Thesis (D. Min.)--Midwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1995. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 192-196).

Thesis (D. Min.)--New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary, 1993. / Includes abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 189-196).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Midwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, Kansas City, Mo., 1999. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 143-146).

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No. of bitstreams: 1 andreabotelhodeabreu.pdf: 2284063 bytes, checksum: 32b1de9177f54928eb47fba190f22f50 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-11-29 / A presente dissertação, desenvolvida no âmbito do Programa de Pós-graduação Profissional em Gestão e Avaliação da Educação Pública (PPGP) da Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), teve como foco de estudo a identificação de entraves à constituição do grêmio estudantil, enquanto espaço de participação da juventude no cotidiano das escolas e de fortalecimento da gestão democrática, no contexto da Política de Fomento à Participação Estudantil da Secretaria de Estado de Educação de Minas Gerais, que, a partir do projeto Virada Educação Minas Gerais (VEM), tem como objetivo combater a evasão escolar da população mineira de 15 a 17 anos e aproximar a escola da juventude. Como recorte de pesquisa foram selecionadas duas escolas estaduais de Belo Horizonte que apresentam situações opostas quanto à participação estudantil e viabilizaram a resposta à questão norteadora deste caso, a saber: quais os entraves à constituição de grêmios estudantis nas escolas estaduais de Belo Horizonte, no contexto da política de fomento à participação estudantil que, dentre outros objetivos, visa à democratização da gestão escola? Na descrição do caso, foram apresentados o contexto de elaboração e implementação da VEM, dados sobre o ensino médio no Brasil e em Minas Gerais e sobre as Unidades Escolares, sobretudo em suas particularidades quanto à vivência dos processos de participação. A pesquisa, de cunho qualitativo, teve como instrumento de coleta de dados fóruns de discussão com estudantes e gestores em grupos de Whatsapp - especificamente criados para este fim –, questionário diagnóstico, pesquisa bibliográfica e análise documental. Os dados da pesquisa de campo foram analisados a partir de conceitos e discussões trazidos por Dayrell (2006, 2010, 2016); Dayrell, Carrano e Maia (2014); Lück (2009, 2010, 2012, 2013) e Paro (2010, 2016) e revelaram uma percepção negativa de juventude, por parte dos gestores escolares - associada ao hedonismo, irresponsabilidade e imaturidade – e uma concepção reducionista de participação – entendida como mera verbalização de opiniões. Diante disso, o Plano de Ação Educacional (PAE) proposto intenta a ampliação dos espaços de participação dos jovens estudantes, adjetivando-os como sujeitos do processo educativo, cujas demandas, opiniões e percepções são essenciais ao fortalecimento da gestão democrática da escola. Além disso, sugere a criação e a implantação do Projeto #VemPraJuventude, que envolve formação e incentivo ao protagonismo juvenil. / The present dissertation, developed under the Program of Postgraduate Professional in Management and Evaluation of Public Education (PPGP) of the Federal University of Juiz de Fora (UFJF), had as its study focus the identification of obstacles to the constitution of the student groups, as a space for youth participation in the daily life of schools and strengthening democratic management, in the context of the Politics for Promotion of Student Participation of the Minas Gerais State Departament of Education, which, based on the Virada Educação Minas Gerais (VEM) Project, has as an objective to combat the school dropout of the population of Minas Gerais ages 15 to 17 years and bring the school closer to youth. As a research clipping, were selected two state schools in Belo Horizonte that present opposite situations releted to students participation and made possible the answer to the guiding question of this case, namely: what are the obstacles to the constitution of student groups in the public schools of Belo Horizonte in the context of educational politics to foster student participation that, among other objectives, aims at the democratization of school management? In the description of the case, the context of VEM elaboration and implementation was presented, data on High Schools education in Brazil and Minas Gerais and on School Units, especially in their particularities regarding the experience of participatory processes. Qualitative research was used to data-gathering of discussion forums with students and managers in WhatsApp groups - specifically created for this purpose -, a diagnostic questionnaire, bibliographic research and documentary analysis. The data of the field research were analyzed from concepts and discussions brought by Dayrell (2006, 2010, 2016); Dayrell, Carrano e Maia (2014); Lück (2009, 2010, 2012, 2013) and Paro (2010, 2016) and revealed a negative perception of youth by school managers - associated with hedonism, irresponsibility and immaturity - and a reductionist conception of participation – identified as a simple verbalization of opinions. Therefore, the proposed Educational Action Plan (EAP) seeks to broaden the spaces for participation of young students, adjectivizing them as subjects of the educational process, whose demands, opinions and perceptions are essential to strengthen democratic school management and suggests creation and implementation of the #VemPraJuventude Project that covers training and encouraging youth protagonism.

