Este trabalho resgata e analisa a história do sindicalismo dos ferroviários da Estrada de Ferro Sorocabana durante a década de 1930. Antes da abordagem do tema do trabalho, retoma o histórico da fundação da ferrovia e de seu operariado, desde 1870 até 1940. Narra a trajetória dos grupos políticos e ideológicos atuantes entre os ferroviários, representados principalmente por socialistas, comunistas, pró-patronais e integralistas. Analisa os conflitos, relacionamentos e as contradições entre os trabalhadores e as lideranças sindicais, com a empresa e o Estado. Estuda as propostas, transformações e compara a adesão decisiva dos trabalhadores, que determinaram a característica do sindicalismo ferroviário da Sorocabana. / This work rescues and analyzes the history of the unionism of the railway workers of the Sorocabana Railway during the decade of 1930. Before the mainly subject of the work, it synthetically retakes the description of the foundation of the railway and its workers, since 1870 up to1940. It tells to the trajectory of the unions groups with ideological policy and between the railway workers, represented mainly for socialist, communist, pro-owners and “integralistas". It analyzes the conflicts, relationships and contradictions between the workers and their leadership, with the company and the State. It studies the proposals, transformations and compares the decisive adhesion of the workers who had determined the characteristic of the unionism of the Sorocabana Railway.

Esta dissertação se pretende um estudo e reflexão sobre o papel do rádio para mobilização e conscientização de grupos sociais. Focada no movimento sindical, analisará meios e modos de produção do Jornal Brasil Atual, programa de rádio mantido por sindicatos ligados à Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT) dentro do Estado de São Paulo, assim como as formas de direcionamento aos públicos que atendem. Também estudamos as formas de mensuração deste público pelo emissor, como foco nas expectativas de público pelos trabalhadores da rádio. Na pesquisa nos propomos ainda a auxiliar na melhoria do uso do rádio na manifestação estudada, propondo alternativas para sua utilização em favor de seu público ideal, a partir de referencial gramsciano de análise, fazendo uso da dialética materialista ao refletir sobre estrutura e conjuntura da mídia estudada. / This paper is intended to study and to reflect on the role of radio for awareness and mobilization of social groups. Focused on the trade union movement, will examine ways and means of production of the Brazil Current Newspaper (Jornal Brasil Atual), radio program maintained by unions in the Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT) in the state of São Paulo, as well as forms of guidance to the public they serve. We also studied the ways of measuring this public by the issuer, a focus on the expectations of public workers by radio. In the research we intend to further assist in improving the use of radio in the demonstration study and propose alternatives to its use in favor of his \"ideal audience\" from reference in gramscian analysis, making use of dialectical materialism to think about structure and conjuncture media studied.

