter conflicts. Liberal scholars argue that economic globalization is more important than good governance/democracy for deterring conflict, and that the pacifying effects of economic globalization are universal. Dependency theorists on the other hand, argue that economic globalization is only beneficial for the core countries of the world while the periphery countries are being exploited of resources in exchange for instability and inequality. However, if economic globalization is more important than good governance and democracy, why then are there many developing countries with high levels of economic globalization and poverty and conflict? This study set out to examine the relationship between economic globalization and social conflicts in developing countries and found that the likelihood of social conflict increases with higher levels of economic globalization in developing countries.

Higher education in post-independence Kenya from 1963 to 2009 has been characterized by rapid expansion - both in terms of student enrolment and in a sharp increase in the number of both private and public universities. While national and institutional mechanisms, such as the establishment of a revolving fund, the Higher Education Loans Board and the introduction of the Privately Sponsored Students Programme, have been initiated to address the sharp demand for higher education against a backdrop of diminishing financial support, violent student unrest - which seriously undermined these efforts - has persisted. A sustained period of student unrest has characterized Kenya‟s higher education. This has manifested itself in the form of violent protests, riots, boycotts and strikes. Statistics indicate that the intensity/frequency and violence of the strikes has steadily increased over the years. For example, between 1969 and 2000 sixty-nine cases of student strikes were recorded at all the public universities. Of these cases, twenty-two (31.88%) occurred within a time span of 20 years (1969-1989) while forty-seven cases (68.12%) occurred in a short period of just one decade (1990-2000).At Moi University twenty-four cases of strikes, which affected its colleges and campuses, were recorded between 1985 and 2009. In terms of radical policy adaptation at both national and institutional levels, one would expect a downward trend in unrest. Instead, however, the frequency and intensity of violence associated with strikes has increased at an alarming rate with several deaths being reported. As such, this study has investigated the factors that have contributed to, and informed, a sustained period of student unrest with a specific focus on Moi University in order to identify policy lessons. Global, national and institutional aspects were examined. A case study strategy was applied - with Moi University as its focus. Data was collected through an in-depth review of the relevant literature, document analysis and interviews. Past and present senior management staff members at Moi University, including Deans of Faculties, Deans of Students, Heads of Departments, and Heads of Sections as well as former student leaders were interviewed. The study concludes in its findings that the university is operating within a highly dynamic and unstable social-political environment, leading to the emergence of inadequate policy adaptations. The resultant shortcomings in the operations of the university attract the wrath of an informed student population in the form of unrest. The students action is not however simply reactionary, as they too, as change agents have their own agenda that evolves over time as they seize opportunities created by the policy shortcomings to pursue it. The study summarized the salient factors responsible for the violent unrest in five broad thematic areas. These include: (i) Unrest associated with flawed international and national policies and social pressure; (ii) Unrest associated with critical national issues and identification with progressive change agents; (iii) Unrest associated with student politics;(iv) Unrest associated with social identity and threats of their welfare from organized groups; and (v) Unrest associated with the prevalence of institutional catalyzing factors. A typical strike develops through four main phases: (i) The development/ brewing phase; (ii) The heightened tension phase; (iii) The full blown strike phase; and (iv) The dissipation/uneasy calm phase. Organizational disequilibrium describes the general state of instability characterizing the university, while organizational paranoia is associated with instances of devastating strikes during a heightened tension phase. A strike matrix of Spontaneous vs Orchestrated and Flash vs Protracted typify the strikes. Unrest has led to the disruption of academic programmes; the destruction of property and deaths; a loss of critical study time; and damage to students‟ careers caused by suspensions and expulsions. The need for a well-considered policy that involves exhaustive consultation with all the stake-holders emerges as critical for the future stability of universities. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / am2013 / Education Management and Policy Studies / unrestricted

