In 1965, Blacks were only about 4.5 percent of the total enrollment in American higher education. College programs and offices geared to Black students were rare. There were few courses on Black people, even at Black colleges. There was not a single African American Studies center, institute, program, or department on a college campus. Literature on Black people and non-racist scholarly examinations struggled to stay on the margins of the academy. Eight years later in 1973, the percentage of Blacks students stood at 7.3 percent and the absolute number of Black students approached 800,000, almost quadrupling the number in 1965. In 1973, more than 1,000 colleges had adopted more open admission policies or crafted particular adjustments to admit Blacks. Sections of the libraries on Black history and culture had dramatically grown and moved from relative obscurity. Nearly one thousand colleges had organized Black Studies courses, programs, or departments, had a tutoring program for Black students, were providing diversity training for workers, and were actively recruiting Black professors and staff. What happened? What forced the racial reformation of higher education? A social movement I call the Black Campus Movement. Despite its lasting and obvious significance, the struggle of these Black campus activists has been marginalized in the historiographies of the Student, Black Student, and Black Power Movements with White student activism, Black students' off-campus efforts, and the Black Panther Party dominating those respective sets of literature. Thus, in order to bring it to the fore, we should conceive of new historiography, which I term the Black Campus Movement. This dissertation is the first study to chronicle and analyze that nationwide, eight-year-long Black Campus Movement that diversified higher education. An Afrocentric methodology is used to frame the study, which primarily synthesized secondary sources--books, government studies, scholarly, newspaper and magazine articles--and composed this body of information into a general narrative of the movement. The narrative shows the building of the movement for relevance from 1965 to 1967 in which students organized their first Black Students Unions and made requests from the administration. By 1968, those requests had turned into demands, specifically after administrators were slow in instituting those demands and the social havoc wrought by the Orangeburg Massacre and the death of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Instead of meeting with college officials over their concerns, Black students at Black and White colleges began staging dramatic protests for more Black students, faculty, administrators, coaches, staff, and trustees, as well as Black Studies courses and departments, Black dorms, and other programs and facilities geared to Black students. This protest activity climaxed in the spring of 1969, the narrative reveals. In response, higher education and the American government showered the students with both repressive measures, like laws curbing student protests, and reforms, like the introduction of hundreds of Black Studies programs, all of which slowed the movement. By 1973, the Black Campus Movement to gain diversity had been eclipsed by another movement on college campuses to maintain the diverse elements students had won the previous eight years. This struggle to keep these gains has continued into the 21st century, as diversity abounds on campuses across America in comparison to 1965. / African American Studies

Esta pesquisa apresenta memórias de militantes estudantis do curso de psicologia da Universidade de São Paulo. Inspirada metodologicamente no livro Memória e Sociedade: lembranças de velhos, de Ecléa Bosi, procura estabelecer interlocuções temporais acerca da experiência política durante a graduação, a partir de lembranças de diferentes épocas e contextos de engajamento. Foram realizadas dez entrevistas de memória (abertas e com roteiro). O centro do trabalho é composto por quatro delas, realizadas com militantes mais velhos, atuantes nas décadas de 1960 e 1970. A partir dessas lembranças, procurou-se estabelecer campos de sentido, temas de estudo a partir dos quais fosse possível interlocução entre presente e passado. São eles: a condição estudantil, a universidade, a política estudantil, os contrastes sociais vividos pelos estudantes, a graduação em psicologia, o sofrimento do militante, os destinos políticos de militantes jovens e velhos. Durante as interpretações, comparecem trechos das demais entrevistas (também abertas e com roteiro), realizadas com seis militantes mais novos, atuantes nas décadas de 1980 e 1990. Tendo em vista a trajetória do pesquisador, este estudo pretende-se uma tentativa, ainda que temporã, de militância estudantil; pretende contribuir para a retomada do passado em seu significado político e transformador, em especial naquilo que toca os militantes estudantis do presente. / This research presents the memories of student activists from the University of São Paulo\'s Psychology School. Methodologically inspired upon Ecléa Bosi\'s book Memory and Society: Recollections of the Old, it aims at establishing temporal interlocutions on political experience during undergraduate years, starting from the recollections of different times and contexts of engagement. Ten testimonies have been accomplished (open ones and with scripts). The main part of this work is made up of three of these interviews, done with older militants who were active in the 1960s and 1970s. Starting from these remembrances, we have striven to set up fields of meaning, themes for study which would enable an interaction between the present and the past. These are: conditions of student life, the university, student politics, the social contrasts experienced by students, the psychology undergraduate course, the suffering of militants, the political destiny of older and younger militants. During our interpretation, passages of other interviews come up (also open and with scripts), which have been done with six younger militants, active in the 1980s and 1990s. Considering the trajectory of the researcher, this study intends to be an attempt, though somewhat over-mature, of student militancy; it aims at contributing to recover the past in its political and transformational sense, especially in regard to issues that involve student militants of today