A regulamentação da terceirização pela lei 13.429 de 2017 consolidou o forte avanço desse tipo de vínculo empregatício no mercado de trabalho brasileiro. Demandada desde os anos 1960 por setores da administração pública, a subcontratação de mão de obra por empresa interposta cresceu lentamente nas décadas seguintes em algumas atividades dos setores de comércio e serviços, chegando de modo avassalador, nos anos 1990, ao setor industrial. Desse modo, a terceirização passou a abranger uma importante parcela do mercado de trabalho formal, pois, no final dos anos 2000, já representava cerca de 30% dele. Essa transformação do mercado de trabalho impactou o contexto da ação sindical, de modo geral. O surgimento de uma massa de trabalhadores terceirizados cobrou representatividade pelo sindicalismo nacional. Nesta dissertação, refletimos acerca de alguns impactos da terceirização no sindicalismo brasileiro por meio da consideração sobre a trajetória de um sindicato de trabalhadores terceirizados, o SINDEEPRES (Sindicato dos Empregados em Empresas de Prestação de Serviços a Terceiros, Colocação e Administração de Mão de Obra, Trabalho Temporário, Leitura de Medidores e Entrega de Avisos do Estado de São Paulo.) a maior organização de interesses dos trabalhadores desse segmento no Estado de São Paulo. Como esse sindicato apresentava uma taxa de sindicalização incomum (30%), desafiando a bibliografia sobre o tema, estabelecemos como objetivo principal compreender sua ação sindical, uma vez que essa engloba o fenômeno da filiação. No decorrer da pesquisa, o SINDEEPRES revelou-se como uma entidade poderosa. Mostrou-se articulada com os interesses políticos e econômicos que estiveram engajados para legalizar a terceirização. No contorno da ação desse sindicato ganha destaque o auxílio prestado aos trabalhadores filiados por meio da oferta de serviços e de proteção jurídica. Contudo, a pronunciada estratégia cooperativa que mantém com o sindicato patronal é o que melhor qualifica o perfil da atuação do SINDEEPRES. Essa relação constitui-se em fonte de poder decisiva para a realização dos interesses desse sindicato de trabalhadores terceirizados. / The outsourcing regulation by law 13.429 of 2017 bolstered the growth of that sort of employment relationship in Brazilian labor market. Since 1960s, public administration has been demanding subcontracting, which slowly expanded in the following decades over certain activities in commerce and services sector, disastrously reaching industrial sector. Nevertheless, outsourcing begun to include a meaningful share of formal labor market, representing around 30% of that by the end of 2000s. Overall, such adjustment had further impact over the work of trade unions for the emergence of massive outsource employees sought for national representability. Therefore, in this master thesis deals with consequences of outsourcing over Brazilian trade unions by analyzing the path of a trade union for outsource employees named SINDEEPRES (Trade union for representing employees of outsourcing, labor placement, temporary job, meter reading and delivery of notifications companies in São Paulo state.) the largest organization to support that labor segment in São Paulo state. As SINDEEPRES unionization rate was uncommon (of 30%), challenging the bibliography on the theme, our main goal was to understand its syndical action, since that embraces the phenomenon of affiliation. Our investigation has shown that SINDEEPRES is a powerful organization, which is interconnected with political and economic interests engaged in legalizing subcontracting. Regarding its syndical action, we highlighted the assistance offered to affiliated workers through services and legal protection. Nevertheless, the cooperative strategy between SINDEEPRES and the employer union is the most striking feature of SINDEEPRES action profile, consisting of the major power source for achieving its interests.

In recent years a number of studies within Scottish labour history have added to the discipline’s understanding and knowledge of the history of the labour and trade-union movements of several Scottish towns/cities hitherto neglected by a historiography traditionally dominated by research into the West-Central Belt. These studies, of which this thesis forms part, provide data against which generalising narratives which purport to describe the development of the labour and trade-union movements in Britain can be read - a process which ultimately must improve these now orthodox narratives or see them replaced. The thesis also provides a historical description of the progress of the labour and trade- union movements in Perth, c. 1867 to c. 1922. This study of Perth is unique in that Perth’s labour and trade-union movements have been almost entirely neglected and thus the thesis provides a substantial body of fresh observations and data in the form of a critical and comparative history of the Perth labour and trade- union movements, c. 1867 to c. 1922. Comparative considerations within the thesis revolve around existing studies of the labour and trade-union movements of Scotland’s main industrial towns/cities/areas including Paisley and the Vale of Leven which shared common features with Perth. In gathering evidence use has been made of an array of primary sources. Both qualitative and quantitative methods feature throughout the thesis which is arranged using a thematic and chronological structure. The thesis also examines the Perth co-operative movement and the city’s working-class housing, in so far as they offer an understanding of the reasons for the historical development of working-class consciousness and support for Labour in Perth. The thesis provides an example of a development of class consciousness and support for Labour that shows strong deviation with those (according to conventional Scottish labour history) found in many other parts of Scotland. In particular, the thesis considers why a significant proportion of the Perth working class either remained loyal to Liberalism or shifted allegiance to Conservatism in the very early 1920s at which point the death agony of the Liberal Party had become deafening and the rise of Labour inexorable. In addition, the thesis examines the slow development of trade unionism in Perth and its failure to make any substantial headway until almost the conclusion of the Great War. The thesis when placed alongside studies such as Catriona Macdonald’s work on Paisley adds to the case for a fragmented development of class and trade-union consciousness across Scotland in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The motor for the deviation between Perth and elsewhere is shown to be due to a ‘local identity’ - in particular a lingering and powerful industrial paternalism, the absence of a sizeable and powerful branch of the Independent Labour Party, and an insular craft-union dominated trades council. Additionally, the Perth working class is shown to have played a significant role in its own subordination going so far as to act to maintain the local industrial order even as Perth’s industrial paternalists and Liberal elites were abandoning the consensus upon which it was built.