Through employing critical narratives, this qualitative study examined the experiences of Black women who utilized their scholarship and activism to address campus climates at a predominantly Chicanx Latinx institution in Southern California. Six Black women – two faculty, two staff, and two students – participated in the study. All participants were active with Ethnic Studies (Pan-African Studies), the campus Cross Cultural Centers, and Black Student Union student organization in some capacity. Literature on the three areas focuses on the history of and ongoing struggle to exist, significance to campus life, and meaning in the lives of marginalized and minoritized communities. The study used three frameworks: Critical Pedagogy, Critical Race Theory, and Black Feminist and Black Womanist Theory to analyze the critical narratives of the women. Findings revealed Black women integrate community issues into their professional and personal lives, experience rare moments of being celebrated, and must contend with intentional efforts to silence their voices and activism. This study, informed by the Ethnic Studies politics of higher education, contributes to this field by identifying how Black women activists contribute to the moral and ethical leadership of campus climate conversations.

<p>Abstract</p><p>Title: Change of communication strategy when the compulsory nation membership falls (Byte av kommunikationsstrategi när nationsobligatoriet faller)</p><p>Number of pages: 51 (58 including enclosures)</p><p>Author: Elin Rantakokko</p><p>Tutor: Peder Hård af Segerstad</p><p>Course: Media and Communication Studies 30 hp</p><p>Period: Spring of 2008</p><p>University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science, Uppsala University</p><p>Purpose/Aim: This essay will result in some guidelines how the nations in Uppsala can act if the law according the compulsory membership in the student union and the student nations change. This essay focuses on how the nations can communicate to keep their members.</p><p>Material/method: I have done seven interviews with persons that work in three different nations and the head of the Curators convent (the collaboration center between the nations), I have read articles from the largest newspapers and web pages. I have also read the Commission of Inquiry's recommendation according abolishing the law regarding the compulsory nation and student union membership. I have created two scenarios based on the material, according to Peter Schwartz advises.</p><p>Main results: These scenarios show that the student nations have to become better at communicating with their new members and their already existing members.</p><p>Keywords: Scenario planning, marketing, communication, student union, student nation, market segmentation, strategic communication, profile, organizations change.</p>

Abstract Title: Change of communication strategy when the compulsory nation membership falls (Byte av kommunikationsstrategi när nationsobligatoriet faller) Number of pages: 51 (58 including enclosures) Author: Elin Rantakokko Tutor: Peder Hård af Segerstad Course: Media and Communication Studies 30 hp Period: Spring of 2008 University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science, Uppsala University Purpose/Aim: This essay will result in some guidelines how the nations in Uppsala can act if the law according the compulsory membership in the student union and the student nations change. This essay focuses on how the nations can communicate to keep their members. Material/method: I have done seven interviews with persons that work in three different nations and the head of the Curators convent (the collaboration center between the nations), I have read articles from the largest newspapers and web pages. I have also read the Commission of Inquiry's recommendation according abolishing the law regarding the compulsory nation and student union membership. I have created two scenarios based on the material, according to Peter Schwartz advises. Main results: These scenarios show that the student nations have to become better at communicating with their new members and their already existing members. Keywords: Scenario planning, marketing, communication, student union, student nation, market segmentation, strategic communication, profile, organizations change.

