蒙古西征後建立了欽察、察合台、窩闊台及伊兒等汗國，在這些汗國的境內包含了伊斯蘭的兩河流域、中亞地區、波斯地區、小亞細亞、欽察草原等地，周遭受伊斯蘭文明的包圍；蒙古四大汗國中欽察、伊兒汗國相繼皈依伊斯蘭教，察合台汗國是蒙古支裔中最晚皈依伊斯蘭教者（窩闊台汗國後來併入察合台汗國），伊斯蘭教在察合台汗國的盛行與察合台汗的大力提倡，汗國內貴族勢力的依附，及中亞蘇菲教團的蓬勃發展有很密切的關係。 本論文探討察合台汗國因地理環境變遷，蒙古傳統封建游牧制度逐漸趨向綠洲農牧城市商業社會，使生活文化產生截然不同的改觀，草原游牧民族常因本身力量的消長﹐而向城郭農業地區尋求支援﹐在其向農業城廓生活靠攏或轉化時﹐使原本的生活型態﹑經濟模式﹑政治制度及宗教文化﹐進行必要的改變和調適﹐藉以配合生存環境的特殊性。 察合台汗國的汗權消長﹐成為觀測大汗權力虛實的指標﹐所以初期察合台汗位的變動﹐是在驗證大汗權力落實的範圍﹐一旦汗位繼承人選脫離了中央大汗的操控後﹐汗國成為內部勢力爭逐的競技場；察合台汗國在這塊結合草原﹑綠洲與河谷的版圖上﹐不斷交互上演草原游牧與農業綠洲生活型態的拉鋸及地方貴族勢力把持汗權的戲碼，然而在農業經濟生活﹑人口與文化的優勢吸引下﹐草原游牧生活的型態很難與其抗衡﹐最後不得不向農業生活型態投靠﹐融入當地盛行的主流文化－伊斯蘭文化。 當傳統伊斯蘭教逐漸感染驕奢腐敗氣息時﹐反省與抵抗歪風的虔誠信徒們以清貧儉約﹐苦行修煉的禁慾主義（蘇菲主義）尋得出路﹐禁慾主義演變成神祕主義，主張功修以「入神」，藉此與阿拉合而為一，使得蘇菲主義揉合泛神論思想，穆罕默德的神奇事蹟給予蘇菲主義者鼓舞與啟發，進而產生聖徒崇拜，中亞開闊的空間與寬容的氛圍，成為蘇菲主義傳播的新樂土。 起初蘇菲教徒以單獨與小群體的方式漫游四方，生活所需靠他人施捨或自己勞動所得解決，逐漸地蘇菲教徒周圍聚集了門徒，形成修道院的形式，透過精神導師的道統傳承，原本平行的成員關係演化成尊卑師徒的位階型態。有組織的蘇菲教團由伊拉克及敘利亞向四周發展，中亞的蘇菲主義方興未艾，而納合西班底教團因緣際會進入察合台汗國，從此改寫了汗國內政治與宗教的互動生態。 當察合台汗國內地方貴族勢力強大到威脅汗權行使時，宗教勢力成為制衡威脅的力量，這種「藉力使力」的策略成為察合台汗打擊舊勢力的慣用模式，宗教力量的勃興，有賴寺院經濟的累積及信仰中心的強化，而察合台汗積極推動伊斯蘭的政策，有如風行草偃，締造政治與宗教互利共生的結構。 伊斯蘭教在察合台汗內發展，所蘊含最深遠的意義不外是和卓家族的形成與伊斯蘭教的本土化與地方化。回疆在黑山派與白山派支持者交互攻詰下，政局動盪，導致汗族後裔流落異鄉，世俗政權轉由宗教神權取代，準噶爾成為新的統治階層﹐改以間接統治控制南疆，但對和卓家族勢力的死灰復燃，不敢掉以輕心，透過緊縮政策，直接任命當地軍事貴族掌控，最後索性將其帶離根據地，架空權力來源，並以「眾建其位少其力」的方式，各城分立和卓管轄，如此殫精竭慮，只為防範和卓家族的東山再起，即使在清代，每當回疆民眾發動爭端，每每打著和卓後裔的旗幟為之，強調師出有名的號召力，足見和卓家族對回疆人民深遠的影響。 察合台文的形成與使用，不僅是維吾爾文書寫形式演變過程中的一環，更是察合台汗國伊斯蘭化的力證；而阿渾是回疆穆斯林一生的見證人﹐宗教職務上的專業與威望﹐可以跨足政治領域的監察職務﹐更可以取代傳統伊斯蘭中「伊瑪目」在清真寺引領信徒禮拜的角色﹐這是伊斯蘭地方化的特徵之一。阿渾的功能如果代表正規清真寺體系的運作﹐海蘭達爾的功能則是彌補信徒對阿渾功能不足的期待﹐海蘭達爾兼具蘇菲教徒﹑托缽僧與巫的特質﹐能施行求雨治病﹑消災祈福的儀式與奇蹟﹐這種對神蹟的嚮往與期盼﹐加速了伊斯蘭教地方化與本土化的深度﹐而且穆斯林對阿渾與海蘭達爾的接納無疑也表現在對清真寺與麻扎朝拜的調合上﹐因為清真寺只利城市穆斯林的參拜，麻扎才是靈魂修煉之所，而海蘭達爾的多重身份﹐使他可以游移於一神獨在與萬物崇拜的模糊地帶﹐呼應蘇菲主義中入神與泛神論的思想﹐所以蘇菲教徒本身的地方化與本土化是促使察合台汗國伊斯蘭化的關鍵之一。 【關鍵詞】 察合台汗國（Chaghatai Khanate） 伊斯蘭化（Islamization） 蘇菲主義（Sufism） 德爾威什（Darvish） 蘇菲教團（Sufi Dariq） 和卓家族（Khwadja Family）

Dans son premier chapitre, cette étude présente la poétique chez les penseurs, poètes et critiques confondus, dans le patrimoine arabe traditionnel jusqu’au XIVe siècle en en faisant la synthèse. Son deuxième chapitre expose le soufisme dans ses grandes lignes et dans ce qui le distingue en tant qu’approche existentielle de l’ensemble de la vision islamique. Ces mêmes caractéristiques se reflètent dans le troisième chapitre à travers la production poétique de trois de ses plus célèbres représentants à savoir Râbia Al- Adawiyya (m. 725), Umar Ibn Al-Fâridh (m.1235) et Mohyî Al-Dîn Ibn Arabî (m.1240). L’analyse de leurs œuvres respectives démontre que Râbia dans sa quête de purification, Ibn Al-Fâridh dans sa recherche à propager sa foi soufie à travers sa Tâiyya Al-Kubrâ (La Grande Tâiyya), et   Ibn Arabî avec son dessein de réfuter tout écrit stable et rigide dans son recueil Turjumân Al-Achwâq (l’Interprète des désirs), ont eu trois approches différentes de la création poétique. Râbia l’utilise comme catharsis. Ibn Al-Fâridh, en s’adressant essentiellement à son lecteur, essaye de l’imprégner de sa propre foi soufie, alors qu’Ibn Arabî cherche à instaurer « un Texte » idéal.  Aussi conclut‑on   que ces poètes soufis ont eu trois approches différentes de la création poétique. L’analyse de leurs œuvres respectives démontre qu’« émetteur », « récepteur » et « message » sont les trois pôles d’intérêts de ces poètes. Dans le quatrième chapitre de cette étude, trois œuvres poétiques de trois poètes contemporains sont analysées afin de déceler les filigranes soufis de leurs poèmes. Il s’agit de « Al-Tûfân Al-Aswad » (Le déluge noir) de Muhammad Miftâh Al-Faytûrî (1936-…), d’Al-Kibrît wa Al-Asâbi (l’Allumette et les doigts) de Nizâr Qabbânî (1923-1998), et de Qaṣîdat Al-Takwîn (le poème de la genèse) d’Adonis (1930-…). Ainsi cette analyse prouve-t-elle l’influence du soufisme dans la pratique de la création poétique arabe. Quant au cinquième chapitre, il démontre cet héritage soufi dans les théories poétiques arabes contemporaines et son influence dans l’instauration de trois approches poétiques différentes constituant ce que l’on appellerait « l’école purificatrice », « l’école imprégnatrice » et « l’école de la réfutation» ; ces théories ne