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Though often overlooked, unilateralism as a foreign policy approach deserves to be studied, even in the case of Canada, a country that has developed a reputation as a staunch defender of its opposite, multilateralism. This thesis studies does precisely that, and is prompted, by a proposition recently put forward by Allan Gotlieb, the former Canadian Ambassador to the United States, that, when other methods have proven ineffective, unilateralism has been a very real option for Canada. The thesis explores the validity of Gotliebs claim by examining three cases cited by Gotlieb as examples of a unilateral approach taken by Canada: the Arctic Waters Pollution Prevention Act in 1970, its declaration of straight baselines around the Arctic Archipelago in 1985, and the so-called Turbot War launched by enforcement of amendments to the Coastal Fisheries Protection Act in 1995. Were these in fact cases of determined unilateralism, prompted as Gotlieb argues, by a basic need to defend the most basic of Canadas core interests, its territorial sovereignty? <p>Further investigation of the cases cited by Gotlieb reveals that he is correct in one sense but not in another. In all of the cases Canada undeniably acted unilaterally. But Gotliebs analysis misses the larger reality that the three initiatives were pursued within a framework of multilateralism. Canada acted unilaterally not simply for the purpose of protecting Canadas territorial integrity, but in the hopes of reinvigorating a multilateral process.

Though often overlooked, unilateralism as a foreign policy approach deserves to be studied, even in the case of Canada, a country that has developed a reputation as a staunch defender of its opposite, multilateralism. This thesis studies does precisely that, and is prompted, by a proposition recently put forward by Allan Gotlieb, the former Canadian Ambassador to the United States, that, when other methods have proven ineffective, unilateralism has been a very real option for Canada. The thesis explores the validity of Gotliebs claim by examining three cases cited by Gotlieb as examples of a unilateral approach taken by Canada: the Arctic Waters Pollution Prevention Act in 1970, its declaration of straight baselines around the Arctic Archipelago in 1985, and the so-called Turbot War launched by enforcement of amendments to the Coastal Fisheries Protection Act in 1995. Were these in fact cases of determined unilateralism, prompted as Gotlieb argues, by a basic need to defend the most basic of Canadas core interests, its territorial sovereignty? <p>Further investigation of the cases cited by Gotlieb reveals that he is correct in one sense but not in another. In all of the cases Canada undeniably acted unilaterally. But Gotliebs analysis misses the larger reality that the three initiatives were pursued within a framework of multilateralism. Canada acted unilaterally not simply for the purpose of protecting Canadas territorial integrity, but in the hopes of reinvigorating a multilateral process.

本文以中華民國作為研究主體，探討在1982年現代國際海洋法確立之前，「漁業權」此一概念在不同時空背景下的發展過程。本研究首先上溯自清末，探討漁權概念傳入中國的過程以及後來在北京政府(1912-1928)及南京國民政府(1928-1937)的發展，雖然期間政權更迭頻繁，但漁權意識與政策並未隨著政權的更迭而有所轉變，而是彷彿接力賽般，由清末一路承襲自南京國民政府。1937年中日戰爭的爆發，中國沿海省份漸遭日軍佔領，中華民國的漁權發展方暫告一段落。 戰後國際秩序進入重整階段，雖然各國試圖透過國際海洋法會議，制定一具有公信力的國際海洋法，藉此解決諸多國際爭端；然而，在美、蘇冷戰的狀態下，各國對於國際海洋法中的「領海範圍」與「捕魚界限」均難以達成共識。如此也意味著，國際間不論是專屬漁業權或是入漁權雙邊交涉的效力，均遠大於國際法規定，且隨著不同的政治、地理以及國際關係等因素下亦有所差異，因此，本研究針對「專屬漁業權」與「入漁權」進行個案研究，探討中華民國在其中的發展歷程，並藉此比較其中的異同。

