The diploma thesis called Labour Party during the Premiership of Margaret Thatcher (1979- 1990) focuses on the causes of the defeats of the Labour Party in 1979, 1983 and 1987. For this purpose it examines the relations of the individual party factions. Attention is also paid to opinion polls, especially party preferences. Last but not least, it is taken into account how the Labor Party turned towards centrism and rejected the more radical left-wing policy it had enforced in its first opposition period. Key words Labour Party, Militant, Social Democratic Party, Tony Benn, Neil Kinnock, David Owen, Michael Foot, National Executive Committee, Tony Benn, Trade unions

Le 2 avril 1982, l’Argentine envahit les îles Malouines et réaffirme sa souveraineté sur ces îles perdues en 1833. Pourquoi l’Argentine décide-t-elle reprendre ces îles ? Par lassitude ? Sans doute, les négociations s’enlisent et ne laissaient entrevoir aucune solution. Par intérêt ? Sans nul doute, le rapport Shackleton évoque les richesses naturelles inexploitées de l’archipel (du pétrole et des eaux poissonneuses). Par opportunisme ? Indéniablement, l’Argentine est alors en crise financière et est gouvernée par une dictature militaire fragilisée par les oppositions. La reconquête des Malouines pourrait être une planche de salut pour la Junte. La force de réaction de Margaret Thatcher à cette invasion semble surprendre : pourquoi vouloir conserver des îles lointaines, qui comptent 1800 habitants, et 700 000 ovins ? Le monde est encore en pleine guerre froide, les Etats-Unis et l’URSS s’opposent toujours, le conflit des Malouines vient leur offrir un terrain d’affrontement supplémentaire. / On the 2nd April 1982, Argentina invaded the Falkland Islands and reclaimed sovereignty over the islands that she had lost in 1833. Why did Argentina decide to retake these islands ? Was it weariness? Without doubt, negotiation had not given hope of a solution. Was it out of interest? Without a doubt the Shackleton connection suggested unexploited natural resources on the islands (petrol and fishable waters). Was it opportunism? Undeniably Argentina was at that time in a financial crisis and governed by a military dictatorship weakened by conflict. The re-conquest of the Falklands could have been the last hope for the Junta. The strength of Margaret Thatcher's reaction to this invasion seemed surprising: why would one want to keep hold of these far flung islands with 1800 inhabitants and 700 000 ovines? The world was still in the middle of a cold war, the United Stated of America and the USSR continued to clash; the conflict in the Falklands offered them an additional battle ground.

The diploma thesis analyzes the changes in transport policy during the time of Thatcher and Major conservative governments. It tries to answer why the traffic situation resulted in a permanent break with the concept raised in the 1940s by labour government. The changes are associated with principles of Thatcherism which also influenced the transport industry. The contribution of the work consists of creating a compact view of the privatization of bus and rail transport, including consideration and evaluation of options and results. Both the same and different elements of the privatization of two transport sectors are mentioned. Author uses information from contemporary sources obtained in the National Archives, London-Kew as well as modern literature and scientific studies.

Why has not Britain joined euro until now? This is an attractive issue. The purpose of this paper is to realize the real reasons. Hence, this paper analyzes the euro policies of Thatcher Government, Major Government and Blair Government. Before interpreting British euro policies, this paper explains the process of British EU membership. In addition, this paper introduces the story of EMU which is relative to euro. Most importantly, here this paper takes ¡§Europeanization¡¨ framework as a study tool to examine British euro policies. Through ¡§Europeanization¡¨ framework, this paper proposes many factors affecting British euro policies, including ¡§goodness of fit,¡¨ ¡¨veto players,¡¨ ¡§timing,¡¨ ¡¨political beliefs and organizational cultures,¡¨ ¡§the costs of institution changing¡¨ and so on. Thus, this paper concludes that Britain hasn¡¦t joined euro until now owing to many factors.