tenant nullement compte du corpus littéraire exposé dans le premier chapitre. Outre la traduction de Claudine Chonez de « la Grande Tâiyya », les poèmes analysés sont cités en annexe à la fin de cette étude avec une traduction personnelle, qui bien qu’elle ne prétende nullement refléter la profondeur et la beauté des poèmes arabes, ne désespère pas pour autant de la laisser entrevoir. / The first chapter in this study presents the poetic thinkers, poets and critics alike, in the traditional Arabic heritage until the fourteenth century by making a synthesis. The second chapter presents Sufism in outline and in what distinguishes it as an existential approach throughout the Islamic view. These same characteristics are reflected in the third chapter through the poetic production of three of its most famous representatives namely Rabia Al-Adawiyya (d. 725), Umar Ibn Al-Fâridh (d. 1235) and Mohyî Al -Dîn Ibn Arabi (d. 1240). The analysis shows that in their respective works, they also had three different approaches to poetic creation. Rabia with her quest for purification uses it as a catharsis, Ibn Al-Fâridh, with his quest to spread his Sufi faith through his Al-Tâiyya Kubrâ (The Great Tâiyya),tries to impregnate his own Sufi liver faith, and Ibn  Arabi, with his plan to refute any writing stable and rigid trough his collection of poems Turjumân Al-Achwaq  (the interpreter of desires), seeks to establish an ideal "Text ".Thus we can conclude that these Sufi poets had three different approaches to poetic creation. The analysis of their respective writings demonstrates that "issuer", "receiver" and "message" are the three core interests of these three Sufi poets. In the fourth chapter of this study, three poetic works of three contemporary poets are analyzed to detect the Sufi watermarks of these poems. It is Al-Tufan Al-Aswad (The Black Flood) of Muhammad Miftâh Al-Faytûrî (1936 - ...), Al-Kibrît wa Al-Asâbi (The Match and the Fingers) of Nizar Qabbâni (1923-1998), and Qasîdat Al-Takwîn The Poem of the Genesis of Adonis (1930 - ...). Their analysis proves the influence of Sufism in the practice of the creation of Arabic poetry. The fifth chapter demonstrates this Sufi legacy in poetic theories in contemporary Arab thought and its influence in the establishment of three different poetic approaches constituting the so-called " the Purifying School," " the Impregnator School" and "the Refutation School", these theories take no account of the literary corpus described in the first chapter. Besides the translation of Claudine Chonez of "Great Tâiyya," the poems are cited in Appendix at the end of the study with a personal translation, which, although it does not claim to reflect in any way the depth and beauty of Arabic poems, she does not despair for the many suggest.

The primary focus of this dissertation is to establish the extent to which ta§awwuf, commonly referred to as Islamic Spirituality, impacted on Cape Muslim culture. The study spans the time period between the arrival of the first significant political exiles at the Cape in 1667 to the founding of the Muslim Judicial Council in 1945. To this end a short historical review of ta§awwuf as it unfolded since its inception in the Muslim world is given in order to provide the necessary background against which any study of ta§awwuf at the Cape must be measured. This, in the authorÕs opinion, has not been attempted before in local studies in any systematic way. To further augment this study, a review of the nature and character of ta§awwuf as it emerged in the geographical areas from whence the political exiles and slaves were brought to the Cape is also engaged. As part of the conclusion to this dissertation an ÒafterwordÓ is provided that briefly sketches the post-1945 theological milieu that increasingly witnessed the emergence of new anti-ta§awwuf pressures within the Muslim community. / Religious Studies and Arabic / MA (Arabic)