The aim of this thesis is mainly to describe a trade union as a legal entity and provide through an empirical approach a closer look at the social reality surrounding a trade union. This thesis also analyses the impact of the social reality on the trade union and, on the contrary, consequences of the trade union behaviour, which can directly influence the social mood. The thesis also examines the current position of the trade union from its rich historical context. That is the main reason, why this thesis contains a very detailed overview of the historical fight for good working conditions in the Czech territory. I personally consider this part as very important, as good working conditions are main indicator of willingness to unionize into a trade or a labour union. The thesis likewise focuses on the description of the current legal regulation of a trade union competence at an employer. It is important for better understanding functionary work, which is not only about collective bargaining. The trade union topic is very actual due to the recent recodification of private law and the emerged issue of new classification model of legal entities. The issue is very often subject to doctrine and judicial decisions (especially in case of a trade union). Generally speaking, we can say that not all subjects...

Submitted by Mariana Dornelles Vargas (marianadv) on 2015-05-05T14:04:12Z No. of bitstreams: 1 departamento_nacional.pdf: 13763326 bytes, checksum: 652b1f83fbc7c0039fef4e8fdba8b304 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-05T14:04:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 departamento_nacional.pdf: 13763326 bytes, checksum: 652b1f83fbc7c0039fef4e8fdba8b304 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-04-14 / Nenhuma / O presente estudo focalizou a atuação do DNT no processo de sindicalização dos trabalhadores durante a Era Vargas. Órgão atrelado ao Ministério do Trabalho, o DNT foi responsável, a partir de 1931, por efetivar e reconhecer a organização dos operários brasileiros em sindicatos. Esse processo de organização sindical foi levado a cabo por uma série de decretos e leis sindicais que permitiram ao Estado, durante os quinze anos em que esteve no poder Getúlio Vargas, manter sob sua tutela os trabalhadores brasileiros, uma vez que, embora a sindicalização fosse livre até 1939, somente os sindicatos devidamente reconhecidos poderiam defender os seus operários frente aos organismos governamentais. O estudo aqui realizado apresenta três capítulos. O primeiro é um resgate da legislação social e sindical da Primeira República, para que se possa entender como se deu esse movimento operário e como o Estado articulou, através dessa legislação sindical, a relação entre Capital e Trabalho. Embora seja um capítulo independente, torna-se extremamente importante entender essa questão no período pré-30, para interpretar melhor os acontecimentos a partir de 1930. O segundo capítulo analisa a atuação do DNT durante a Era Vargas, como agiu e quais as questões que se fizeram presentes em relação à questão sindical no período, buscando uma compreensão de como se deu a relação entre Estado/operários sob a tutela do Poder Central. O terceiro capítulo visa entender, através dos jornais operários, como receberam e de que forma reagiram os operários ao controle dos sindicatos pelo DNT. Através dos jornais operários, foi possível identificar a evolução do pensamento dessa classe, que não ficou a revelia do Estado, participando ativamente desse processo. Desse modo, pode-se perceber que esses operários buscaram e queriam construir-se sob a organização sindical oficial, pois acreditavam que somente assim poderiam construir-se enquanto classe social consciente de seus direitos e deveres. / This study had its focus about the DNT – Nacional Work Department actuation in the process of unionize during the President Vargas age. DNT is an organ which bonds to Work Ministry and is responsable, after 1931, to recognize and organize the brazilian workers in trade union. This process of trade union organization could be made through several decrees and trade union laws which allowed to the Public Power, during fifteen years that Getulio Vargas was president to keep the guardian ship of brazilian workers because the trade union was free only to institution which were recognized by government and only these could defend the workers who were unionize when must fight with government institutions. This study has three chapters. The first chapter make a redeem of social and trade union legislation at First Republic to show how happened the workers moviment and the government about Work and Capital. Although is an independent chapter, it is very important to understand this question at the age before 1930 to think better about the events which happen after this time. The second chapter make analysis of the actuation of DNT and its relationship between institution and trade union. The third chapter wants to understand through workers newspapers, how were the reaction of workers about the control of trade union by DNT. It was possible identify the evolution of thinking between the workers, which were not whithout the knowledge. They fighted to construct a official trade union organization because they believe that only so they could be strong in this occuppation, conscious of their rights and owes.