Dans le cadre de ce mémoire de maîtrise, nous nous pencherons sur les positions et discours des associations étudiantes sur la liberté d’expression et académique au sein des universités québécoises. Pour ce faire, nous avons procédé à onze entretiens semi-dirigés avec un(e) représentant(e) de l’exécutif des associations. Cinq de ces associations étudiantes proviennent d’universités montréalaises et six évoluent à l’extérieur de la métropole. Pour analyser les discours et les positions des associations étudiantes, nous avons construit une grille d’analyse fondée à partir de deux visions opposées des libertés universitaires : le libéralisme (Stephen Hicks) et le postmodernisme (Stanley Fish). Nous concluons que les associations étudiantes qui viennent de l’extérieur de Montréal sont légèrement plus disposées à adopter des positions et des discours libéraux que les associations montréalaises lorsqu’il s’agit de permettre l’utilisation de mots chargés, de refuser d’annuler ou de perturber des conférences sur des sujets controversés ou encore de faire de l’université un « espace protégé ». Néanmoins, la tendance générale que nous observons est que les associations étudiantes québécoises embrassent plus significativement le postmodernisme de Stanley Fish. Cela se traduit notamment par un rapport revisité vis-à-vis la liberté d’expression alors qu’elles estiment qu’il faut revoir la manière dont les enseignant(e)s présentent leur matière, plus particulièrement lorsqu’il s’agit de sujets difficiles. / This master's thesis examines the positions and discourses of student union on free speech and academic freedom within Quebec universities. To do this, we conducted semi-structured interviews with a representative of the executive of eleven associations. Five of these student associations come from Montreal universities and six operate outside the city. To analyze the speeches and positions of student associations, we built an analysis grid based on two opposing visions of academic freedom: liberalism (Stephen Hicks) and postmodernism (Stanley Fish). We conclude that student union from outside Montreal are slightly more willing to adopt liberal positions and discourses than the association from Montreal when it comes to allowing the use of loaded words, refusing to cancel or to disrupt conferences on controversial subjects or to turn the university into a “protected space”. Nevertheless, the general trend we observe is that Quebec student associations are embracing Stanley Fish's postmodernism more significantly. This is expressed through a revisited relationship with freedom of expression, in particular in the context of expectations that professors revisit the way they present course content, more particularly when it comes to difficult topics

Dans les situations démocratiques, « militer » et « mobiliser » tendent à être quasi synonymes de« contester ». L’analyse des militantismes étudiants en situation autoritaire au Cameroun remet cettereprésentation en cause. En nous appuyant sur l’opposition entre mobilisations contestataires etconservatrices et sur une approche sociohistorique de militantismes étudiants en situation autoritaire surcinquante années, nous distinguons deux types d’associations étudiantes. Les associations étudiantes« autonomes » sont initiées par des étudiants tandis que celles « institutionnelles » le sont par desautorités universitaires. Au sein des rares associations étudiantes autonomes, le militantisme« autonome » promeut la négociation de compromis avec les autorités malgré la diversité des dispositifsde contrôle. Ce type de militantisme tend à remettre en question les autorités lesquelles réagissent enlabellisant de « contestataires » ou de « subversifs » les militants et organisations autonomes. Au sein desplus fréquentes associations étudiantes institutionnelles, le militantisme « institutionnel » entretient descompromissions avec les autorités lesquelles peuvent favoriser un minimum d’ascension sociale et/oupolitique. Est ainsi assurée la reproduction politique et sociale du pouvoir en place. Contrairement à l’idéereçue selon laquelle les processus d’individualisation − en tant qu’affaiblissement des dispositifstraditionnels d’assignation des identités communautaires − favoriseraient la démocratisation, le régimeautoritaire camerounais trouve les ressources de sa pérennité dans des pratiques militantes opportunistesliées à des processus d’individualisation plus égoïste que morale. L’analyse de quarante-sept récits de viede leaders étudiants nous amène à distinguer trois types de carrière militante selon le degré de fidélité àl’un ou l’autre type d’association étudiante : le « leader fidèle », le « leader reconverti » et le « leadersyncrétique ». Les leaders fidèles autonomes et des leaders syncrétiques au sein d'associationsinstitutionnelles, plus résistants aux dispositifs de contrôle, élargissent le champ des possibles politiques,tant en termes de représentations que de pratiques. / In democratic situations, "activism" and "mobilization" tend to be almost synonymous with "challenging".The analysis of student militancy in authoritarian situation in Cameroon calls that into question. Buildingon the contrast between protesters / conservative mobilizations and on a socio-historical approach ofstudent militancy for fifty years period, we distinguish two types of student associations in authoritariansituation: those "autonomous" are initiated by students while "institutional" associations are initiated byuniversity authorities. In the few independent student organizations, "autonomous" activism promotes thenegotiation with the authorities despite the variety of control devices. This type of activism tends toquestion authorities who react by labeling "protestor" or "subversive" autonomous organizations andactivists. Among the most common institutional student associations, the "institutional" activismmaintains cooperation with the authorities who can later promote their social, economic and / or policalmobility. This ensures political and social reproduction of power. Contrary to the common belief that theprocess of individualization - weakening of “traditional” modus operandi of community as a collectiveidentity - would promote democratization, Cameroon's authoritarian regime find resources of itssustainability in opportunistic militant practices related to process of individualization which are moreselfish than moral. The analysis of forty-seven life stories of student leaders allows us to distinguish threetypes of militant career by the degree of loyalty to one or the other type of student association: the“faithful leader”, the “(re)converted leader” and the “syncretic leader”. The autonomous faithful leadersand syncretic leaders are more resistant to control devices. Thus, they extend the political field ofpossibilities, both in terms of representations and practices.