Land and water resources degradation are the major problems on the Ethiopian highlands. Poor land use practices and improper management systems have played a significant role in causing high soil erosion rates, sediment transport and loss of agricultural nutrients. So far limited meas-ures have been taken to combat the problems. In this study a physically based watershed model, SWAT2005 was applied to the Northern Highlands of Ethiopia for modelling of the hydrology and sediment yield. The main objective of this study was to test the performance and feasibility of SWAT2005 model to examine the influence of topography, land use, soil and climatic condi-tion on streamflows, soil erosion and sediment yield. The model was calibrated and validated on four tributaries of Lake Tana as well as Anjeni watershed using SUFI-2, GLUE and ParaSol algo-rithms. SWAT and GIS based decision support system (MCE analysis) were also used to identify the most erosion prone areas in the Lake Tana Basin. Streamflows are more sensitive to the hy-drological response unites definition thresholds than subbasin discretization. Prediction of sedi-ment yield is highly sensitive to subbasin size and slope discretization. Baseflow is an important component of the total discharge within the study area that contributes more than the surface runoff. There is a good agreement between the measured and simulated flows and sediment yields with higher values of coefficients of determination and Nash Sutcliffe efficiency. The an-nual average measured sediment yield in Anjeni watershed was 24.6 tonnes/ha. The annual aver-age simulated sediment yield was 27.8 and 29.5 tonnes/ha for calibration and validation periods, respectively. The SWAT model indicated that 18.5 % of the Lake Tana Basin is erosion potential areas. Whereas the MCE result indicated that 25.5 % of the basin are erosion potential areas. The calibrated model can be used for further analysis of the effect of climate and land use change as well as other different management scenarios on streamflows and soil erosion. The result of the study could help different stakeholders to plan and implement appropriate soil and water conser-vation strategies. / QC 20101123

If Italy officially administrates Libya in 1912, it does not succeed in submitting the whole population. The coming to power of B. Mussolini in 1922 has the country enter in a new colonial era. Firmly decided to dominate the Libyan territory, he wages violent campaigns in the north-west region (Tripolitania) and in the south-west (Fezzan). In 1929, he engages the country in a new campaign to submit the last region in resistance: Cyrenaica. Unable to subdue the resistance despite a brutal policy, the Italians decide in 1930 to create concentration camps to confine tens of thousands of the inhabitants of the region (submitted or in resistance) and to succeed in establishing its power. The thesis falls within the post-colonial history movement and resorts to a transimperial approach in order to analyse the French gaze (by which we understand the state’s institutions and public opinion) on those camps. In those years of high tensions in the North African region, but also of European and Franco-French preoccupations, what was the French discourse on the violent colonial policy of the rival Italian power? The French civilizational ideology of the 1930s, and its own concentrational past, are not the only ways to understand the press and state silences. France’s interest is also in maintaining cordial relations with Italy, and in the weakening, if not, the annihilation of its old Saharan enemy: the Sanusiyya. The mystic brotherhood to which the majority of the interned are affiliated, embodies a common enemy for the two empires. Moreover, the migrations that ensue from the implementation of the concentration camps are profitable, even if concerning, for the French colonial power. The press and state archives therefore allow for very few spaces of denunciation and only in the context of the instrumentalization of the Italian policy to the benefit of France. / Si l’Italie prend officiellement la tête de l’administration libyenne en 1912, elle ne parvient pas en réalité à soumettre l’intégralité de la