This study explores the construction of the Indonesian Presidential candidates’ image during the 2014 presidential election from the perspective of Facebook users. I analyzed Facebook users’ comments derived from one of the candidate’s Facebook pages, Prabowo Subianto, by employing a thematic analysis to examine an official posting’s comments on June 19, 2014 where a group of celebrities supported Prabawo Subianto. Comments were extracted from June 20, 2014 to July 8, 2014, which was 20 days before election day. Results indicated that the construction of a candidate’s image involved the relationship between the perceived attributes of the candidate and national identity; the relationship between the candidate and his supporters; the perceived personality traits of the candidate, and the ability of supporters to identify with the candidates on a personal level. Moreover, there were also inferences related to political scandals, their treatment by other politicians, spiritual values, and the future state of the country. The study also showed how users tried to make sense of their political world by simplifying the complexity of a candidate through the use of particular themes.

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Submitted by Maike Costa (maiksebas@gmail.com) on 2016-06-14T14:04:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivo total.pdf: 2938963 bytes, checksum: df5cc2d2b97730419557a52f0701301d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-14T14:04:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivo total.pdf: 2938963 bytes, checksum: df5cc2d2b97730419557a52f0701301d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-05-25 / This thesis aims to investigate the discursive practices regarding to the work of public image production at the scope of irruption of the discursive event and at the building up of the image spectacle. With French Discourse Analysis as theoretical basis, this research turns to the media operation about the sayings, and their effects, at the discursivization of the presidential election event in the United States, in 2008 and 2012. Having a qualitative dimension and based on the Foucaultean arqueogenealogic method, this is an investigation about the regime of truth and the discursive police that makes the president Barack Obama subjective, and assuring him a space of public visibility at the scope of public image spectacle. Proposing to deal with the tense relationship between power and knowledge, this research turns to the Foucault’s studies considering, at work of image production, the empire of an intentioned media that calls the subject to assume discursive positions, affects the everyday life, produces truth and fabricates the history of the present time. With a bibliographic incursion that brings to bear a discussion about discourse, media and politics – according to the studies from, among others, Foucault (2005, 2006, 2007, 2008a), Pêcheux (1997b, 2008, 2009), Courtine (2003, 2009, 2011), Debord (2002), Gomes (2004) and Silverstone (2005) – it comes to the analysis of sayings about Obama – digital articles from The New York Times and Folha de São Paulo and even covers of Brazilian and international magazines – considering the thematic path of the president politic image oscillation at the 2008 and 2012 elections. Then, this thesis proposes that at the discursivization of American presidential election, the media worked in a strategic way establishing knowledge/power relations and requiring subject-position occupation by building up visibility spectacle and virtualization of reality. Through the control illusion of the sayings and its respective meaning effects, the mass media presented Obama to the world according to different regimes of truth, which made him oscillate from a divine messiah to a global martyrdom, from the worldwide expectations to a dream seller. / Esta tese objetiva investigar as práticas discursivas que se atrelam ao trabalho de produção de imagem pública no espaço da irrupção do acontecimento discursivo e na edificação do espetáculo de imagens. Tendo como respaldo teórico a Análise do Discurso de tradição francesa, essa pesquisa se volta para o funcionamento midiático em torno do dizer, e de seus efeitos, na discursivização do acontecimento de sucessão presidencial nos Estados Unidos, em 2008 e 2012. Trata-se de investigar, numa inscrição qualitativa e a partir do método arqueogenealógico de Michel Foucault, os regimes de verdade e a polícia discursiva que subjetivaram o presidente Barack Obama, assegurando-o um espaço de visibilidade no cerne do espetáculo de imagem pública. Propondo tratar da tensa relação entre poder e saber, a pesquisa se volta para os estudos foucaultianos, por considerar, no trabalho de produção imagética, o império de uma mídia de miras que convoca o sujeito a assumir posições discursivas, mexe com a cotidianidade da vida coletiva, produz verdade e fabrica a história do tempo presente. Com a incursão bibliográfica que mobiliza a discussão sobre discurso, mídia e política – a partir dos estudos, dentre outros, de Foucault (2005, 2006, 2007, 2008a), Pêcheux (1997b, 2008, 2009), Courtine (2003, 2009, 2011), Debord (2002), Gomes (2004), Silverstone (2005) – volta-se para a análise do arquivo das dizibilidades sobre Obama – artigos da versão digital dos jornais The New York Times e Folha de São Paulo, além de capas de revistas brasileiras e internacionais – sob o trajeto temático da oscilação da imagem política do então presidente nos pleitos eleitorais de 2008 e 2012. Assim, a tese propõe que na discursivização do evento da eleição presidencial americana, a mídia operou de forma estratégica mobilizando relações de poder-saber e exigindo a ocupação de posições-sujeito pela fabricação de um espetáculo de visibilidade e virtualização do real. Pela ilusão de controle do dizer e de seus efeitos de sentido, a mídia apresentou Obama ao mundo sob diferentes regimes de verdade que o fizeram oscilar do messias divino ao martírio global, da esperança do mundo ao vendedor de sonhos.

