Em 2003 foi promulgada a Lei nº 10.639, que incluiu a obrigatoriedade do ensino da História e Cultura Afro-Brasileira e Africana nas escolas brasileiras. Com o objetivo de orientar a implementação da educação das relações étnico-raciais e da Lei nº 10.639/03, foram elaboradas diretrizes curriculares nacionais e outras instruções legais, que estabeleceram atribuições de apoio ao processo de implementação aos "Núcleos de Estudos Afrobrasileiros" (NEABs) das universidades brasileiras. A Lei nº 10.639/03 e as diretrizes elaboradas em consequência dessa apresentam um caráter de ação afirmativa, pois visam a valorização da identidade, memória e cultura negras, reivindicadas historicamente pelo movimento negro e organizações sociais solidárias a esse. Esta dissertação apresenta um estudo de caso que descreve a atuação do Núcleo de Estudos Afro-Brasileiros, Indígenas e Africanos (NEAB) da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS). A pesquisa que forneceu os dados para a dissertação teve como objetivo realizar uma análise do NEAB/UFRGS, considerando-o a partir das suas atribuições previstas na legislação educacional e também como instância político-institucional de luta por reconhecimento e promoção da igualdade racial para o povo negro brasileiro. O estudo realizado tem como referência metodológica a teoria de Robert K. Yin. Os dados coletados na pesquisa são provenientes de diferentes fontes de informação: documentos legais que dão sustentação à existência do núcleo, documentos produzidos pelo núcleo na universidade ou referentes a sua atuação; além de entrevistas realizadas com membros fundadores do NEAB. A análise dos dados foi realizada através de três categorias, que permitem visualizar as características da luta pelo reconhecimento no processo de implementação de políticas de promoção da igualdade racial para o povo negro na universidade. A primeira categoria de análise é a "luta por reconhecimento", construída com base na elaboração teórica de Axel Honneth. A segunda categoria é "lócus de luta por reconhecimento", elaborada a partir das perspectivas teóricas de Axel Honneth e Pierre Bourdieu, e considera o NEAB como um local e posição de luta pelo reconhecimento do povo negro e suas demandas históricas. E a terceira categoria de análise é o "racismo institucional", que dialoga com estudos desenvolvidos por Ivair Augusto Alves dos Santos e que permite analisar práticas institucionais que obstaculizam a promoção da igualdade racial. O estudo mostra que há avanços em relação ao debate étnico-racial, principalmente através de ações de extensão universitária, e que novas propostas nas áreas de ensino e pesquisa estão sendo pensadas e implementadas pelo NEAB. Fica evidenciado o compromisso e o esforço dos membros do NEAB e do Departamento de Educação e Desenvolvimento Social (DEDS), que atuou como correlato ao NEAB, por meio de um programa de promoção da igualdade racial. A dissertação demonstra que há uma variedade de obstáculos que precisam ser superados no processo de implementação das atribuições previstas na legislação educacional para o NEAB. Esses obstáculos caracterizam os limites institucionais atuais no contexto do NEAB e da UFRGS e precisam ser entendidos na relação com o racismo que caracteriza a sociedade brasileira. / In 2003, the Law No. 10639/03 was enacted, which included the obligatory teaching of Afro- Brazilian and African History and Culture in the Brazilian schools. In order to guide the implementation of the education of ethnic-racial relations and of the Law No. 10.639/03, national curricular guidelines and other legal instructions were elaborated and they defined attributions of support to the process of implementation for the African Brazilian Study Groups (NEABs ) of the Brazilian universities. The Law No. 10.639/03 and the guidelines draw from it have an affirmative action character, since they are aimed at the valorization of black identity, memory and culture, historically claimed by the black movement and social organizations that are in solidarity with it. This dissertation presents a case study that describes the acting of the Nucleus of Afro-Brazilian, Indigenous and African Studies (“Núcleo de Estudos Afro-Brasileiros, Indígenas e Africanos” - NEAB) of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS). The research that provided the data for the dissertation had the objective of conducting an analysis of the NEAB/UFRGS, considering its duties under educational legislation