Iniciatíva Spoločenstva Interreg IIIA sa zameriava na podporu cezhraničnej spolupráce krajín zúčastnených na konkrétnom programe. Program susedstva Maďarsko-Slovensko-Ukrajina /2004-2006/ predstavuje nástroj podpory maďarsko-slovensko-ukrajinského pohraničia, v rámci ktorého sú realizované konkrétne projekty na podporu a riešenie špecifických problémov. Program je špecifický, pretože je kombináciou programu v rámci Iniciatívy Interreg, ktorá je určená členským krajinám EÚ (Maďarsko, Slovensko) a programu TACIS, ktorý je určený kandidátskym krajinám (Ukrajina). Moja diplomová práca je zameraná na charakteristiku PS HU-SK-UA, charakteristiku a analýzu programového územia, orgány zodpovedné za program, implementačnú a finančnú stránku programu, typy projektov, ktoré boli doručené a schválené v rámci programu, celkové vyhodnotenie programu a na záver je to analýza a vyhodnotenie konkrétneho projektu v rámci PS.

<p>The purpose with this essay was to examine how the European Union is working to</p><p>transfer norms to states they signed an agreement with and provide support for in</p><p>frame of the Barcelona process and the Tacis programme. The theory which we</p><p>used was Ian Manners (PhD in Political Science) theory of "the EU as a unique</p><p>normative power". The aim was to examine whether the EU - which Manners mean</p><p>- has had a normative power to influence states to change. We used a qualitative</p><p>approach through the use of a multiple case study and qualitative text and content</p><p>analysis. The States which formed the basis of our study were within the Barcelona</p><p>Process; Morocco and Tunisia as well as Azerbaijan and Armenia funded by the</p><p>Tacis programme. To this end, we were to answer the following questions: Can we</p><p>identify transfer of norms in the written bilateral agreements with these states, and</p><p>are there any normative demands? Can we on the basis of our study answer</p><p>whether the EU holds a normative power to influence these countries to change, in</p><p>accordance with the normative theory? The agreements that we studied was the</p><p>bilateral agreements that the EU signed with these States. In order to make</p><p>Manners five norms (peace, freedom, democracy, rule of law and human rights),</p><p>which he argues that EU is based on measurable; we used the Freedom House</p><p>freedom index, and also by a historical study the development of the country. The</p><p>results we found were the following; in all the studied bilateral agreements we</p><p>found clear - but to varying degrees - the transfer of norms. Although it differs in</p><p>degree of regulatory requirements and also in the formulation of how the country is</p><p>committed to abide by and comply with the normative requirements differ</p><p>according to the agreements, we can find the so-called "carrot and stick</p><p>relationship" that Manners believes that the EU use in the transfer of norms. Three</p><p>of the states that we investigated under the Freedom House freedom index did not</p><p>developed in a democratic way did, and the positive steps taken cannot be directly</p><p>traced back to the EU's efforts. It may also be due to other States or other forces</p><p>influence. We can’t, through our study confirm that Manners is right in these states</p><p>but we can’t either rule out the possibility that the EU through the written</p><p>agreements has changed the norms of the state in question, although progress</p><p>seems to go very slowly.</p>