This dissertation explores the boundaries of industrial unionism within and outside of the American Federation of Labor (AFL) in the struggle over what direction the American labor movement would take in the Progressive Era. The experiences of Iowa button worker and labor activist Pearl McGill in two nationally significant strikes between 1911 and 1912 enable us to see more clearly the nuances and ambiguities of these boundaries as industrial workers sought to build more inclusive unions. McGill’s advocacy for both the AFL-affiliated and industrially organized button workers in Iowa and the campaign of textile workers in Lawrence, Massachusetts, assisted by the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), to organize on an industrial basis, shine a light on the conundrum faced by AFL leaders. The AFL and its craft union affiliates held fast to an anachronistic approach to organizing in an environment of rapid and technologically transformative industrialization in which the labor of women and ethnic and racial minorities was critical. The AFL’s early federal labor unions, for which Iowa button workers provide a case study, exemplify the strength of the impulse for unionization among mass production workers and show how AFL leaders fostered an institutional response to the growing demand for industrial unions while ensuring that craft unionists continued to dominate the AFL. The Women’s Trade Union League (WTUL) walked a fine, and sometimes precarious, line between its loyalty to the AFL and the demand of working women—notably in the garment and textile industries—for new, inclusive forms of organization. The strikes of women button workers and Lawrence textile workers illustrate the predicament faced by WTUL leaders. Pearl McGill’s short but prominent career as a youthful leader of the Muscatine button workers, a spokesperson for the WTUL, an advocate for women strikers, and a prominent activist with the IWW in Lawrence illuminates these tensions and the appeal of industrial unionism for young working women. This study elevates the importance of Progressive Era federal labor unions as a bridge connecting the local assemblies of the Knights of Labor of the 1880s to the industrial unions that would emerge in the 1930s. It examines the institutional history of the AFL and its bitter struggle with the Knights and establishes the link between the local assemblies of the Knights and the first generation of AFL-affiliated federal labor unions that provided a precedent for later industrial unions. The arc of industrial unionism in the United States can thus be seen as a long, interconnected movement rooted in the principles of general unionism embodied by the Knights and animated by the vital impulse for industrial unionism carried forward by industrially-organized workers of which Iowa button workers provide an important example.

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / The study of employer associations in Australia has focused on the activities of state employers’ federations and peak employer organisations in the federal sphere and on the effect on those organisations of Australia’s compulsory conciliation and arbitration system. The majority of literature has continued to mainly focus on national employer associations and on their difficulties in achieving national unity due to the differing views of their State branches. Despite their historic relevance, state employer associations that were established during the colonial era have been virtually ignored. Whilst single industry associations at the state level have also had to come to terms with the demands of Australia’s dual industrial relations systems, the role of the state systems and of the state-based employer associations appear to have attracted comparatively little academic interest. The effect on employer associations of the character and status of those who direct and influence their operations has received little, if any, analysis. Leading builders who were the major contractors of their time established the Master Builders Association of NSW (MBA/NSW) during the colonial era, and those that led the association throughout the turmoil of the 1890s, a major depression and two world wars continued to be the leading builders in the State of New South Wales. Following the Second World War, the character of the MBA/NSW changed with the absorption of suburban associations that comprised small to medium-sized builders. That development was compounded by the changes in the size, height and complexity of buildings within the Central Business District of Sydney and in other centres throughout the metropolitan area. Enormous capital was required to fund construction works and large corporations were formed and the bench-mark of what constituted a major contractor was raised considerably. Those events had an enormous impact on the character and operations of the MBA/NSW. This historical thesis seeks to explain why the MBA/NSW was successfully established in 1873 after two previous attempts; and, what accounts for its subsequent survival and growth. It analyses the various challenges that faced the MBA/NSW during its first one hundred years and the effect on that association of the policies and practices of iii architects, governments, trade unions and other employer associations. It traces the 1890 establishment of the Master Builders Federation of Australia (MBFA), the oldest federal industry association in Australia, by the MBA/NSW and its sister associations from other areas of Australia and analyses the manner in which the State-based Master Builders Associations each fought to retain their individual independence and reject any attempts to cede their powers so as to convert their federation into a national centralised body. The need for quick national responses of major building companies during the 1970s was addressed through a composite organization created by the Master Builder movement and the Australian Federation of Construction Contractors due to the continued refusal of the Master Builders associations to cede their powers to MBFA. The development of the trade union movement in the building industry in New South Wales is also analysed together with reference to the history of building industry awards in this State. The study also outlines the history of MBA/NSW initiatives and policies related to tendering and industrial relations which came under increasing pressure due to legal challenges from disciplined members and to changes arising from industrial and trade practices legislation. The practice of convening tender meetings, the introduction of Builders Licensing in New South Wales and, the origins of the MBA/NSW Group Apprenticeship Scheme are each described.