Le présent mémoire pose la question de l'évolution du débat politique dans les démocraties occidentales depuis la révolution néo-libérale des années 1980, laquelle rompt avec la période sociale-démocrate keynésienne d'après-guerre. Il vise en cela à démontrer comment le néo-libéralisme s'inscrit dans le débat politique actuel. Pour ce faire, le cadre théorique d'analyse mis à profit repose sur trois piliers conceptuels. D'une part, le néo-libéralisme est pensé comme une clé conceptuelle de compréhension par le rejet des approches le réduisant à une simple Doxa politique marchande et anti-étatiste. À ce titre, il est ici réfléchi comme courant idéologique plural à la fois traversé par des lignes de convergence et de divergences. D'autre part, comme il s'agit d'étudier l'évolution du débat politique principal, lequel se pose à l'intérieur des institutions démocratiques, le concept de champ de production politique développé par Bourdieu est ici utilisé dans l'analyse. Il représente l'espace où se jouent les rapports de concurrence entre les grands partis politiques et leurs protagonistes. Enfin, notre approche revisite le concept d'hégémonie tel que formulé par Gramsci, l'hégémonie ne pouvant être complètement moniste, mais impliquant toujours la présence de tensions internes. Ne prétendant pas étudier d'un même mouvement l'ensemble des champs de production politique de l'Occident, l'analyse porte essentiellement sur le cas britannique. Ce champ de production politique, à travers l'émergence du thatchérisme, est le premier à voir naître la révolution néo-libérale. En parallèle, durant les années 1980-1990, les réformes du parti travailliste, puis l'affirmation du néo-travaillisme déplacent la cadre idéologico-politique de ce parti historiquement à gauche. Par le survol rapide de la période d'après-guerre, par la comparaison idéologique et politique du thatchérisme au néo-travaillisme, puis par la conjonction analytique de ces derniers au néo-libéralisme, il est possible de déterminer l'état du débat politique contemporain tel qu'il se présente au sein du champ de production politique britannique. Il semble qu'à une hégémonie sociale-démocrate keynésienne se soit substituée une hégémonie néo-libérale et que ce soit cette dernière qui puisse définir le mieux l'état du débat démocratique contemporain. Alors que le thatchérisme semble apparenté à une forme d'ultralibéralisme hayekien, le néo-travaillisme synthétise involontairement les pensées de deux auteurs néo-libéraux à la fois distincts et liés à des écoles différentes du néo-libéralisme : l'ordo-libéralisme de Wilhelm Ropke et le libéralisme constructif de Walter Lippmann. Ainsi, les lignes de convergences et de tensions qui rapprochent et séparent le thatchérisme et le néo-travaillisme trouvent leurs pareilles au sein du courant néo-libéral. De la sorte, le débat démocratique au sein du champ de production politique serait implicite à l'hégémonie du néo-libéralisme, car il se déploierait le long de ses frictions internes et autour de son noyau idéologique consensuel. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Grande-Bretagne, thatchérisme, néo-travaillisme, néolibéralisme, champ de production politique, hégémonie, ordo-libéralisme, ultralibéralisme et libéralisme constructif.

1982年4月2日，阿根廷入侵福克蘭/馬爾維納斯群島，震驚英國朝野。時任首相的柴契爾夫人在4月7日成立戰爭內閣，並決定出兵奪島，不到三個月的時間，英軍於6月14日克復福克蘭/馬爾維納斯群島，阿根廷戰敗，聯合軍政府總統加爾鐵里下台。 柴契爾夫人的領導風格揉合法理型及卡理斯瑪式的支配型權威，以及轉換型的領導方式，在處理這場危機時掌握快速反應及賦予危機定義的要領，指出阿根廷入侵已危害英國的基本利益，一面派遣特遣隊開赴戰場，同時以外交談判方式拖延掩護特遣隊行蹤。阿根廷駐軍雖是以逸待勞，但軍隊指揮調度的反覆埋下戰敗的禍根，軍政府想要移轉國內焦點的動機並未如願，反而加速本身的崩解，開啟民選政府的扉頁，阿方辛成為戰後首位民選總統。 英國在戰爭之後有意與阿根廷恢復正常的外交關係，與90年代阿根廷梅南上台後以發展經濟為主的外交政策不謀而合，在主權保護傘的前提下共同開發與勘探油氣。但到了2001年德拉魯阿上台後一改外交政策，強調阿根廷擁有福克蘭/馬爾維納斯群島的主權，歷經多位總統至今仍維持一貫的基調。而英國自2010年國家安全戰略報告發表後，確立保障該群島島民安全與自決的權利，促成2013年島民決定政治地位的公投，結果是壓倒性的贊成票決定仍由英國管轄，英阿爭議依舊紛擾。 / On 2 April 1982, UK was stunned with the news that Argentina had invaded the Falkland/Malvinas islands. Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher set up the war cabinet rapidly at 7 April and decided to dispatch the military to take the island back. In three months, the British military recovered the Falkland/Malvinas islands on 14 June, Argentina was defeated, President Leopoldo Galtieri stepped down. The leadership of Thatcher was composed of legal-rational authority and charismatic authority, as well as transformational leadership. When she faced the crisis she realized the essentiality of the fast-reaction and make-a-definition-to-the-crisis, so she accused the invasion had undermined the Britain's interest and dispatched the armed forces to the battlefield, at the same time used diplomatic negotiations to cover up the military actions. On the other hand, Argentina's military had the advantage of having the island under their control, but the advantage was undermined with the change in command, which eventually lost the war. The Junta not only failed to shift the focus of the society, but also dug its own grave. After the collapse of the Junta, Raúl Alfosin the elected president, and started a new era of Argentina. After the war, the UK intended to normalize the relationship with Argentina. That coincided with the diplomatic policy of President Carlos Menan in the 90s, whose main focus was developing the economy. Under the sovereign umbrella, UK and Argentina cooperated and exploited natural gas and oil in the sea surrounding the Falkland/Malvinas islands. Until 2001 Fernando de la Rua was elected and changed the diplomatic policy to emphasize Argentine’s sovereignty over the Falkland/Malvinas islands. That policy was consistently upheld by several presidencies afterwards. Nevertheless, with the promulgation of the "National Security Strategy", UK assured to safeguard the islanders' safety and the right of self-determination. A referendum was facilitated in 2013 on the Falkland Islands. An overwhelming 90% of voters chose to remain as UK territory. The dispute is still unsettled.