Depuis les années 1950 au Québec, les associations étudiantes et leurs membres se mobilisent et forment des mouvements étudiants qui ne peuvent être ignorés dans le panorama politique et historique de la province. En 2012, les étudiants ont déclenché la plus longue et la plus importante grève étudiante afin de contrer une augmentation des droits de scolarité et de défendre leurs principes face à un gouvernement qui a été considéré par certains comme intransigeant. Cette grève étudiante est un point de départ pour un questionnement face à l’avenir de la mémoire étudiante. En prenant pour étude de cas les archives numériques en ligne de l’Association pour une solidarité syndicale étudiante (ASSÉ), il est possible de remarquer que l’association étudiante n’est pas uniquement centrée sur les enjeux étudiants. Ces documents témoignent d’une jeunesse préoccupée non seulement par le bien-être de sa communauté locale, mais qui est aussi habitée d’une volonté de solidarité avec les luttes progressistes au Québec et de partout ailleurs. En 2012, les plateformes de réseaux sociaux et les outils du web sont devenus un incontournable pour mobiliser les étudiants et pour former un mouvement citoyen. Cette stratégie, alliant la mobilisation et l’organisation à travers les réseaux numériques et la sphère publique, fait partie de ces nouvelles méthodes de protestation collective. Le but de ce mémoire est de poser un regard sur les archives associatives étudiantes qui sont aujourd’hui créées par le biais des technologies numériques. Il s’agit de démontrer leur importance en tant qu’objets faisant partie du patrimoine collectif. Mais ces archives, virtuelles et intangibles, sont vulnérables au passage du temps. Sans une volonté de les préserver, leur futur est plus qu’incertain. Ce mémoire a donc pour finalité de permettre à la mémoire étudiante de se perpétuer grâce à la création d’un guide spécifiquement adapté pour les besoins de gestion de l’information numérique des associations étudiantes. Ce guide contient des outils issus de la science de l’archivistique qui permettent une meilleure gestion et une préservation à long terme des actifs informationnels des associations étudiantes. / In Quebec, since the 1950s, student unions and their members have been known to mobilize and create protest movements which cannot be ignored in the political and historical panorama of the province. In 2012, the students set off the longest and most important student strike with the goal of countering tuition hikes, but also to defend their principles against an uncompromising government. This student strike is a starting point for wider questions regarding the future of student memory. By taking the Association pour une solidarité syndicale étudiante’s (ASSÉ) digital archives as a study case, it is possible to notice that the student union focuses on more than student issues. Their documents demonstrate that the youth’s preoccupations are not only centered towards the well-being of its local community, but show solidarity towards social and political struggles in Quebec and elsewhere in the world. In 2012, social media platforms and online tools have become a staple of student mobilization and to finally form a broader citizens’ movement. This strategy, combining mobilization and organization through the use of social media and activities in the public sphere, is part of the new methods of collective protest. The goal of this master’s thesis is to consider the digital archives produced today by student unions and associations and to demonstrate their importance as objects belonging to collective heritage. But these archives, virtual and intangible by nature, are vulnerable to the passing of time. Without preservation efforts, their future is more than uncertain. Thus, this master’s thesis has for ultimate purpose the creation of a guide specifically developed and adapted to suit student unions’ needs in digital records and archives management. This guide contains tools which stem from archival science to ensure a better management and the long- term preservation of student union information assets and archival heritage.