<p>Background: Sweden is a country with 30 million memberships in different non- profit organizations. In total these organizations employees about 400 000 people, through employment and voluntary work. The complete turnover for non- profit organizations is 100 billion Swedish crowns per year. It has only since 2001 been compulsory to follow the Swedish account rules BFL and ÅRL. Trade unions are one type of non-profit organizations with the main purpose to care for the interest of its members concerning their working condition. It is of high complication to show the achievements and goal accomplishment of a trade union through its annual report, when rules established for profit- organizations are followed. Members of a trade union should for example be more interested in information that shows if compensation has been paid out for means of a strike than information about profit for the year.</p><p>Purpose: The purpose of the essay is to describe how annual reports in trade unions are presented, what affects them and how it could be presented better.</p><p>Method: The essay is based on two parts of investigation, both characterized in an explorative approach. The first investigation consists of ten annual reports from different trade unions. The second investigation was based on eight interviews with people who establish annual reports for trade unions.</p><p>Conclusions: Annual reports of trade unions should be established with comparability and reliability in mind. A possibility to take these qualitative characteristics in consideration is to establish a common use of terminology and make goals more quantitative. In trade unions today there is no cooperation through any branch organization. Instead the auditor has great influence on the design of the annual report. It should be of interest for branch organizations to take part of the development of good accounting practice (god redovisningssed) to accomplish better annual reports. The focus of an annual report lies on goal accomplishment for the members, but also voluntary staff and the ambient society should be considered. The authors suggest several key ratios aimed for the three different stakeholders. Key ratios could be divided into two different settings; Classical key ratios, which are possible to compare over time and between different trade unions, and Unique key ratios, which are focusing on separated situations in the trade union.</p>

Migration ist ein weltweites Phänomen. Der Politikwissenschaftler Christian Kube betrachtet sie in „Immigration und Arbeitskämpfe in den USA“ am Beispiel mexikanischer Einwanderer in Kalifornien. Der Autor analysiert das Verhältnis zwischen Arbeitern aus Mexiko und der US-amerikanischen Arbeiterbewegung, insbesondere den Gewerkschaften. Er tut dies an zwei Fallbeispielen, in denen Gewerkschaften versuchten bzw. versuchen, in Kalifornien transnationale Arbeiter zu organisieren: Zum einen wird das Los Angeles Manufacturing Project (LAMAP) betrachtet, zum anderen der immer noch andauernde Arbeitskampf in der Mandelfabrik Blue Diamond Growers (BDG) in Sacramento/Kalifornien. Abschließend wird die Frage beantwortet, ob die traditionellen Gewerkschaften der USA für die Interessenvertretung und Integration von Menschen mit Migrationshintergrund im Niedriglohnsektor geeignet sind. Christian Kube ist der Ansicht, dass sie einen wesentlichen Beitrag zur Organisation transnationaler Arbeiter leisten müssen, da es derzeit keine annähernd so mitgliederstarken Institutionen wie die Gewerkschaften in den USA gibt.