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:24:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2185.pdf: 11355897 bytes, checksum: 5be70d5d184fb1f5f2239b8583fcfb4c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-11-26 / Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais / This study examines the university student movement of the 1970s and the Public Act at the Pontifical Catholic University of São Paulo (PUC-SP) in 1977, culminating in an episode of police violence against the students. The focus of the search fell on the path of life of a group of former student activists in order to understand, first, how they are linked and part of the student movement, and secondly, if the experience of participation in student movement was able to generate some influence or socialization in terms of political and professional after entering the stage of university education of ex-militants. Theoretically, this study establishes a dialogue with the sociological approaches that focus on the radical student collective actions and roles of young people, and is back to understanding the changes in the patterns of militancy that might occur in the transition from juvenile to life adulthood and integration into the world of work. The methodology of the History of Life provided the basis for the analysis of the biography of former student activists, and from that methodological feature found that the political militancy was a determining factor of student activism and, consequently, a more active participation in the movement university student. The study showed that after training and shutdown of the student movement, the former student activists have continued the practice of political militancy and experience of participation in the student movement has strong influence in their career options. / O presente estudo aborda o movimento estudantil universitário da década de 1970 e o Ato Público na Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo (PUC-SP), em 1977, evento que culminou num episódio de violência policial contra os estudantes. O enfoque da pesquisa recaiu sobre a trajetória de vida de um grupo de ex-militantes estudantis, com o propósito de compreender, em primeiro lugar, como eles se vincularam e participaram do movimento estudantil e, em segundo lugar, se a experiência de participação no movimento estudantil foi capaz de gerar alguma influência ou socialização em termos de inserção política e profissional após a fase de formação universitária desses ex-militantes. Teoricamente, o presente estudo estabelece uma interlocução com as abordagens sociológicas que enfocam o radicalismo estudantil e as ações coletivas protagonizadas por jovens, e se volta para compreensão das mudanças nos padrões de militância que possam vir a ocorrer na fase de transição da vida juvenil para a vida adulta e inserção no mundo do trabalho. A metodologia de História de Vida serviu de base para a análise da biografia dos ex-militantes estudantis. A partir desse recurso metodológico constatou-se que a militância política foi um fator determinante da militância estudantil e, conseqüentemente, de uma participação mais ativa no movimento estudantil universitário. O estudo comprovou que após a formação acadêmica e desligamento do movimento estudantil, os ex-militantes estudantis deram continuidade à prática de militância política e a experiência de participação no movimento estudantil desempenhou forte influência nas suas opções de carreira profissional.

Esta pesquisa apresenta memórias de militantes estudantis do curso de psicologia da Universidade de São Paulo. Inspirada metodologicamente no livro Memória e Sociedade: lembranças de velhos, de Ecléa Bosi, procura estabelecer interlocuções temporais acerca da experiência política durante a graduação, a partir de lembranças de diferentes épocas e contextos de engajamento. Foram realizadas dez entrevistas de memória (abertas e com roteiro). O centro do trabalho é composto por quatro delas, realizadas com militantes mais velhos, atuantes nas décadas de 1960 e 1970. A partir dessas lembranças, procurou-se estabelecer campos de sentido, temas de estudo a partir dos quais fosse possível interlocução entre presente e passado. São eles: a condição estudantil, a universidade, a política estudantil, os contrastes sociais vividos pelos estudantes, a graduação em psicologia, o sofrimento do militante, os destinos políticos de militantes jovens e velhos. Durante as interpretações, comparecem trechos das demais entrevistas (também abertas e com roteiro), realizadas com seis militantes mais novos, atuantes nas décadas de 1980 e 1990. Tendo em vista a trajetória do pesquisador, este estudo pretende-se uma tentativa, ainda que temporã, de militância estudantil; pretende contribuir para a retomada do passado em seu significado político e transformador, em especial naquilo que toca os militantes estudantis do presente. / This research presents the memories of student activists from the University of São Paulo\'s Psychology School. Methodologically inspired upon Ecléa Bosi\'s book Memory and Society: Recollections of the Old, it aims at establishing temporal interlocutions on political experience during undergraduate years, starting from the recollections of different times and contexts of engagement. Ten testimonies have been accomplished (open ones and with scripts). The main part of this work is made up of three of these interviews, done with older militants who were active in the 1960s and 1970s. Starting from these remembrances, we have striven to set up fields of meaning, themes for study which would enable an interaction between the present and the past. These are: conditions of student life, the university, student politics, the social contrasts experienced by students, the psychology undergraduate course, the suffering of militants, the political destiny of older and younger militants. During our interpretation, passages of other interviews come up (also open and with scripts), which have been done with six younger militants, active in the 1980s and 1990s. Considering the trajectory of the researcher, this study intends to be an attempt, though somewhat over-mature, of student militancy; it aims at contributing to recover the past in its political and transformational sense, especially in regard to issues that involve student militants of today