<p>The purpose with this essay was to examine how the European Union is working totransfer norms to states they signed an agreement with and provide support for inframe of the Barcelona process and the Tacis programme. The theory which weused was Ian Manners (PhD in Political Science) theory of "the EU as a uniquenormative power". The aim was to examine whether the EU - which Manners mean- has had a normative power to influence states to change. We used a qualitativeapproach through the use of a multiple case study and qualitative text and contentanalysis. The States which formed the basis of our study were within the BarcelonaProcess; Morocco and Tunisia as well as Azerbaijan and Armenia funded by theTacis programme. To this end, we were to answer the following questions: Can weidentify transfer of norms in the written bilateral agreements with these states, andare there any normative demands? Can we on the basis of our study answerwhether the EU holds a normative power to influence these countries to change, inaccordance with the normative theory? The agreements that we studied was thebilateral agreements that the EU signed with these States. In order to makeManners five norms (peace, freedom, democracy, rule of law and human rights),which he argues that EU is based on measurable; we used the Freedom Housefreedom index, and also by a historical study the development of the country. Theresults we found were the following; in all the studied bilateral agreements wefound clear - but to varying degrees - the transfer of norms. Although it differs indegree of regulatory requirements and also in the formulation of how the country iscommitted to abide by and comply with the normative requirements differaccording to the agreements, we can find the so-called "carrot and stickrelationship" that Manners believes that the EU use in the transfer of norms. Threeof the states that we investigated under the Freedom House freedom index did notdeveloped in a democratic way did, and the positive steps taken cannot be directlytraced back to the EU's efforts. It may also be due to other States or other forcesinfluence. We can’t, through our study confirm that Manners is right in these statesbut we can’t either rule out the possibility that the EU through the writtenagreements has changed the norms of the state in question, although progressseems to go very slowly.</p> / <p>Vi ämnade med denna uppsats undersöka hur den Europeiska Unionen arbetar för att överföranormer till stater man slutit avtal med och ger stöd till inom ramen för Barcelonaprocessenoch Tacis-programmet. Den teori som vi använde var Ian Manners teori om "EU som en uniknormativ makt". Syftet var att undersöka om EU - som Manner menar - har haft en normativmakt att påverka stater till normativ förändring. Vi använde ett kvalitativt angreppssätt medhjälp av en multipel fallstudie och kvalitativ text- och innehållsanalys. De stater som utgjordegrunden för vår studie var inom Barcelonaprocessen; Marocko och Tunisien samtAzerbajdzjan och Armenien inom Tacis-programmet. Följande frågeställningar skullebesvaras; Kan vi se överföring av normer i de skrivna avtalen med dessa stater, ställs detnormativa krav på länderna? Kan vi utifrån vår undersökning ge svar på huruvida EU inneharen normativ makt att påverka dessa länder till förändring? De avtal som vi studerat var debilaterala avtal som EU tecknat med dessa stater mellan 1995 och 1996. För att göra Mannersfem normer, (fred, frihet, demokrati, rättsstat och mänskliga rättigheter) som han menar attEU grundar sig på, mätbara, så använde vi å ena sidan Freedom House frihetsindex, menockså en historisk studie av landets utveckling. De resultat vi kom fram till var att vi i alla destuderade bilaterala avtalen fann tydliga - men i varierande grad - överföringar av normer frånEU till länderna. Vi kan i avtalen se att man ställer krav på att länderna ska utvecklasdemokratiskt och verka för mänskliga rättigheter, fred och rättssamhället. Vi kan även finnaspår av det s.k. "piska och morot förhållande" som Manners menar att EU använder sig av irelationen med andra stater.Tunisien, Armenien och Azerbajdzjan har enligt Freedom House frihetsindex inte utvecklasmot en demokratisk riktning till 2006. I Marocko fann vi att en viss positiv förändring skett ienlighet med EU:s normer och att vi även kan se en marginell utveckling mot demokratiskaprinciper. Resultatet visar även att vi inte kan härleda de få positiva steg som tagits, till EU:sBarcelonaprocess och Tacis-program. Den positiva utveckling vi kan se kan också bero på attandra aktörer eller krafter haft påverkan på landet i fråga. Det vi kan säga är att EU inomramen för Barcelonaprocessen och Tacis-programmet är benägna att verka normativt mot defyra staterna, då de ställer krav på normativ förändring genom de undersökta avtalen. Vad vidäremot inte kunnat bekräfta genom vår studie, är att EU - i enlighet med Manners normativateori - verkligen kunnat förändra normer i de stater vi studerat.</p>

The purpose with this essay was to examine how the European Union is working to transfer norms to states they signed an agreement with and provide support for in frame of the Barcelona process and the Tacis programme. The theory which we used was Ian Manners (PhD in Political Science) theory of "the EU as a unique normative power". The aim was to examine whether the EU - which Manners mean - has had a normative power to influence states to change. We used a qualitative approach through the use of a multiple case study and qualitative text and content analysis. The States which formed the basis of our study were within the Barcelona Process; Morocco and Tunisia as well as Azerbaijan and Armenia funded by the Tacis programme. To this end, we were to answer the following questions: Can we identify transfer of norms in the written bilateral agreements with these states, and are there any normative demands? Can we on the basis of our study answer whether the EU holds a normative power to influence these countries to change, in accordance with the normative theory? The agreements that we studied was the bilateral agreements that the EU signed with these States. In order to make Manners five norms (peace, freedom, democracy, rule of law and human rights), which he argues that EU is based on measurable; we used the Freedom House freedom index, and also by a historical study the development of the country. The results we found were the following; in all the studied bilateral agreements we found clear - but to varying degrees - the transfer of norms. Although it differs in degree of regulatory requirements and also in the formulation of how the country is committed to abide by and comply with the normative requirements differ according to the agreements, we can find the so-called "carrot and stick relationship" that Manners believes that the EU use in the transfer of norms. Three of the states that we investigated under the Freedom House freedom index did not developed in a democratic way did, and the positive steps taken cannot be directly traced back to the EU's efforts. It may also be due to other States or other forces influence. We can’t, through our study confirm that Manners is right in these states but we can’t either rule out the possibility that the EU through the written agreements has changed the norms of the state in question, although progress seems to go very slowly.

