The Quaternary geologic history of Lake Thatcher, southeastern Idaho, is pivotal in determining when the Bear River carved its through-flowing channel into the Bonneville Basin. Bright's reconstruction of the history of Lake Thatcher was based on 14C dates that are now known to be inaccurate. Lava Creek B ash found interbedded with lacustrine sediment suggests that Thatcher Basin contained a lake well before Bright's original estimate of 34 ka. D/L ratios, which measure the extent of racemization in fossil gastropods, in conjunction with paleosols and tephra, were used to correlate between four localities across Thatcher Basin to reassess lake-level chronology. Lab-heating experiments were performed on four genera of molluscs to obtain integeneric conversions of D/L, which aided in chronostratigraphic correlation between beds that contained different genera. An age calibration curve for Lymnaea was developed using D/L ratios associated with the proto Mount St. Helens tephra (90±30 ka; D/L=0.21 [Valvata]) and Lake Bonneville sediment (20±5 ka; D/L=0.09 [lymnaea]). D/L ratios from non-dated lake deposits were assigned ages using this calibration curve, providing the basis for the late-Pleistocene Lake Thatcher chronology. Based on high D/L ratios in Valvata (~0.7) contained in the lower Thatcher sediment, lake level through early-middle Pleistocene was shallow, evidenced by numerous paleosols and organic-rich beds. A gap in the Lake Thatcher stratigraphic record exists for much of the middle Pleistocene. Lake Thatcher existed at its highest elevation from ~110 until ~80 ka, separated from the final Lake Thatcher high-water episode at ~40 ka by a middle-Wisconsin soil. This provides a maximum age on the breaching of the divide at Oneida Narrows and unimpeded flow of the Bear River into Bonneville Basin. By ~17 ka, Lake Bonneville backed up into Thatcher Basin, during its all-time highstand, which Bright believed was owned in part to the added inflow of the Bear River. However, evidence from this study suggests that the Bear River may have been spilling over the divide at Oneida Narrows into Bonneville Basin at ~110 ka.

O trabalho busca demonstrar se realmente houve uma mudança em termos concretos da política externa britânica para a Comunidade Econômica Europeia desde a declaração de inflexão feita pela primeira-ministra Margaret Thatcher no Discurso de Bruges em 1988. Para atingir este objetivo, o trabalho apresenta as circunstâncias que acabaram culminando no teor das declarações contidas no discurso, esclarece os principais pontos declarados, faz um levantamento das fases de relacionamento do Reino Unido sob o governo Thatcher com a Comunidade Europeia e analisa os níveis de mudança de política externa para comprovar sua real ocorrência no caso britânico. A conclusão do trabalho evidencia que, apesar das declarações do discurso, o Reino Unido não fez nenhuma mudança objetiva nas relações com o processo de integração europeia naquele momento, embora o discurso tenha passado a exercer influência no crescente euroceticismo britânico a partir de então. / This work seeks to demonstrate if there really was a change in concrete terms of British foreign policy towards the European Economic Community from the inflection made by the Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in her 1988 Bruges Speech. To achieve this objective, this work presents the circumstances that culminated in the content of the speech\'s declaration, clarifies the main declared points, reviews the main relationship phases in United Kingdom\'s relationship under Thatcher\'s government with the European Community and analyses the levels of foreign policy change to check its real occurrence in the British case. This work\'s conclusion brings evidence that despite of the speech\'s declarations, United Kingdom did no objective change in its relations with the European integration process in that moment; however, the speech became an influence over the growing British Euroscepticism since then.

O trabalho busca demonstrar se realmente houve uma mudança em termos concretos da política externa britânica para a Comunidade Econômica Europeia desde a declaração de inflexão feita pela primeira-ministra Margaret Thatcher no Discurso de Bruges em 1988. Para atingir este objetivo, o trabalho apresenta as circunstâncias que acabaram culminando no teor das declarações contidas no discurso, esclarece os principais pontos declarados, faz um levantamento das fases de relacionamento do Reino Unido sob o governo Thatcher com a Comunidade Europeia e analisa os níveis de mudança de política externa para comprovar sua real ocorrência no caso britânico. A conclusão do trabalho evidencia que, apesar das declarações do discurso, o Reino Unido não fez nenhuma mudança objetiva nas relações com o processo de integração europeia naquele momento, embora o discurso tenha passado a exercer influência no crescente euroceticismo britânico a partir de então. / This work seeks to demonstrate if there really was a change in concrete terms of British foreign policy towards the European Economic Community from the inflection made by the Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in her 1988 Bruges Speech. To achieve this objective, this work presents the circumstances that culminated in the content of the speech\'s declaration, clarifies the main declared points, reviews the main relationship phases in United Kingdom\'s relationship under Thatcher\'s government with the European Community and analyses the levels of foreign policy change to check its real occurrence in the British case. This work\'s conclusion brings evidence that despite of the speech\'s declarations, United Kingdom did no objective change in its relations with the European integration process in that moment; however, the speech became an influence over the growing British Euroscepticism since then.