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Edson Tomaz de Aquino.pdf: 598711 bytes, checksum: ef991423cd49a8bc280bd6d9542e97a2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-06-20 / The main purpose of this work is to show the growing importance of South Atlantic Ocean to Brazil s foreign policy and security issues, from the seventies to 21st century. The oil crises in the early seventies changed brazilian perception about its maritime frontier. The enlargement of territorial sea to 200 miles and a diplomatic approach to Africa were strategic to assure Brazilian interests in the South Atlantic. The central role of Brazil to build the Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic stresses the choice to the multilateralism and the international law. This choice results from regional and hemispheric context. In the early 21st century, the international system allows Brazil to drawn a military capability towards its maritime frontier. Economic resources as great stocks of oil could turn the South Atlantic a vulnerable zone to Brazilian interests. Idealism and Realism on foreign politics and defense issues tend to combine themselves on Brazil s projection at South Atlantic / O objetivo principal deste trabalho consiste em demonstrar a crescente importância do Atlântico Sul na política externa e nos assuntos de defesa do Brasil, desde a década de 70 até o limiar do século XXI. A crise do petróleo, no início da década de 70 transformou a percepção do Brasil sobre sua fronteira marítima. O alargamento do mar territorial para 200 milhas e a aproximação diplomática da África foram estratégicos para assegurar os interesses do Brasil no Atlântico Sul. O papel central do Brasil em construir a Zona de Paz e Cooperação do Atlântico Sul reforçou a escolha pelo multilateralismo e pelo direito internacional. Essa escolha foi decorrente do contexto regional e hemisférico. No início do século XXI, o Brasil percebe possibilidades de projetar uma capacidade militar para defender sua fronteira marítima. Recursos econômicos, como grandes reservas de petróleo, podem tornar o Atlântico Sul uma área vulnerável para os interesses brasileiros. No entanto, idealismo e realismo em política externa e defesa tendem a combinar-se na projeção do Brasil no Atlântico Sul

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Edson Tomaz de Aquino.pdf: 598711 bytes, checksum: ef991423cd49a8bc280bd6d9542e97a2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-06-20 / The main purpose of this work is to show the growing importance of South Atlantic Ocean to Brazil s foreign policy and security issues, from the seventies to 21st century. The oil crises in the early seventies changed brazilian perception about its maritime frontier. The enlargement of territorial sea to 200 miles and a diplomatic approach to Africa were strategic to assure Brazilian interests in the South Atlantic. The central role of Brazil to build the Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic stresses the choice to the multilateralism and the international law. This choice results from regional and hemispheric context. In the early 21st century, the international system allows Brazil to drawn a military capability towards its maritime frontier. Economic resources as great stocks of oil could turn the South Atlantic a vulnerable zone to Brazilian interests. Idealism and Realism on foreign politics and defense issues tend to combine themselves on Brazil s projection at South Atlantic / O objetivo principal deste trabalho consiste em demonstrar a crescente importância do Atlântico Sul na política externa e nos assuntos de defesa do Brasil, desde a década de 70 até o limiar do século XXI. A crise do petróleo, no início da década de 70 transformou a percepção do Brasil sobre sua fronteira marítima. O alargamento do mar territorial para 200 milhas e a aproximação diplomática da África foram estratégicos para assegurar os interesses do Brasil no Atlântico Sul. O papel central do Brasil em construir a Zona de Paz e Cooperação do Atlântico Sul reforçou a escolha pelo multilateralismo e pelo direito internacional. Essa escolha foi decorrente do contexto regional e hemisférico. No início do século XXI, o Brasil percebe possibilidades de projetar uma capacidade militar para defender sua fronteira marítima. Recursos econômicos, como grandes reservas de petróleo, podem tornar o Atlântico Sul uma área vulnerável para os interesses brasileiros. No entanto, idealismo e realismo em política externa e defesa tendem a combinar-se na projeção do Brasil no Atlântico Sul