La dynamique de recherche de nouveaux facteurs de développement constitue le souci le plus délicat pour la Tunisie. L’investissement étranger à travers le principe : laissez-investir, est un remède adéquat du syndrome de sous-développement. Pour la Tunisie, la protection des investissements est le facteur prépondérant. Elle a pris des mesures concernant aussi bien le cadre institutionnel que les conditions économiques ou la facilitation des affaires.Les principales actions de promotion de l’investissement menées par la Tunisie sont l’offre d’avantages financiers et fiscaux, la communication (publicité, etc.) et la création d’agences chargées de faciliter l’établissement des investisseurs étrangers. L’acceptation, enfin, de la Tunisie de ‘‘renoncer’’ à une partie de sa souveraineté constitue l’obéissance parfaite aux exigences de la mondialisation et la réponse solennelle aux revendications du développement endo-exogène. L’acceptation, par la Tunisie, d’être jugée par un particulier devant une institution juridictionnelle régionale ou arbitrale internationale reflète l’harmonie, par excellence, avec les dictats du nouvel ordre économique international (NOEI).La Tunisie n’est plus à la marge de la société économique mondiale, elle est plutôt dans le coeur de l’évènement, elle s’est internationalisée, globalisée et mondialisée. / The dynamic of research of new factors of development is the main concern for Tunisia. The foreign investment through the principle: Let Invest, ‘’LAISSER-INVESTIR” is the appropriate remedy for the syndrome of under-development. For Tunisia, the investment protection is the major factor. It had taken measures concerning the institutional framework as well as the economic conditions or the business facilitation. The main promotion actions of investments conducted by Tunisia are financial and fiscal incentives, communication (advertisement, etc.) and the setting up of investment promotion agencies to facilitate the establishment of foreign investors. Finally, the acceptance of Tunisia to relinquish a part of its sovereignty is a perfect obedience to the demands of globalization and a solemn answer to the claim of the endogenous/exogenous development. The acceptation of Tunisia to be judged by an individual before one regional judicial institution or an international arbitration reflects the harmony with excellence with the dictates of the New International Economic Order (NIEO). Tunisia is not at outside the global economic society, but rather in the heart of the event. She becomes globalized and internationalized.

This study describes and analyzes the impact of Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) on the Jos women in the informal sector, as well as the strategies women adopt to ensure the survival of their businesses and families. Studies that have investigated the impact of SAP on women in the informal sector tend to take a rather disparate approach. Against this background, the present study develops a coherent conceptual framework for understanding the impact of SAPs on women in the sector. From an interview survey conducted with one hundred and fifty (150) Jos women in the informal urban sector, the study elicited data on the activities of the women and the ways SAPs affect their access to productive and reproductive resources, as well as on the responses of the women to SAPs-engendered socio-economic hardships. The data reveal that the Jos women engage in numerous income-generating activities, mostly in small-scale, low-income circulatory and service activities which are largely marginalized and bereft of institutionalized resources. In addition to their productive and income-generating activities, the Jos women perform the bulk of the reproductive and domestic work necessary for the support of the family. As well, the women perform some extra-household work for the welfare of the community and environment. The study shows that the Jos women are adversely affected by SAPs. Structural Adjustment Programmes are further limiting their access to business commodities, credit, stalls, information and training, food, healthcare, education and transportation facilities. Consequently, women are finding it difficult to maintain their businesses and families. Amidst the adverse effects of SAPs, the women are resiliently and innovatively responding to SAPs through numerous business and familial survival strategies. In addition to the responses of the Jos women, the Nigerian State, is attempting to reduce poverty among women through its various women-centered programmes. The study attributes the adverse and limiting effects of