This thesis is an historical study of the formation of Thatcherite economic thinking and policymaking with a particular focus upon investigating the part played by economic ideas and economists in Thatcherism. While some economists and economic ideas are closely associated with Thatcherism, Thatcherites were hostile to the bulk of Britain’s economists residing in universities and in the Government Economic Service and skeptical of the usefulness of economic theory in policymaking. Thatcherites thought that British academic and government economists supported a ‘Keynesian consensus’ which was purported to have been in operation since the Second World War and had allegedly retarded Britain’s growth from a quasi-mythical free-enterprise Victorian high-point. However, Thatcherites were keen to win the ‘battle of ideas’ and became eager ‘buyers’ of economic ideas – Keith Joseph particularly – in a ‘marketplace in economic ideas’ which developed over the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. Yet, Thatcherites were not suddenly converted to neoliberal economic thinking by the marketplace in economic ideas. Instead, Thatcherites pragmatically sought out ideas which could be adopted and adapted in combination with long-standing ideological beliefs which were hostile to the size and role of the state and in favour of ‘sound money.’ Thatcherite economic thinking developed to include sometimes contradictory strands of supply-side economics, Austrian economics, monetarism/rational expectations and public choice economics but also contained, particularly for Margaret Thatcher, elements of ‘businessmen’s economics’ and ‘housewife economics.’ A case study of privatisation policy illustrates the point that pre-existing Thatcherite thinking, such as the desire to ‘roll back the state’, provided the core underlying rationale for economic policies. Yet, Thatcherites were also able to use a jumbled amalgam of economic ideas such as Austrian and neoclassical economics to promote secondary objectives such as introducing competition when conditions were judged as favourable by Thatcherites.

The main aim of this diploma thesis is to analyse the economic and political development in the United Kingdom under Margaret Thatcher and to judge, to which degree the measures applied by the government of Margaret Thatcher were applicable to the Czech Republic, respectively, to which degree the government of Václav Klaus (1992 -- 1997) was inspired by the British approach and which the practical results of this inspiration were.

Cette thèse s’attache à étudier l’image politique de Margaret Thatcher à travers des caractéristiques personnelles telles son parcours, ses idées, sa présentation physique, ses postures politiques ou encore les stratégies de communication dont elle fit usage. L’objectif est de mettre en lumière les différents éléments mis en avant par Margaret Thatcher et par les canaux de diffusion d’image, principalement constitués des médias et de son entourage politique. En ce qui concerne le bornage temporel, l’étude tient compte des quarante années qui s’écoulèrent entre la première candidature de Margaret Thatcher à une élection, pour la circonscription de Dartford en 1950, et la fin de son dernier mandat de Premier ministre en 1990. Cette thèse présente également l’intérêt de porter sur une période qui vit de nombreuses techniques de communication politique se développer : les conseillers en communication vinrent à jouer un rôle prépondérant. / The main ambition of this PhD thesis is to provide a study of Margaret Thatcher’s political image through the lens of various personal characteristics like her experience, ideas, physical presentation, political postures or the communication strategies she relied on. The objective is to emphasize the different elements put forward by Margaret Thatcher and by the image transmission channels, notably the media and her political circle. The period studied encompasses the forty years that went by between the first time Margaret Thatcher stood for election, for the Dartford constituency in 1950, until the end of her last Prime Ministerial mandate in 1990. This PhD thesis also has the advantage of focusing on a period of time during which many political communication techniques developed while communication advisers came to play a predominant role.

This paper explores the rhetoric and actions of Margaret Thatcher, Golda Meir, and Indira Gandhi regarding feminism and their gender before they became prime minister. The paper finds that none of the leaders identified as feminists, and did not actively focus on women’s issues or elevate the status of women while in office. Yet, all of these leaders called for women to mobilize and pursue careers, either via their actions or speeches. Thatcher, particularly in the crucial period in which she rose to power, explicitly encouraged women to mobilize as voters and pursue work outside the home in her formal speeches, public statements, letters and interviews. Through their organized activities before they obtained office, Meir and Gandhi worked to mobilize women politically, although their rhetoric did not explicitly encourage women over men to participate politically. The paper explores nuanced ways that each leader associated with her gender and preached for other women to pursue careers. Looking ahead at one case study shows that women now are not necessarily averse to explicitly associating with their gender. Tzipi Livni, the candidate for the Kadima Party in the 2009 Israeli election, used her gender as a campaign tactic. Hopefully this paper helps lay the groundwork for future study on women candidate’s rhetoric and actions regarding feminism before they are elected.

