Syftet med studien är att undersöka hur arbetet för fackförbunden i södra Sverige blivitpåverkat av Coronapandemin. Studiens syfte besvaras genom en kvantitativenkätundersökning på förtroendevalda med hel- eller deltiduppdrag samt anställda inomfackföreningsrörelsen, där åtta förbund ingår ifrån centralorganisationerna LO, TCO ochSaco. Studien undersöker upplevelsen av den interna samt externa kommunikationen,arbetsorganiseringen samt arbetsmiljön under pandemin. Utgångspunkten är attfackförbunden organiserar sig utifrån en mekanisk arbetsdelning. Avsikten är att undersökavilken riktning arbetsorganisering gått under pandemin. Vidare undersöks hurkommunikationen förändrats där digitalisering står i fokus. Studien utgår från en deduktivansats där vi testar vår tidigare forskning och teori mot det empiriska materialet för att skapaförståelseför förändringen. Undersökningen visar hur informanterna upplever en ökadarbetsbelastning samt sämre arbetsmiljö under pandemin, där de flesta informanter arbetarmestadels hemifrån. Kommunikationen i förbunden har påverkats negativt, där de digitalakommunikationsverktygen blivit mer centrala. Informanterna är positiva till fortsatt arbete pådistans, där kombinationen hemifrån och kontoret är det flest informanter vill inför framtidensorganisering. De är även positiva inför helt- eller delvis flexibla arbetstider i framtidensorganisering. / The purpose of this essay is to investigate how trade unions and their work in the south ofSweden been affected by the Coronapandemic. The focus of this study is the employees workand the organisational work, mainly the organizational structure. This will be examined with aquantitative method using internet-based surveys. Our starting point is individuals withemployment or assignation in these organisations where the structural consequences of thepandemic on an organizational level is of interest. We want to highlighten the external andinternal communication, the work organisation and the experience of the employees fromtheir work situation and work environment. We also want to target wheather the participantswork-effort been affected against the organisations goals and purposes. Our material is basedon former research that we in a deductive way analyse our empirical findings against. Theexamination shows that a the trade unions have a less mechanical structure due to thecoronapandemic. It also shows a higher workload, poorer ergonimics and a negative impacton their internal and external communication.

Sweden is ranked as one of the five most equal countries in the world. Despite this, there arestill some areas for improvement. There is a distinct gender-segregated labor market inSweden, which is mainly seen in the working professions, where there is also an overrepresentationof men in trade unions. The purpose of this study is to investigate the problemsthat may occur for union-elected women who work in male-dominated occupations. Previousresearch has shown women's involvement and challenges within trade unions in a global,national and a Swedish context. Further research has centered on the challenges women facewhen working in male-dominated occupations, primarily in a Swedish context but alsoglobally. The study's theoretical framework is based on Yvonne Hirdman's theory of gendersystem and gender contract. The empirical material has been collected through qualitativeinterviews with six informants who fulfilled the study's selection criteria. The results of thestudy show that women experience obstacles and challenges in the workplace due to theirgender in different ways. Being a trade union representative as a woman is also a factor thataffects them. However, the experience of being a woman and a union representative differsbetween the informants whether the response from others is positive or negative. The resultsshow that there are opportunities for change where both the union and employers must workactively on several levels with the problems to see a long-term change. / Sverige rankas som ett av de fem mest jämställda länderna i världen. Trots denna placeringförekommer det förbättringsmöjligheter inom vissa områden. Det råder en tydligkönssegregerad arbetsmarknad i Sverige som huvudsakligen ses inom arbetaryrkena, där detäven finns en överrepresentation av män i fackförbunden. Denna studies syfte är attundersöka vilka problem som kan tänkas förekomma för fackligt förtroendevalda kvinnorsom arbetar inom mansdominerade arbetaryrken. Tidigare forskning har berört kvinnorsengagemang och utmaningar inom fackförbund i global, nationell och svensk kontext. Vidareforskning har berört de utmaningar kvinnor möter som arbetar på mansdomineradearbetsplatser, främst i svensk kontext men även globalt. Studiens teoretiska ramverk utgårfrån Yvonne Hirdmans teorier om genussystem och genuskontrakt. Det empiriska materialethar samlats in via kvalitativa intervjuer med sex informanter som uppfyller studiensurvalskriterier. Resultatet av studien visar att kvinnorna upplever hinder och utmaningar påarbetsplatserna på grund av deras kön på olika sätt. Att som kvinna vara fackligtförtroendevald är även en faktor som påverkar dem. Upplevelsen av att vara kvinna ochfackligt förtroendevald skiljer sig dock åt mellan informanterna om responsen från andra ärpositiv eller negativ. Resultatet visar att det finns förändringsmöjligheter där bådefackförening och arbetsgivare måste arbeta aktivt på flera nivåer med problemen för att se enlångsiktig förändring.