每一個沿岸國皆多多少少擁有島嶼，不論是近岸島嶼或洋中島嶼。而全球島嶼面積共3,823,000平方英里，佔地表的百分之七(不包括內陸河流及湖泊中之島嶼)，有些國家甚至完全由島嶼構成。據統計，全球島嶼中，大於1,000平方英里者(相當於牙買加或賽浦路斯的大小)者至少有123個，其中共有61個面積達4,000平方英里(相當於盧森堡的大小)者。這些數據顯示了島嶼地位的重要性，因為在今日，島嶼的存在已不再只是一個單純的地理問題，在國際海洋法上，它不僅可以影響一國海域管轄權(領海、鄰接區、專屬經濟區和大陸礁層)的劃定，甚至足以引起海岸相鄰或相向國家海域管轄權的衝突。解決海域管轄權衝突的最基本辦法，即為針對重疊 區域的「平均分攤」。但此一「平均分配」有時反會因島嶼的存在而導致「不公平劃界」或「疆界線的扭曲」。由於上述結果易使當事國之一方劃得不成比例的海域，[甚至引發更複雜的海域糾紛，因此有必要在海疆劃界中適當控制島嶼的海域管轄權，即---藉賦與島嶼適當之效力，以達公平劃界之目的。本文之研究動機即在於此。而研究目的，則在於就公約規定、學者意見、國際司法判例及國家實踐四者，探討島嶼對海疆劃界的影響，找出解決島嶼造成劃界不公平之方，以及賦與島嶼適當效力之道。本文第一章為「島嶼」的概念性介紹，即何謂島嶼，其定義、種類、存在的形式及形成的過程為何?而一般所謂的島嶼與國際法上的島嶼又有何分別? 此皆為本章重點。第二章為島嶼與領海的關係，討論的焦點包括:(一)領海基線的劃定與島嶼的關係、(二)海灣島嶼的效力、(三)島嶼對領海劃界原則的影響以及(四)島嶼在海岸相鄰或相向國家領海劃界中可得之效力程度等等。三章重點在於介紹島嶼與大陸礁層、專屬經濟區劃界原則之關係，並從公約規定、學者意見、國際司法判例及國家實踐等方面探討島嶼存在時，大陸礁層與專屬經濟區的衡平劃界，以及島嶼在「衡平考量﹞U應得的效力。第四章除介紹「群島制度」的內涵，主要重點則為(一)關於劃定群島基線的國家實踐，以及(二)群島基線的劃定對劃界的影響。此外 南海問題亦是本章重點之一。

The purpose of Oregon's Nearshore Research Inventory (NRI) project was to inventory and map the current and future use of Oregon's nearshore environment by the scientific research community for use in Oregon's marine spatial planning process. Spatial and qualitative data on the use of Oregon's ocean and coast by the scientific research community was collected using ethnographic research methods, including the geographic distribution of research, the people who are conducting scientific research, timeline for scientific research, and more. Through the NRI project, Oregon's Territorial Sea amendment process became the first marine spatial planning process in the world, other than through ocean zoning (e.g. Australia's Great Barrier Reef and China), to comprehensively recognize the scientific community as a stakeholder. This thesis contains the methods used to create the NRI database, interview the scientific community, and includes future recommendations for managers and the scientific community based on the results of the NRI. As new uses, such as wave energy extraction, get proposed along coastlines and in the ocean, marine spatial planning (MSP) can be a tool to reduce conflict and find compatible uses of ocean and coastal space. Sound science needs to be used to understand social, ecological, and economic components to ocean and coastal resources and make tradeoff decisions about ocean and coastal space use in the MSP process. The results of the NRI project demonstrate the need to recognize that the scientific research community as a stakeholder in the MSP process. Their use of ocean and coastal space helps provide the sound scientific information that is needed to make ecosystem-based management decisions. Interruptions in long-term scientific research and monitoring could limit the availability of scientific information for use in future management decisions. There are also other values to comprehensively inventorying use of the ocean and coast by the scientific community. Spatial data about where people conduct scientific research provides information for potential collaboration amongst the scientific community and between scientists and non-scientists. It also identifies data gaps, which can then be filled to help have a more comprehensive understanding of ocean and coastal issues. The NRI can act as a template for other states to include the scientific community as a stakeholder in a MSP process, and as a template for a regional inventory of scientific research which can be useful for ecosystem based approaches to management. Overall, there should be value placed on sound scientific information for management decisions and the scientific community as a stakeholder in the marine spatial planning process, as demonstrated through the NRI. / Graduation date: 2013

国境衝突事件において、そこで用いられる"use of force"が法執行活動の実力行使なのか、国連憲章2条4項の意味における武力の行使なのかに注目し、その接際部付近にある判例及び国家実行を分析した論文である。 / The principal aim of this thesis is that while noting they should distinguish ones of LAW ENFORCEMENT and ones of THE USE OF FORCE REFERED TO THE UN CHARTER to use a "use of force" in frontier incidents, it is to analysis jurisprudence and state practices near the connection between the two concepts. / 博士(法学) / Doctor of Laws / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University