The purpose with this essay was to examine how the European Union is working totransfer norms to states they signed an agreement with and provide support for inframe of the Barcelona process and the Tacis programme. The theory which weused was Ian Manners (PhD in Political Science) theory of "the EU as a uniquenormative power". The aim was to examine whether the EU - which Manners mean- has had a normative power to influence states to change. We used a qualitativeapproach through the use of a multiple case study and qualitative text and contentanalysis. The States which formed the basis of our study were within the BarcelonaProcess; Morocco and Tunisia as well as Azerbaijan and Armenia funded by theTacis programme. To this end, we were to answer the following questions: Can weidentify transfer of norms in the written bilateral agreements with these states, andare there any normative demands? Can we on the basis of our study answerwhether the EU holds a normative power to influence these countries to change, inaccordance with the normative theory? The agreements that we studied was thebilateral agreements that the EU signed with these States. In order to makeManners five norms (peace, freedom, democracy, rule of law and human rights),which he argues that EU is based on measurable; we used the Freedom Housefreedom index, and also by a historical study the development of the country. Theresults we found were the following; in all the studied bilateral agreements wefound clear - but to varying degrees - the transfer of norms. Although it differs indegree of regulatory requirements and also in the formulation of how the country iscommitted to abide by and comply with the normative requirements differaccording to the agreements, we can find the so-called "carrot and stickrelationship" that Manners believes that the EU use in the transfer of norms. Threeof the states that we investigated under the Freedom House freedom index did notdeveloped in a democratic way did, and the positive steps taken cannot be directlytraced back to the EU's efforts. It may also be due to other States or other forcesinfluence. We can’t, through our study confirm that Manners is right in these statesbut we can’t either rule out the possibility that the EU through the writtenagreements has changed the norms of the state in question, although progressseems to go very slowly. / Vi ämnade med denna uppsats undersöka hur den Europeiska Unionen arbetar för att överföranormer till stater man slutit avtal med och ger stöd till inom ramen för Barcelonaprocessenoch Tacis-programmet. Den teori som vi använde var Ian Manners teori om "EU som en uniknormativ makt". Syftet var att undersöka om EU - som Manner menar - har haft en normativmakt att påverka stater till normativ förändring. Vi använde ett kvalitativt angreppssätt medhjälp av en multipel fallstudie och kvalitativ text- och innehållsanalys. De stater som utgjordegrunden för vår studie var inom Barcelonaprocessen; Marocko och Tunisien samtAzerbajdzjan och Armenien inom Tacis-programmet. Följande frågeställningar skullebesvaras; Kan vi se överföring av normer i de skrivna avtalen med dessa stater, ställs detnormativa krav på länderna? Kan vi utifrån vår undersökning ge svar på huruvida EU inneharen normativ makt att påverka dessa länder till förändring? De avtal som vi studerat var debilaterala avtal som EU tecknat med dessa stater mellan 1995 och 1996. För att göra Mannersfem normer, (fred, frihet, demokrati, rättsstat och mänskliga rättigheter) som han menar attEU grundar sig på, mätbara, så använde vi å ena sidan Freedom House frihetsindex, menockså en historisk studie av landets utveckling. De resultat vi kom fram till var att vi i alla destuderade bilaterala avtalen fann tydliga - men i varierande grad - överföringar av normer frånEU till länderna. Vi kan i avtalen se att man ställer krav på att länderna ska utvecklasdemokratiskt och verka för mänskliga rättigheter, fred och rättssamhället. Vi kan även finnaspår av det s.k. "piska och morot förhållande" som Manners menar att EU använder sig av irelationen med andra stater.Tunisien, Armenien och Azerbajdzjan har enligt Freedom House frihetsindex inte utvecklasmot en demokratisk riktning till 2006. I Marocko fann vi att en viss positiv förändring skett ienlighet med EU:s normer och att vi även kan se en marginell utveckling mot demokratiskaprinciper. Resultatet visar även att vi inte kan härleda de få positiva steg som tagits, till EU:sBarcelonaprocess och Tacis-program. Den positiva utveckling vi kan se kan också bero på attandra aktörer eller krafter haft påverkan på landet i fråga. Det vi kan säga är att EU inomramen för Barcelonaprocessen och Tacis-programmet är benägna att verka normativt mot defyra staterna, då de ställer krav på normativ förändring genom de undersökta avtalen. Vad vidäremot inte kunnat bekräfta genom vår studie, är att EU - i enlighet med Manners normativateori - verkligen kunnat förändra normer i de stater vi studerat.

冷戰結束改變歐洲的政治和戰略版圖，歐洲與俄羅斯希望在後冷戰時期建立多極體系，避免以美國為主的單極體系出現，雙方在經濟與政治上逐步發展伙伴合作關係，希望削弱美國在歐陸的影響力，並增強雙方在國際上的競爭力。然而，歐俄間在北約東擴、歐盟東擴、車臣問題、加里寧格勒問題上又存在許多衝突。因此，後冷戰時期歐俄雙邊主要特徵如下：既競爭又協調、既爭奪又合作、既對抗又妥協。本文欲針對以下幾個問題加以討論： 1.後冷戰時期使歐盟與俄羅斯改變過去的敵對狀態發展合作關係的因素為何？ 2.目前歐盟與俄羅斯的合作關係為何？ 3.影響歐俄合作關係的變數為何？ 本文主要採用歷史研究法、內容分析法與理性選擇分析法等三種方法來進行研究，並且運用現實主義的理論分析後冷戰時期歐俄建構合作關係的成因，以新功能主義的觀念解釋歐俄從經濟的合作逐漸轉為政治的合作的歷程、並且以新自由制度主義的理論討論歐俄合作機制的架構。本論文由五個章節組成：第一章緒論、第二章歐盟與俄羅斯的關係、第三章歐盟與俄羅斯合作關係之評估、第四章影響未來歐盟與俄羅斯合作關係之變數、第五章結論。