SAPs on the Jos women's access to resources to a number of forces. These include (a) the Nigerian limited and discriminatory opportunity structures which predispose women to the largely marginalized informal activities, (b) the small-scale and low-income nature of women's informal activities, (c) the unequal and exploitative relationship between the informal and formal sectors in which women provide consumer goods at low-cost for the regeneration of capitalist labour, (d) the circulatory and service nature of women's informal activities, (e) the gender- and class-biased structures inherent in SAPs, as well as in SAPs' implementing mechanisms and institutions and (f) women's altruistic and selfless attitudes. The study observes that the responses of both the Jos women and the Nigerian State to SAPs-engendered hardships are, at best, palliative or even cosmetic. The responses do not address the strategic needs of women. Hence the study makes a case for a transformatory strategy through the empowerment of women. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / State social security transfers for families existed in South Africa only in the form of state maintenance grants, which paid up to R700 to single parents. The system was not appropriate in the South African context, being racially biased and financially unsustainable. The Department of Welfare - following in principle the recommendations of the "Lund report" - introduced with effect from 1 April 1998 a child support grant which is payable to the primary care-givers of children, regardless of their family status. The level of benefit was set at RIOOper month per child for children up to the age of six (incl.). The Department declared that 48% or 3 million children should be targeted. At the same time, the SMGs are to be phased out over a three year period. This research was conducted between November 1995 and March 1998. The analysis of the different suggestions during the policy process and the final policy is based on two pillars: • A situation analysis of the living conditions of South Africa's children on the basis of a composite index. • An evaluation of policy scenarios on the basis of a microsimulation model. The index tries to give a complex picture of the living conditions of children by looking at the financial situation, housing, health, and employment opportunities of the households the children are living in. The analysis reveals that nearly 70% of South Africa's children up to the age of six (incl.) live below the poverty line as defined. A further analysis of the household structure indicates that poorer children are likely to live in larger households. The overall policy shift from a support of single parent families to children in poverty regardless of their family status is espoused. However, the microsimulation model which analyses the impact of different factors like the 'level of benefit', the 'age-cohort', the 'means-test', and the 'administrative requirements', reveals that there are still serious flaws in the current policy. Due to the fact that the means-test is based on the total household income, nearly 40% of the children living below the poverty line are excluded. In addition, the administration needs urgent attention as its capacity is the decisive factor in the success of the programme. The thesis calculates that in the next five years up to R2 billion less will be spent on poor children and the goal of reaching 3 million children will not be achieved, if the problems identified are not addressed. The thesis develops an alternative suggestion to the current policy. While microsimulation has become quite a standard procedure in the analysis of social policies in industrialised countries, there is so far no application in developing countries. It is hoped that by taking this policy analysis as a case-study, this thesis is a step towards the introduction of this method here. Microsimulation models provide important information to enhance the transparency and accountability of policy processes. In this case, civil society was able to challenge Government's decision on a very informed basis, to put pressure on decision makers successfully, and to make workable alternative suggestions. Furthermore, the analysis reveals that against Government's promise redistribution does not take place. Instead a shift towards a more neo-liberal approach in social policy is observed.