and its role as a political-institutional instance of the struggle for recognition and promotion of racial equality for the Brazilian black people. The study carried out has as methodological reference the theory of Robert K. Yin. The data collected in the research come from different sources of information: legal documents that give support to the existence of the nucleus; documents produced by the nucleus inside the university or related to its actions; in addition to interviews with founding members of the NEAB. The analysis of the data is carried out through three categories which allow to visualize the characteristics of the struggle for recognition in the process of implementing policies to promote racial equality for Afro-Brazilians in the university. The first category of analysis is the "struggle for recognition" that is built on the basis of the theoretical elaboration of Axel Honneth. The second category of analysis is "locus of struggle for recognition" that is elaborated from the theoretical perspectives of Axel Honneth and Pierre Bourdieu. It considers NEAB as a place and position of struggle for the recognition of the Afro-Brazilian people and their historical demands. And the third category of analysis is the "institutional racism" that dialogues with the studies developed by Ivair Augusto Alves dos Santos. It allows analyzing institutional practices that hinder the promotion of racial equality. The study shows that there are advances in the ethnic-racial debate, mainly through university extension actions and that new proposals in the areas of teaching and research are being considered and implemented by the NEAB. It is evident the commitment and the efforts of the members of NEAB and of the Department of Education and Social Development (DEDS), which acted as similar to the NEAB through a program to promote racial equality. The dissertation demonstrates that there are a variety of obstacles that need to be overcomed in the process of implementing the duties assigned to the NEABs by the educational legislation. These obstacles characterize the current institutional limits in the context of NEAB and UFRGS and they must be understood in relation to the racism that characterizes Brazilian society.

Em 2003 foi promulgada a Lei nº 10.639, que incluiu a obrigatoriedade do ensino da História e Cultura Afro-Brasileira e Africana nas escolas brasileiras. Com o objetivo de orientar a implementação da educação das relações étnico-raciais e da Lei nº 10.639/03, foram elaboradas diretrizes curriculares nacionais e outras instruções legais, que estabeleceram atribuições de apoio ao processo de implementação aos "Núcleos de Estudos Afrobrasileiros" (NEABs) das universidades brasileiras. A Lei nº 10.639/03 e as diretrizes elaboradas em consequência dessa apresentam um caráter de ação afirmativa, pois visam a valorização da identidade, memória e cultura negras, reivindicadas historicamente pelo movimento negro e organizações sociais solidárias a esse. Esta dissertação apresenta um estudo de caso que descreve a atuação do Núcleo de Estudos Afro-Brasileiros, Indígenas e Africanos (NEAB) da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS). A pesquisa que forneceu os dados para a dissertação teve como objetivo realizar uma análise do NEAB/UFRGS, considerando-o a partir das suas atribuições previstas na legislação educacional e também como instância político-institucional de luta por reconhecimento e promoção da igualdade racial para o povo negro brasileiro. O estudo realizado tem como referência metodológica a teoria de Robert K. Yin. Os dados coletados na pesquisa são provenientes de diferentes fontes de informação: documentos legais que dão sustentação à existência do núcleo, documentos produzidos pelo núcleo na universidade ou referentes a sua atuação; além de entrevistas realizadas com membros fundadores do NEAB. A análise dos dados foi realizada através de três categorias, que permitem visualizar as características da luta pelo reconhecimento no processo de implementação de políticas de promoção da igualdade racial para o povo negro na universidade. A primeira categoria de análise é a "luta por reconhecimento", construída com base na elaboração teórica de Axel Honneth. A segunda categoria é "lócus de luta por reconhecimento", elaborada a partir das perspectivas teóricas de Axel Honneth e Pierre Bourdieu, e considera o NEAB como um local e posição de luta pelo reconhecimento do povo negro e suas demandas históricas. E