My dissertation studies various questions falling into the broad context of macroeconomics and international economics. The questions have macroeconomic components because they are concerned with the behavior of aggregates. Specifically, the second and third chapters of my dissertation study the causes of fluctuations in aggregate macroeconomic variables and the way policy can be coordinated internationally to reduce these fluctuations, respectively. In addition, chapters III and IV address questions that fall into the realm of international economics. They are concerned with the optimal exchange rate regime between two countries, the consequences of partial exchange rate pass-through and the effect of an increase in vertical Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) by domestic firms. The framework of my analysis is given by different versions of general equilibrium models. The second chapter of my dissertation decomposes fluctuations in aggregate observables for the UK economy during the 1980s recession. Using a modern accounting procedure, I estimate parameters that describe the economy using annual data from 1970 to 2002. Then, I simulate different versions of the model to find the distortions that are essential in driving the observed fluctuations. I find labor market distortions to be crucial in accounting for the episode, suggesting that the policies of the time were well targeted and effective. The third chapter of my dissertation studies policy coordination in a two-country framework allowing for partial pass-through. In particular, both countries are assumed to have monetary and fiscal stabilization instruments available. The optimal setting of these instruments under differing pass-through regimes is analytically derived. Fiscal policy is found to be used in a counter-cyclical fashion. In addition, the magnitude of fiscal stabilization is the largest when pass-through is partial. In the fourth chapter, I study the consequences of vertical FDI on aggregate productivity and welfare. The framework allows for heterogeneity across firms in two dimensions. It is firms that are at a disadvantage with respect to manufacturing costs that are benefiting most from moving their production process abroad. Overall, the ability to engage in vertical FDI increases productivity, lowers prices and thus increases welfare.

Early in her Prime Ministership, Margaret Thatcher fought an unlikely diversionary war far from home for the ownership of the Falkland Islands. The Islands lie off of Argentina’s coast about 8,000 miles from London, but have been subject to Britain’s rule since 1836. In April 1982, hoping to distract from domestic political and economic turmoil, Argentina’s military dictatorship ordered a surprise invasion of the Islands. Thatcher, Britain’s first female Prime Minister, responded in full force. By early May, a British fleet reached the Islands. By June, despite American efforts to stop a war between its allies, Britain launched an assault on the Islands and took them back by force. Thatcher’s victory propelled her to immense popularity in late-1982 and 1983, and the Argentine dictatorship’s defeat gave life to a people’s revolt that quickly ended the regime and decades of military leadership. This thesis examines Thatcher’s leadership in April 1982, before Britain launched its retaliatory invasion of the Islands. It seeks to answer how Thatcher managed to make the war possible and popular in three key arenas: with her own cabinet and government, with the United States and the United Nations, and ultimately with the British public. This study operates on the idea that the war served as an intentional diversion for Thatcher, who had struggled domestically as Prime Minister up until the Falklands Crisis. Utilizing newly released archival documents from the Thatcher government, this study shows the Prime Minister never had any interest in avoiding war, undermining any potential for peace as it emerged.

El propósito de esta investigación será el análisis de la imagen que tanto Margaret Thatcher, así como su pensamiento, el thatcherismo, reflejó en el Perú de la década de 1980. La Dama de Hierro, adalid de la Revolución Conservadora, es un personaje que encarnó las dimensiones tanto política como de género, así como también rompió esquemas en la política mundial al resaltar sus cualidades en ambos campos. Si bien es un personaje ajeno a nuestra realidad nacional, no se puede negar su gravitación en el escenario internacional: un referente obligatorio del liberalismo durante el contexto de la Revolución Conservadora y más allá, Thatcher despertó admiración así como críticas en latitudes tan alejadas como puede serlo el Perú del Reino Unido. Prueba de ello son las constantes menciones durante la Guerra de las Malvinas, así como también sus reuniones con políticos de nuestro país tales como Manuel Ulloa y Alberto Fujimori, y su inspiración para la plataforma política de Mario Vargas Llosa en las elecciones de 1990. Para esta investigación, fueron de consulta fundamental fuentes como los diarios El Comercio y La República, así como también revistas tales cual Quehacer, Monos y Monadas, y Caretas. / Tesis