Social Safety Nets (SSNs) were in the early 1990s a major feature of poverty alleviation and social impact mitigating mechanism from austere economic reforms implemented by the Zambian Government. Evidently, SSNs became prominent when Zambia accelerated the implementation of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) in the early 1990s. At that time, the levels of poverty skyrocketed affecting 73% of the 10.5 million people of which 58 % were said to be extremely poor with the acute levels of poverty being more concentrated in rural areas which harbour about 65 % of the country’s population (CSO 1998: 20). SSNs are non-contributory transfer programmes for the poor or those vulnerable to shocks and these include income support through participation in public works programmes, cash transfers to the poor or vulnerable households, fee waivers for usage of essential health and education services, in kind transfers such as school feeding or even price subsidies for specific goods deemed essential to the poor (World Bank 2005: 1). Pritchett (2005:17) observed that SSNs can be applied across the various levels of society whether or not the shocks push households below the absolute threshold of poverty. Despite being a major feature of social mitigation it is not clear to what extent they (SSNs) can be said to an effective mechanism for poverty mitigation in Zambia. With SAP be decried by interests groups as having reduced people’s living conditions for fuelling in, higher prices for basic commodities, lower real incomes, reduced access to social services, medical care and retrenchments and lack of job opportunities for those seeking employment. The absence of fully fledged unemployment benefit system, made the victims of the adjustment process worse off. The social security schemes equally got adversely affected by high unemployment levels and growth of the informal sector because the proportion of the insured population plummeted and that inexorably leads to a fall in contributions. Other consequences of SAP besides retrenchments of blotted workforce include child labour and overburdening women as their participation in economic activities increased as part of the copping mechanisms besides their reproductive roles. Given the aforementioned complications that arise during structural reforms, this thesis seeks to examine how effective SSNs are in poverty alleviation programmes in countries like Zambia where they have been tried. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This report seeks to investigate the extent and success of multilateral foreign aid aimed at poverty alleviation in two countries, Angola and Zambia. Links between aid, economic growth, and poverty alleviation are also investigated. It is found that aid alone cannot create economic growth in order to alleviate poverty, and growth from aid alone is not sustainable - as the case study of Zambia shows. In Zambia, aid did not have enough impact to change the legacy of unsound economic polices, as the institutions that led these processes lacked the capacity to design sound policies to manage the aid projects. In the case of Angola, the whole process of using aid for poverty alleviation was seriously retarded by the civil war. The war is clearly one of the major causes of the poverty that exists in Angola - unlike in the case of Zambia where poverty is a chronic situation. As poverty alleviation is critical to both these countries, they should concentrate on empowering the poor with capacity-building skills, and multilateral aid should promote this. In terms of aid agreements with multilateral institutions, conditions must be in place before aid is granted to promote the interests of the poor. Well-designed aid can be successfully implemented, and can be sustainable. However, this will work only if all stakeholders from the bottom to the top are actively involved in the planning through to the implementing stages. Apart from empowering the poor, government and multilateral agencies also need to encourage the growth of the private sector in these two countries. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie verslag stelondersoek in na die omvang en sukses van multilaterale hulpverlening aan Zambië en Angola wat gemik is op die verligting van armoede. Die verband tussen hulpverlening, ekonomiese groei en armoedeverligting word ook ondersoek. Daar word bevind dat hulpverlening nie outomaties aanleiding gee tot groei -plus-armoedeverligting nie, en dat ekonomiese groei wat op hulpverlening gebaseer is, onvolhoubaar is, soos Zambië illustreer. In Zambië kon hulpverlening nie daarin slaag om swak ekonomiese beleid reg te ruk nie, vanweë die gebrek aan institusionele kapasiteit. In die geval van Angola was pogings om hulp te benut vir armoedeverligting ernstig in die wiele gery deur die burgeroorlog, een van die hoofoorsake van armoede in Angola. Aaangesien armoedeverligting "n kritiese uitdaging vir albei state is, moet die armes bemagtig word deur kapasiteitsbou, en multilaterale hulp moet daarvoor geoormerk word. Dit impliseer dat hulpverleningsooreenkomste aan voorwaardes wat die armes bevoordeel, onderworpe moet wees. Goed-ontwerpte hulp kan suksesvol toegepas word, en kan volhoubaar wees. Dit voorveronderstel egter dat alle belangegroepe aktief betrek word. Naas die bevordering van die belange van die armes, moet die privaatsektor in albei state ook verder uitgebou word.