a terceira categoria de análise é o "racismo institucional", que dialoga com estudos desenvolvidos por Ivair Augusto Alves dos Santos e que permite analisar práticas institucionais que obstaculizam a promoção da igualdade racial. O estudo mostra que há avanços em relação ao debate étnico-racial, principalmente através de ações de extensão universitária, e que novas propostas nas áreas de ensino e pesquisa estão sendo pensadas e implementadas pelo NEAB. Fica evidenciado o compromisso e o esforço dos membros do NEAB e do Departamento de Educação e Desenvolvimento Social (DEDS), que atuou como correlato ao NEAB, por meio de um programa de promoção da igualdade racial. A dissertação demonstra que há uma variedade de obstáculos que precisam ser superados no processo de implementação das atribuições previstas na legislação educacional para o NEAB. Esses obstáculos caracterizam os limites institucionais atuais no contexto do NEAB e da UFRGS e precisam ser entendidos na relação com o racismo que caracteriza a sociedade brasileira. / In 2003, the Law No. 10639/03 was enacted, which included the obligatory teaching of Afro- Brazilian and African History and Culture in the Brazilian schools. In order to guide the implementation of the education of ethnic-racial relations and of the Law No. 10.639/03, national curricular guidelines and other legal instructions were elaborated and they defined attributions of support to the process of implementation for the African Brazilian Study Groups (NEABs ) of the Brazilian universities. The Law No. 10.639/03 and the guidelines draw from it have an affirmative action character, since they are aimed at the valorization of black identity, memory and culture, historically claimed by the black movement and social organizations that are in solidarity with it. This dissertation presents a case study that describes the acting of the Nucleus of Afro-Brazilian, Indigenous and African Studies (“Núcleo de Estudos Afro-Brasileiros, Indígenas e Africanos” - NEAB) of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS). The research that provided the data for the dissertation had the objective of conducting an analysis of the NEAB/UFRGS, considering its duties under educational legislation and its role as a political-institutional instance of the struggle for recognition and promotion of racial equality for the Brazilian black people. The study carried out has as methodological reference the theory of Robert K. Yin. The data collected in the research come from different sources of information: legal documents that give support to the existence of the nucleus; documents produced by the nucleus inside the university or related to its actions; in addition to interviews with founding members of the NEAB. The analysis of the data is carried out through three categories which allow to visualize the characteristics of the struggle for recognition in the process of implementing policies to promote racial equality for Afro-Brazilians in the university. The first category of analysis is the "struggle for recognition" that is built on the basis of the theoretical elaboration of Axel Honneth. The second category of analysis is "locus of struggle for recognition" that is elaborated from the theoretical perspectives of Axel Honneth and Pierre Bourdieu. It considers NEAB as a place and position of struggle for the recognition of the Afro-Brazilian people and their historical demands. And the third category of analysis is the "institutional racism" that dialogues with the studies developed by Ivair Augusto Alves dos Santos. It allows analyzing institutional practices that hinder the promotion of racial equality. The study shows that there are advances in the ethnic-racial debate, mainly through university extension actions and that new proposals in the areas of teaching and research are being considered and implemented by the NEAB. It is evident the commitment and the efforts of the members of NEAB and of the Department of Education and Social Development (DEDS), which acted as similar to the NEAB through a program to promote racial equality. The dissertation demonstrates that there are a variety of obstacles that need to be overcomed in the process of implementing the duties assigned to the NEABs by the educational legislation. These obstacles characterize the current institutional limits in the context of NEAB and UFRGS and they must be understood in relation to the racism that characterizes Brazilian society.