The purpose of this study is to examine the connection between trade union membership and radical right attitudes in Poland. To achieve this survey data from European Social Survey (ESS) was used. One of the questions that the study aims to answer is whether trade union members are more likely to display radical right attitudes. Another is which trade union members are more likely to sympathize with the radical right, and the third question is whether there is any difference between previous and current trade union members in regard to radical right attitudes. Four hypotheses were formulated based on previous research regarding Polish history, the radical right and its ties to the catholic church, as well as populism and nationalism. The study found that those who have previously been part of a trade union are more likely to have radical right attitudes than those who are currently members, and within the group trade union members it is those that are low educated and highly religious that can be expected to sympathize with the radical right.

Widespread participation in the 1980s Solidarity movement by Polish nationals of both genders, varying ideologies, and differing political backgrounds has led to diverse views of the history and narrative of the movement that today is interpreted in differing ways by groups and individuals. To gain a better understanding of how Poles view this unique time period of their history a survey featuring 54 questions was dispatched to and completed by over 121 Polish nationals. All questions relate to the Solidarity movement in categories covering: Prominent People, Media, Economics, Religion, and Education and concluding with a free-write section for additional comments by participants. The results show near common agreement on some points while in other areas participants expressed conflicting opinions and views. These varying perspectives reflect the ongoing debate concerning the ethos of the Solidarity movement in addition to its effect on contemporary Polish culture.

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Yes / Introduction It is easy to think of the Trade Union Act (2016) as ‘Thatcher Round 2’: the economic strategy of austerity once again pits the haves against the have-nots, creating the potential for a re-invigorated trade union movement to return to its economically disruptive habits, which the government seeks to constrict. Thus, TUC General Secretary Frances O’Grady condemned the Conservatives for ‘refighting the battles of the 1980s’ instead of taking a more constructive approach (O’Grady, 2016). However, while the trade union legislation of the 1980s followed a decade marked by entrenched union disputes, the Trade Union Act (2016) has been introduced against a very different backdrop. The UK currently has historically low levels of industrial action, stagnating levels of union membership and limited areas of union density (DBIS, 2015; Godard, 2011; Dix et al, 2008). Could it be that the Trade Union Act (TUA) has more to tell us about trade union weakness than their strength? The Act comes at an important moment in the history of the labour move- ment. The Conservative austerity agenda not only attacks living standards, but reduces union membership through extensive job losses. The significance of this for the movement is exacerbated because the public sector is the most heavily unionised sector. This matters for many reasons, not least because the movement’s ability to resist the worst excesses of the austerity agenda rests on its membership and strength. This situation in turn shines a spotlight on what is perhaps the most pressing question facing the movement – the need for a model of unionism which can reach beyond the public sector, and in particular which meets the needs of the ever-growing body of precarious workers.

Title: Trade Union Recreations in Czechoslovakia in the 50s and 60s of the 20th Century Annotation: The thesis analyses organization, course, and other aspects of trade union "recreation", important and favorite way of holiday spending in former Czechoslovakia. It is a contribution to the research of a leisure time phenomenon. Based primarily on so far unexploited archival sources it observes development of leisure activities and recreation stays organized by the Revolutionary Trade Union Movement between 1948 and 1968. It focuses both on recreation of adults and young pioneers' summer camps. It deals with artistic representation of daily life at trade union recreations in movies and fiction literature, among others. Conclusions of the research are above all as follows: attempts at ideological indoctrination of people even during their leisure time, accentuated at the beginning of the period in view, grew weak gradually. Organized recreation stays became a desired way of a cheap holiday, namely in absence of other possibilities. A collectivist spirit belonged to main characteristics of this way, but it was not solely linked to the communist ideology. Key words: modern history - trade unions - trade union holiday ("recreation") - pioneers'summer camps

This diploma thesis "Structure of Trade-Union's Press Between 1948-1956" is focused on the period from 25th February 1948 till 26th February 1956. The first part is mainly focused on the situation within this period. Firstly it was needed to mention the historical background with focus on the official state policy. This thesis describes also the development of The Revolution Trade-Unions (ROH), which was done in its way as reflection on the state policy. For the better understanding there is described the situations of the Czech press in generally, as trade-union's press reflected that as well. The second and third part is firstly focused how trade-union's press was working; it means its organisation-structure, distribution, promotion or archival-collection-process. This work is concerned also on the editorial site - there is focus on the redactors and their tasks. As the examples of redactors there are mentioned two personalities: František Dvořák and Jiří Síla. Both of them did significant work for trade-union-press and it is interesting to put the light on their lives within 1948-1956. In more details there is described the issue of "work- writers", who should have created the "spine" of Trade-Union's press. The publishing company Práce and its business have to be described as this was the...