When Argentina invaded the Falkland Islands in 1982, it was the beginning of a two month long war. The aim of this essay is to find alternative explanations to the Falklands war with the main question being whether there were hidden motives for Thatcher and her reactions in 1982.   The essay will focus on the period 1965-1982 in which different texts will be analyzed by applying theories. The diversionary war theory describes how state leaders can improve their political popularity by intentionally escalating a conflict. The geopolitical theory explains how a state, by investments, constructions and military, can create demographic and international perceptions regarding a territory while foreign political theory describes how decision making is affected by the bureaucracy, psychology and the international system.   The ministry of defense and the navy was heavily affected by the financial cuts during the conflict and may also have affected the manner in which they advised Thatcher in 1982. Because of the British unwillingness to invest geopolitically in the Falklands and their aggravation of the diplomatically efforts to find a peaceful solution, the conflict got worse. In addition, Thatchers intentions to implement economic reforms and her record low political popularity make it plausible to suspect her for having, intentionally, escalated the conflict to gain political popularity and to enable the economic reforms.

While Skagboys portrays the descent into heroin addiction of young, working class Scots during the Thatcher era, shifting the analysis from a strictly human perspective to one focusing on the agency of objects opens up the novel to new readings wherein morality emerges through nonhuman actors. Welsh’s work has traditionally been hailed as Scottish working-class realism that portrays its characters unideologically, to the point that the novels, through the characters, appear without morality. Drawing upon Latour’s notion of Actor-Network Theory, ANT, reveals a Thatcherite materiality permeating the story, prescribing the moral behaviour which the characters of Skagboys repeatedly clash with as their heroin addiction and junk desperation grows. The impacts of the security camera, the smoke detector and the collection tin provide the basis for the analysis. This highlights two types of marginalization for the characters. Firstly, in the characters’ hopeless prospects with regards to employment due to Thatcher’s neoliberal politics, and secondly as objects of detection and control exerting agency in the world which the characters navigate. These objects presuppose and foil crime, effectively becoming extensions of Thatcherite morality, keeping the criminal and unemployed in check.

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Diploma thesis Special Relationship? British-U.S. Relations, 1979-1990 examines the nature of relations between the United Kingdom and the United States, focusing predominantly on the period of parallel governance of Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan. The aim is to study both the extent to which the relationship was genuinely special and anticipations both countries connected with it. Providing an overview of the development of the special relationship after the WWII the paper addresses foreign, political, economic and ideological bonds between the countries and their political leaders. It considers not only the basic similarities of domestic and foreign policies, but also tensions and conflicts accompanying this alliance. The paper also describes the influence of the special relationship on the relations with European states and the Soviet Union. The uniqueness of the special relationship is identified in both the nuclear, defence and intelligence cooperation and in the British Prime Minister's and American President's ideological and political comprehension.