I den här uppsatsen synliggörs tendenser i hur barns och ungas läsning framställs i rapporter från fyra nationella läsfrämjande insatser som utförs på regeringsuppdrag, och deras koppling till demokratiska ideal och underliggande politiska motivationer för läsfrämjande. Uppsatsen har kritisk diskursanalys som teoretisk och metodologisk utgångspunkt och Faircloughs tredimensionella analysmodell används för att synliggöra diskurser ur ett kritiskt perspektiv i fyra rapporter från Kulturrådet och Skolverket: Bokstart i Sverige (2020), Nuläge om barns och ungas läsning (2023), Med barn och unga i fokus (2024) samt Utvärdering av Läslyftet (2019). Motivet för uppsatsens ämne är baserat på en ökning av läsfrämjande insatser som ett resultat av bland annat rapporter om barns och ungas sjunkande läsförmåga och PISAresultat. I analysens resultat framkommer flera exempel på ideological struggle, då det uppstår ideologiska konflikter både inom och utanför skolan om målgruppen för läsfrämjande och behovet av långsiktig utvärdering av insatser. I analysen synliggörs även hur Kulturrådet och Skolverket tilldelas maktpositioner genom sina regeringsuppdrag som främjar deras centrala roll som samverkande och kunskapsdelande myndigheter, och i analysen används bland annat power in discourse och power behind discourse för att förklara hur dessa maktpositioner reproduceras genom rapporterna- och hur barn och unga som en konsekvens hamnar i en underordnad maktposition. Detta relateras till mer övergripande diskursordningar och sociala strukturer som är ett resultat av dominerande konventioner i utbildnings- och kulturpolitik. / The purpose of this thesis is to highlight trends in how children's and young people's reading is portrayed in reports from four national reading promotion initiatives carried out on behalf of the Swedish government, and their connection to democratic ideals and underlying political motivations for reading promotion. The thesis has critical discourse analysis as its theoretical and methodological starting point, and Fairclough's three-dimensional analysis model is used to analyze discourse practices from a critical perspective in four reports from the Swedish Arts Council and the Swedish National Agency for Education: Bokstart i Sverige (2020), Nuläge om barns och ungas läsning (2023), Med barn och unga i fokus (2024) and Utvärdering av Läslyftet (2019). The motive for this essay is based on an increase in reading promotion efforts as a result of, among other things, reports on children's and young people's declining reading ability and PISA results. The results of the analysis show several examples of ideological struggle, as ideological conflicts arise both within and outside the school about the target group for reading promotion and the need for long-term evaluation of efforts. The analysis also reveals how the Swedish Arts Council and the National Agency for Education are assigned positions of power through their government assigned projects that promote their central role as collaborating and knowledge-sharing authorities, and the analysis uses, among other terms, power in discourse and power behind discourse to explain how these positions of power are reproduced through the reports - and how children and young people as a consequence end up in a subordinate position of power. This is related to broader structures of orders of discourse and social structures that result from dominant conventions in educational and cultural policy.

This thesis aims to discern whether cyclical history can be appropriately applied to the Ab Urbe Condita, and from these findings discern Livy's authorial implications for the contemporary political program. This process is conducted by analyzing exempla , as well as constructing a new definition of metus hostilis. Doing so allows for the detection of patterns, that when imprinted upon the existing formulaic model, examines whether the metus hostilis enhances the case for Livy writing the AUC with cyclical intent. Based on this analysis, the implications for contemporary Rome are clear in that the narrative insinuates the Augustan regime's necessity.

Over the last two decades public service broadcasting (PSB) around the world has faced increasing pressures from accelerating commercialisation and the fragmentation of the broadcasting landscape. This has led a number of media commentators in the system's traditional heartlands to ask whether the idea has now outlived its usefulness. Against the grain of this international trend, Taiwan has moved in the opposite direction, democratising its state-owned television system and introducing a form of public broadcasting for the first time. Against the grain of growing enthusiasm for a privatised solution supporters presented PSB as a necessary counter to the perceived deficiencies of the existing system, in serving a society moving from authoritarian to competitive party rule. This study sets out to explore how the expansion of PSB in Taiwan has been socially defined and constructed, and by whom. The various constructions in play were mapped through in-depth interviews with a range of claim-makers involved in the process. A systematic content analysis of the mainstream Taiwanese press was then conducted to explore the ways contending positions and issues were presented in the public domain and to identify the key voices given a public platform. This analysis demonstrated that the opinions and concerns of the general public were largely missing from a debate dominated by political and academic elites. Against the grain of their own claims to be representing the public key actors constructed public debate as a series of monologues, advancing their own sectional and paternalistic interpretations of the public interest. These findings point to the supremely ironic conclusion that a process ostensibly dedicated to reconstructing broadcasting as key element in a new, democratic, public sphere, excluded the public from active participation and relegated them to the role of spectators.