This study investigates the experiences of at-risk secondary school students in the Chitungwiza District, Zimbabwe. At-riskiness is defined as a condition in which students are likely to produce poor academic achievement, irregular school attendance, grade retention or dropout due to various individual and social factors. At-riskiness has increased in Zimbabwe’s school population since the adoption and subsequent failure of the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP) which has contributed to poverty and concomitant poor social conditions. A literature study explored at-riskiness in the light of socio-cultural perspectives on at-riskiness and also discussed contextual factors in the Zimbabwean schooling system which influence students’ vulnerability to at-riskiness. A qualitative inquiry using a narrative approach explored at-riskiness in the life stories of three male and three female secondary school students attending two selected schools in Chitungwiza, an economically deprived area close to Harare. Selection of schools was based on high levels of absenteeism and sustained poor performance in the national school leaving examinations. Purposeful participant selection was based on school records on grade repetition, absenteeism and poor behaviour. Semi-structured Interviews with participants, based on the Dan MacAdams framework for life story research, were used to gather rich data. Ethical compliance included written parental consent and participant assent and the assurance of anonymity, confidentiality and the right to refuse information. Findings were categorized under family related factors, school related factors and resource limitations. At-riskiness was exacerbated by parental unemployment, poor socio-economic conditions at home and a lack of cultural capital. Participants were compelled to undertake casual work to supplement household income in addition to the fulfillment of academic responsibilities. Poor school conditions comprising poor discipline and unprofessional teacher conduct increased at-riskiness especially among female participants. Resource limitations included poor nutrition, lack of basic necessities required for personal hygiene, in adequate parenting and the absence of psycho-social support mechanisms. Based on the literature study and empirical inquiry, recommendations were made for a more inclusive educational model, poverty alleviation and special support for disadvantaged students to reduce at-riskiness among students in Zimbabwe. / Educational Foundations / D. Ed. (Socio-Education)

Social Safety Nets (SSNs) were in the early 1990s a major feature of poverty alleviation and social impact mitigating mechanism from austere economic reforms implemented by the Zambian Government. Evidently, SSNs became prominent when Zambia accelerated the implementation of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) in the early 1990s. At that time, the levels of poverty skyrocketed affecting 73% of the 10.5 million people of which 58 % were said to be extremely poor with the acute levels of poverty being more concentrated in rural areas which harbour about 65 % of the country’s population (CSO 1998: 20). SSNs are non-contributory transfer programmes for the poor or those vulnerable to shocks and these include income support through participation in public works programmes, cash transfers to the poor or vulnerable households, fee waivers for usage of essential health and education services, in kind transfers such as school feeding or even price subsidies for specific goods deemed essential to the poor (World Bank 2005: 1). Pritchett (2005:17) observed that SSNs can be applied across the various levels of society whether or not the shocks push households below the absolute threshold of poverty. Despite being a major feature of social mitigation it is not clear to what extent they (SSNs) can be said to an effective mechanism for poverty mitigation in Zambia. With SAP be decried by interests groups as having reduced people’s living conditions for fuelling in, higher prices for basic commodities, lower real incomes, reduced access to social services, medical care and retrenchments and lack of job opportunities for those seeking employment. The absence of fully fledged unemployment benefit system, made the victims of the adjustment process worse off. The social security schemes equally got adversely affected by high unemployment levels and growth of the informal sector because the proportion of the insured population plummeted and that inexorably leads to a fall in contributions. Other consequences of SAP besides retrenchments of blotted workforce include child labour and overburdening women as their participation in economic activities increased as part of the copping mechanisms besides their reproductive roles. Given the aforementioned complications that arise during structural reforms, this thesis seeks to examine how effective SSNs are in poverty alleviation programmes in countries like Zambia where they have been tried. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The essence of this study is about structural change and how it is affected by competing social forces. My primary aim is to examine the problems and contradictions in Mozambique‟s development strategy and to gain an understanding of how these problems are influenced by the structure of the contemporary world order. A central focus will be on how social forces at various levels influence the way in which development strategy is formed through superior material capabilities, shaping ideas and establishing institutions. The main argument is that the hegemonic neoliberalist ideology has been perpetuated in Mozambique by external social forces and has become the mainstay of the development approach in the country. By acknowledging that theory is used by different social groups for various purposes, I depart from the common assumption of considering the Mozambican development example as a success, and rather ask „for whom it has been a success‟. The theoretical approach in this study is based on Coxian Critical Theory (CCT) and a significant proportion is dedicated to evaluate Cox‟s works and how he applies his theoretical framework in the analysis of the changing world order. To get a better appreciation for the strengths and weaknesses of CCT, the study will also examine the works of several scholars that use CCT in their studies of social forces in Southern Africa. The case study will be guided by the findings generated by the theoretical evaluation, particularly with regards to the way CCT allows for various points on entry in the analysis. The case study of Mozambique generated three main conclusions. Firstly, that Frelimo has failed to create a broad based consensus for its ideology among different social forces in Mozambique and that the historic bloc in Mozambique remains fragile. Secondly, that the economic elite in South Africa and the ANC collaborated with Frelimo in structuring the development strategy in Mozambique, and through this collaboration, perpetuated values consistent with the hegemonic neoliberal consensus. Finally, that the prevailing order in Mozambique is strengthened by the involvement of the international community and that structural change is unlikely to take place without the development of a stronger civil society. The theoretical contribution of the study has been to further support that the logic provided by CCT remains valid in the African context, and that it is highly compatible with other social theories. Furthermore, the study concludes that CCT is particularly compatible with post-colonial theory and social psychology and can be used to address the shortcomings of each other. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die sentrale punt van die studie is strukturele verandering en hoe dit beïnvloed word deur mededingende sosiale kragte. Die primêre doel van die tesis is om die probleme en teenstrydighede in Mosambiek se ontwikkelingstrategie te ondersoek en om te verstaan hoe hierdie probleme verband hou met die struktuur van die teenswoordige wêreld-orde. ‟n Belangrike fokus is ook hoe sosiale kragte op verskeie vlakke die wyse waarop ontwikkelingstrategie gevorm word beïnvloed, via besondere materiële vermoeëns, die vorm van idees en die skep van instellings. Die hoof argument is dat „n hegemoniese neoliberale ideologie perpetueer is in Mosambiek deur eksterne sosiale kragte en dat dit sodoende die bakermat van dié land se benadering tot ontwikkeling geword het. Deur te erken dat teorie deur verskillende sosiale groepe vir uiteenlopende redes gebruik word, beweeg ek weg van die algemene aanname, naamlik dat ontwikkeling in Mosambiek as suksesvol beskou kan word. Die vraag moet eerder gestel word, “vir wie is ontwikkeling in Mosambiek „n sukses?” Die teoretiese benadering in hierdie studie is gegrond op Coxiaanse Kritiese Teorie (CKT) en „n betekenisvolle proporosie van die studie word gewy aan „n evaluering van Cox se benadering en hoe hy dit toepas in „n analise van die veranderende wêreld-orde. Ten einde „n beter waardering daar te stel vir die voor- en nadele van CKT, ondersoek die studie ook die bydraes van „n aantal ander geleerdes wat die benadering gebruik in hul bestudering van sosiale kragte in Suider-Afrika. Die gevalle-studie word gerig deur die bevindinge wat gegenereer word deur hierdie teoretiese evaluering, in die besonder met betrekking tot die manier waarop CKT die gebruik van verskillende invalshoeke tot die analise fasiliteer. Die Mosambiekse gevalle-studie lewer drie hoof-gevolgtrekkings op. Eerstens, dat FRELIMO nie daarin geslaag het, om „n breë konsensus vir sy ideologiese uitgangspunte onder die verskillende sosiale kragte in die land te skep nie. Derhalwe, is die „historiese blok‟ in Mosambiek kwesbaar. Tweedens, dat die ekonomiesse elite in Suid-Afrika en binne die African National Congress (ANC) vi saamgewerk het met FRELIMO om die ontwikkelingstrategie in Mosambiek te struktureer. In daardie opsig, is waardes perpetueer wat saamhang met die hegemoniese neoliberale konsensus. Laatstens, dat die heersende orde in Mosambiek versterk word deur die betrokkenheid van die internasionale gemeenskap en dat strukturele verandering in dié land onwaarskynlik is sonder die ontwikkeling van „n sterker burgerlike samelewing. Die teoretiese bydrae van die studie ondersteun verder die premis dat CKT geldig bly binne die konteks van Afrika en dat dit versoenbaar is met ander sosiale teorieë. Verder, word die gevolgtrekking gemaak dat CKT ook besonder versoenbaar is met post-koloniale teorie en sosiale sielkunde en dat dit gebruik kan word om die tekortkominge in elkeen aan te spreek.