population. L’arrivée au pouvoir de B. Mussolini en 1922 fait entrer l’empire italien dans une nouvelle ère coloniale. Bien décidé à maîtriser le territoire libyen, il engage des campagnes violentes dans les régions du nord-ouest (Tripolitaine) et du sud-ouest (Fezzan). C’est alors qu’en 1929, il engage le pays dans une campagne destinée à soumettre la dernière région encore en résistance : la Cyrénaïque. Incapables de soumettre la résistance malgré une politique violente, les Italiens décident en 1930 de mettre en place des camps de concentration afin d’y entasser les milliers d’habitants de la région (soumis ou résistants) et de parvenir à asseoir leur pouvoir. Ce mémoire de maîtrise s’inscrit dans l’histoire postcoloniale et souhaite analyser dans une approche transimpériale, le regard que les Français - entendus comme les autorités et l’opinion publique - ont pu porter sur l’entreprise concentrationnaire. Dans ces années de fortes tensions franco-italiennes dans la région nord-africaine, mais également de préoccupations à l’échelle européenne ou purement franco-française, quel a été le discours de l’Empire français, à l’égard de la politique coloniale violente de la puissance coloniale rivale italienne ? L’idéologie civilisatrice de la France des années 1930, et son propre passé concentrationnaire ne sont pas les seuls facteurs d’explication du silence des autorités et de la presse. La France trouve en effet son intérêt à maintenir des relations cordiales avec l’Italie, et à l’affaiblissement, voire, à l’anéantissement de sa vieille ennemie saharienne, la Sanusiyya. La confrérie mystique à laquelle sont affiliés une large majorité des nomades et semi nomades internés dans les camps, incarne un ennemi commun des deux empires coloniaux. Par ailleurs, les migrations qu’induisent la mise en place des camps sont profitables, bien qu’alarmantes, pour les pouvoirs publics. Les archives de presse et d’État laissent donc une maigre place à la dénonciation qui n’intervient souvent que dans le cadre d’une instrumentalisation au profit de l’Empire français.

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This dissertation engages a cultural discussion on time concepts that took place between Arab thinkers and creative writers in the aftermath of the June War of 1967 against Israel and the onset of a period of Arab cultural self-critique. It focuses on a set of intellectual projects and examines their propositions on Islamic notions of time and their place in the modernity of Arab thought. Intellectuals such as the Syrian poet Adonis (b. 1930), the Moroccan philosopher Mohammed ʿAbed al-Jabri (1935-2000), and the Lebanese psychologist Mustapha Hijazi (b. 1937) critiqued the alleged Arab “event-based” and “discontinuous” perception of time which lacks the notion of the temporal as a homogenous impersonal medium. Focusing on the example of Sufism, they argued that time in the Islamic worldview is a heterogenous mix of sacred and profane events in an ontology deprived of change. My dissertation debates these findings in two ways. I first draw on the French philosopher Henri Bergson’s concept of “duration” to problematize these thinkers’ discursive ideal of homogenous time which imposes on the heterogeneity of lived temporality the attributes of space and, as such, produces a mechanistic vision of the world. I then focus on the discourse of Ibn ʿArabi (d. 637/1240) and Mulla Sudra (d. 1049/1640) to demonstrate that Sufism advances a view of time as a flux of change internal to the life of the soul and leading to moral self-perfection. Finally, my dissertation focuses on alternative Arabic engagements with Sufi writings on time through the works of the Moroccan ethicist ʿAbdurrahman Taha (b.1944), the Iraqi Marxist Hadi al-ʿAlawi (1933-1998), and the Egyptian novelist Gamal al-Ghitani (1945-2015). I argue that these thinkers and writers draw on the heterogeneity of time in Sufism to critique the semantic neutrality and abstraction of modern time which depends on capitalism as a life form.

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