This dissertation advances the literature on civil resistance by proposing an alternative way of thinking about action and organization, and by contributing a new case study of Palestinian struggle in the occupied West Bank. Civil resistance, also known as civil disobedience, nonviolent action, and people power, is about challenging unjust and oppressive regimes through the strategic use of nonviolent methods, including demonstrations, marches, boycotts, strikes, sit-ins, protest camps, and many others (Sharp 2005; Chenoweth and Stephan 2011; Schock 2015). This study employs an approach that minimizes analytical (as well as normative) expectations of perfectly nonviolent forms of struggle (Celikates 2015), and I link this modified pragmatic action model to an organizational principle that has generally been overlooked or discounted in the research literature. On the whole, civil-resistance studies has focused on forms of action to the detriment of exploring forms of organization, or has relegated organization to a subset of action. My research clarifies a participatory approach to organization that is community based, sometimes known as the committee or council system (Arendt 1963). It is radically democratic, yet not necessarily confined to purely horizontal forms of organization. Rather, the model allows, and requires with increasing scale, upward delegation to decision-making and other task-contingent bodies. I argue that without a theoretical framework for apprehending systems of networked and tiered popular governance, Palestinian civil resistance has been insufficiently understood. The dissertation examines Palestinian cases through this framework, linking the conjunction of unarmed action and participatory organization to highpoints of Palestinian struggle. Among the cases is a small civil-society movement in the West Bank that began around 2009 striving to launch a global popular resistance. My research suggests that civil-resistance theorists consider the non-dominative element of organization as they do the non-dominative element of action, that just as violent resistance strategies can counter the logic of people power, so too can centralized organization. This logic does not require that participatory organization be perfectly horizontal any more than civil resistance must be perfectly nonviolent. / Graduate / 0615 / 0626 / 0333 / mjcarpenter78@gmail.com

In late 19th century Russia, Darwinism was viewed as a measuring-rod of modernity. Thus, the Jewish reception of Darwinism may serve as an indicator of the extent to which the Jews in Russia were part of the modernization of Russian society. But the Darwinian concept of evolution of species through natural selection is considered incompatible with a teleological worldview, including a God-given plan for creation. This thesis addresses a twofold problem. One concerns the difficulties of reconciling Darwinism with Judaism and its traditional view of a God-given purpose in creation. The other problem is to explain the possible motives of the Jewish intellectuals for using Darwinian concepts such as the ‘struggle for existence’ in journal articles in the emerging Russian-Jewish press. The study employs discourse analysis, and the concept of isomorphism from institutional theory, for the examination of key concepts, citations, implied readers and purposes in a selection of journal articles from the Russian-Jewish press of the period 1860-1900. Contrasting with the lively general Russian debate on Darwinism, the results show that the Jews in Russia were rather reluctant to discuss Darwinism in the Russian-Jewish press. Censorship, other constraints and imminent problems facing the Jews, such as defence against growing anti-Semitism, are indicated as possible causes of the minimal evidence of a Jewish reception of Darwinism that was found. It was only to the extent that Darwinian concepts such as the ‘struggle for existence’ could be employed to address these more pressing issues that they were they found useful in a Jewish context. The results further imply that the integration between Russian and Jewish intellectuals during this period was weak, as reflected by the insignificant number of references to Russian sources in the selection of Jewish journal articles that were examined.