On the night of April 20, 2010, a group of students from the University of Puerto Rico (UPR), Río Piedras campus, met to organize an indefinite strike that quickly broadened into a defense of accessible public higher education of excellence as a fundamental right and not a privilege. Although the history of student activism in the UPR can be traced back to the early 1900s, the 2010-2011 strike will be remembered for the student activists’ use of new media technologies as resources that rapidly prompted and aided the numerous protests. This activist research entailed a critical ethnography and a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of traditional and alternative media coverage and treatment during the 2010 -2011 UPR student strike. I examined the use of the 2010-2011 UPR student activists’ resistance performances in constructing local, corporeal, and virtual spaces of resistance and contention during their movement. In particular, I analyzed the different tactics and strategies of resistance or repertoire of collective actions that student activists used (e.g. new media technologies) to frame their collective identities via alternative news media’s (re)presentation of the strike, while juxtaposing the university administration’s counter-resistance performances in counter-framing the student activists’ collective identity via traditional news media representations of the strike. I illustrated how both traditional and alternative media (re)presentations of student activism developed, maintained, and/or modified students activists’ collective identities. As such, the UPR student activism’s success should not be measured by the sum of demands granted, but by the sense of community achieved and the establishment of networks that continue to create resistance and change. These networks add to the debate surrounding Internet activism and its impact on student activism. Ultimately, the results of this study highlight the important role student movements have had in challenging different types of government policies and raising awareness of the importance of an accessible public higher education of excellence.

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Thesis (Ph.D.(History)) -- University Of Limpopo, 2022 / The problem under investigation in this thesis is centred on the complex changes and transformation in student activism at the University of Limpopo (UL) during the period 1968-2015. The overreaching objectives of the study were to unpack the changing conceptualisation of student politics, tactics and strategies deployed in realising student needs and interests in the creation of South Africa’s contested transition from the openly racist apartheid system to a liberal democratic regime enshrined in the 1996 constitution. Periodisation theory, which conceptualises and frames development or change and transformation of historical phenomena as unfolding in terms of distinctive time periods, was used to provide historical insight into the evolution of student activism. The cognitive merits and possibilities of periodisation theory were enhanced by integrating Altbach’s Theory of Student Activism, which stresses the Importance of recognising and grasping the unique characteristics of student activists and their organisations in higher education systems. The resultant theoretical framework produced a cognitive structure which provided the researcher with concepts and ideation to make sense of the difficult and complex reconfiguration demanded, especially by the transition. The methodology utilised in the study involved collecting and analysing data from both primary and secondary sources. The primary data was acquired from a sample of former students who were registered at UL during the period covered by the study. The Thematic Content Analyses (TCA) approach distilled themes embedded in the data collected. An overreaching finding of the study is that while it was relatively easy for Black students to conceptualise and decode the nature of oppression and struggle in an openly racialised system, such as apartheid, the ascendance to state power of Black leaders of liberation movements, some of whom were militant student activists prior to 1994, created a political landscape which made it difficult for students to decode what was required to deepen liberation and freedom. Some of the difficulties manifested themselves inter alia in the scandalous vandalisation of University resources, such as libraries, cars and classrooms. More than twenty years into “democracy”, however, student activists began to penetrate and decode deeper layers of oppression, hidden by the dense fog of liberal democracy, which needed to be dismantled. It is in this sense that the thesis views the eruption of the 2015 #Fees Must Fall movement and the accompanying curriculum decolonisation battles in South Africa as constituting a revolutionary landmark in the evolution of student activism. Student activists since 2015 seemed to have come to the realisation that liberal democratic rights and freedoms were incapable of dismantling white supremacy (racism), which is at the heart of the subjugation and oppression of Black people in South Africa and beyond. The thesis recommends, inter alia, that the relative invisibility of the role of women in studies of this nature is troubling and that historians must urgently solve this lacuna

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