With the rise of the new social movements and increasing number of protests over service delivery in South Africa’s poorest townships, many activists have started to question whether unions are able to relate to the demands of the unorganised and poor. It is argued that under the new democracy COSATU has become bureaucratic and is too closely aligned to the ANC to challenge government policies and play a transformative role in society. Such concerns are not entirely new. Labour historians and industrial sociologists have long debated the political potential and democratic character of trade unions and there is a vast literature documenting the organisational styles of unions in South Africa today and in the past. Based on examination of union archival records and interviews with key informants, this study traces the emergence of the ‘workers control’ tradition in South African trade unions. ‘Workers control’ is a unique approach based on non-racial, industrial trade unions, which are democratically organised on the factory floor. Such unions, which are ideally controlled by elected worker representatives at all levels and united nationally on the basis of sharing common policies and resources, create the basis for an autonomous movement that promotes the interest of workers. Although most closely associated with FOSATU (1979-1985), this study found that workers control had deeper historical roots. Workers control was a product of the ideological and organisational renewal that characterised the 1970s and was initially created by the Trade Union Advisory Coordinating Committee (TUACC) in Natal and, later, the Witwatersrand. TUACC, which included significant numbers of women employed as semi-skilled production workers and unskilled migrant men, reflected complex shifts in the labour market and the economy. It was in this context that ordinary union members together with a diverse layer of activists developed TUACC’s unique approach to organisation. The power of white university trained activists in determining union policies has been overestimated and worker leaders, particularly more educated women workers, played an important role in building TUACC unions. Based on a Gramscian analysis, TUACC maintained that democratic unions based on strong shop floor organisation could exploit loop holes in the law and participate in industrial structures without undermining union autonomy and democracy. TUACC, however, was less clear of how to relate to political movements and parties. TUACC distanced itself officially from the banned ANC to avoid repression, but some workers and unionists looked to homeland and traditional leaders for alliances. This tension between the creation of a democratic trade union culture and the workers’ support of more autocratic political and traditional leaders and populist movements was never resolved. All of TUACC’s affiliates were founder members of COSATU and this study gives us some insight into the traditions that inform COSATU’s responses to social movements, political parties and the state today. Drawing on the insights of the Anracho-syndicalism, this study also highlights some of the dangers of separating the economic and political activities of workers into unions and political parties respectively.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniella Queiroz Bertolani Carastan.pdf: 2651442 bytes, checksum: 3105f1db2a80ea46086e0020e1536e63 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-21 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / In this work, we propose a dialogue between History and legal matters, aiming to analyze the situation of bank workers in the 1990s. We evidence the interaction between labor claims and the press produced by the bank workers. The study of these themes enriches our understanding of these fields from different points of view. Bank workers belong to a group of workers who have collaborated on the economical and social development of the nation. One of these peculiarities is the strength of their trade union, and bank workers have become pioneers in the conquest of labor rights. The efforts of the union are evidenced by the study of the newspaper Folha Bancária and a collective bargaining. We will also analyze Labor Justice's stance on labor claims filed by bank workers / Este trabalho propõe realizar um diálogo entre a História e a área jurídica, cujo objetivo é a análise da situação dos trabalhadores bancários na década de 1990. Evidenciamos a interação entre os processos trabalhistas e a imprensa produzida pelos bancários. Os temas ventilados enriquecem o entendimento entre esses campos a partir de diferentes pontos de vista, conforme veremos ao longo da pesquisa. Os bancários fazem parte de um grupo de trabalhadores que colaboram para o desenvolvimento econômico e social do país. Uma dessas particularidades está na força de seu sindicato, os bancários têm sido pioneiros na conquista dos direitos trabalhistas. Esse empenho do sindicato pode ser visto por meio das análises do jornal Folha Bancária e de um dissídio coletivo. Com relação às reclamações trabalhistas, veremos qual é a posição da Justiça do Trabalho quando os bancários ingressam com esses processos