This Bachelor’s thesis explores the relationship between borders, boundaries and migration, and their effect on identity making from a diasporic perspective. The study focuses on notions of national, regional, cultural, tribal and ethnic identity, and set in relation to the influence borders and boundarieshave on these processes. It investigates this topical realm within the specific conditions of the Angolan-Namibian border, following the developments from the era of colonization, independence struggle and decolonization and the transformation of Angola and Namibia into self-asserting and sovereign states, in which it focuses on the identity making of the Angolan diaspora residing in the border town of Rundu, northern Namibia. In doing so, it sets out to investigate the connection between macro variables and processes such as colonialism, the Cold War in Africa, and independence movements, to micro processes focusing on the living conditions and experiences of border residents. The study aims at a holistic approach drawing from theoretical developments within border and boundary studies stemming from disciplines such as political geography and anthropology, along with migration studies and social psychology. The results suggest that differing dominant conditions of the Angolan and Namibian states in terms of historical and political development, living conditions and the manifestation of the border and political assertion of the nation-states, has indeed helped to inform and construct different social categories and identities. In terms of the Angolan diaspora, the results indicate that migrants acquiring Namibian citizenships and thereby rights, did redefine their national identity to a greater extent than those denied documentation as their agency has become curtailed, leaving this group in an identity-limbo. The main contribution of this study is an investigation of what the border-migration-identity nexus means in terms of the Angolan diaspora and the Kavango region.

This study explores the phenomenon of discrimination as it pertains to the experiences of international students studying in Southeast Louisiana. This qualitative study seeks to answer the questions of where and how international students perceive discrimination, and how discrimination affects a student's overall experience as a foreign student in the United States. The intent of this research study is to address the sizable gap in the literature on perceived discrimination towards international students, and introduces specific concepts from critical theory in developing a formal conceptual framework model for continued research in this area. Utilizing the concept of sites of struggle as a conceptual framework, eleven international students studying in Southeast Louisiana were interviewed about their perceptions of discrimination from within three areas of interest: federal regulations, educational arena, and social arena. Their responses are presented using their own words via verbatim transcripts of the interview sessions. A discussion of the respondents' experiences and its significance to their perceptions of discrimination within the three areas of interest follows. Implications for policy, practice, and research, along with suggestions for future research conclude this study.

O presente trabalho buscou compreender a reprodução dos camponeses que participam da feira Corujão no município de Rio Claro SP e os conflitos vividos pelo uso de agrotóxicos nos canaviais. Esta pesquisa se desenvolveu através da leitura dos principais teóricos que estudam o campesinato enquanto classe social contraditória e combinada ao desenvolvimento do modo de produção capitalista (MARTINS, 1979; OLIVEIRA 2007; BOMBARDI 2011). Paralelamente, foram realizadas entrevistas, visitas e participação em feiras e cursos, que atendiam os camponeses, para entender as estratégias do capital para promover a sujeição da renda da terra e a resistência camponesa. Acompanhamos a violência sofrida pelo uso de agrotóxicos nos canaviais que compromete a reprodução camponesa. De maneira geral, é possível afirmar, a partir desta pesquisa, que o campesinato exerce um importante papel na soberania alimentar do município e o impacto dos agrotóxicos é parte da luta de classes no campo. / This research analyzes the reproduction of peasants participating in the \"Corujão\" open market within the municipality of Rio Claro - SP and the conflicts resulted from the use of pesticides in the sugarcane plantations. This study was organized through the reading of the main scholars who investigate the peasantry as a contradictory social class combined with the development of the capitalist mode of production (MARTINS, 1979; OLIVEIRA 2007; BOMBARDI 2011). Concurrently, we carried out interviews, visits and participated in open markets and courses that were available to peasants to understand the strategies aimed to the subjection of income from land to capital and the resistance of the peasants that followed. We have monitored the violence derived from the use of pesticides in sugarcane plantations that also compromise peasant reproduction. In general, it is possible to affirm, from this research, that peasantry plays an important role in the food sovereignty of the municipality and the impact of pesticides is part of the ongoing class struggle in the countryside.