Submitted by Cássia Santos (cassia.bcufg@gmail.com) on 2017-03-31T11:57:38Z No. of bitstreams: 4 Dissertação - Priscilla Guerra Guimarães Bernardes - 2017 - parte 1.pdf: 1075914 bytes, checksum: 3d3a914bfb96e72a76d12a152acf55d7 (MD5) Dissertação - Priscilla Guerra Guimarães Bernardes - 2017 - parte 2.pdf: 10696084 bytes, checksum: 863e14d8bc7aed07e9a535777d6790b6 (MD5) Dissertação - Priscilla Guerra Guimarães Bernardes - 2017 - parte 3.pdf: 10519686 bytes, checksum: ef92b11eb8144c8b8f84cd868be645e2 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-04-03T12:15:16Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 4 Dissertação - Priscilla Guerra Guimarães Bernardes - 2017 - parte 1.pdf: 1075914 bytes, checksum: 3d3a914bfb96e72a76d12a152acf55d7 (MD5) Dissertação - Priscilla Guerra Guimarães Bernardes - 2017 - parte 2.pdf: 10696084 bytes, checksum: 863e14d8bc7aed07e9a535777d6790b6 (MD5) Dissertação - Priscilla Guerra Guimarães Bernardes - 2017 - parte 3.pdf: 10519686 bytes, checksum: ef92b11eb8144c8b8f84cd868be645e2 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-03T12:15:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 4 Dissertação - Priscilla Guerra Guimarães Bernardes - 2017 - parte 1.pdf: 1075914 bytes, checksum: 3d3a914bfb96e72a76d12a152acf55d7 (MD5) Dissertação - Priscilla Guerra Guimarães Bernardes - 2017 - parte 2.pdf: 10696084 bytes, checksum: 863e14d8bc7aed07e9a535777d6790b6 (MD5) Dissertação - Priscilla Guerra Guimarães Bernardes - 2017 - parte 3.pdf: 10519686 bytes, checksum: ef92b11eb8144c8b8f84cd868be645e2 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-03 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / This paper presents a literature that serves as a reference input for the analysis of formation of public opinion inter-related with the media, politics and citizenship. Although it is explored in its multiple vertices and understanding, public opinion will be scrutinized within its proposed construction in the media perspective, specifically in the political sphere of citizenship. Forward if uses a case study to demonstrate the relationship between the fundamental concepts, excelling a practical integration of these fundamentals applied to a particular case, in order to lead new thinking with social reality. It is the study of construction of the public image of Marconi Perillo, Governor of Goiás, performed by two large circulation print media in the state. The idea is to compare the elaborative form Marconi image projection performed in the ordinary exercise of civil service (2015) and during the political election that starred in 2014, and supported by mainstream media for elections, in particular the observed newspapers. To complement the results of this stage, it was move to a study with journalistic samples from 2016, another year of (municipal) elections that, despite not having Marconi as a candidate, receives it in a very similar way in the discourse of media and construction Of his still image in front of a new scenario and a new role played by him. The idea is to point out how much Marconi Perillo interacts with the media in a chameleonic manner and how he positions himself as a polite leadership in Goiás, albeit under different circumstances and characteristics. By associating the construction of Marconi's public image within these media in the three distinct political moments, the intention is to situate the main contours of the political relationship with journalism to critically discuss the extent to which this influences the formation of public opinion by journalism printed in Goiás. Finally, the complexity of the study will be considered in the light of the constitution of citizenship, including the policy and the right to information are fundamental for the integrity of the citizen. / Este trabalho apresenta uma pesquisa bibliográfica que serve de aporte referencial para a análise da formação da opinião pública inter-relacionada com a mídia, a política e a cidadania. Ainda que seja explorada em seus múltiplos vértices e entendimentos, a opinião pública será perscrutada dentro de sua construção proposta na perspectiva da mídia, especificamente, no âmbito político da cidadania. Adiante, se recorre a um estudo para demonstrar a relação entre os conceitos fundamentais, primando uma inserção prática destes fundamentos aplicados a um determinado case, para que se conduzam novas reflexões com a realidade social. Trata-se do estudo de construção da imagem pública de Marconi Perillo, governador de Goiás, executada por dois veículos impressos de grande circulação no estado. A ideia é comparar a forma elaborativa de projeção da imagem de Marconi executada no exercício ordinário de função pública (2015) e durante o pleito político que protagonizou em 2014, sendo apoiado em eleições pela grande mídia, em particular pelos jornais observados. A inicial amostra jornalística atende ao preâmbulo da pesquisa dentro de uma proposta de análise de discurso crítica. Para complementar os resultados desta etapa, se avançou para um estudo com amostras jornalísticas do ano de 2016, outro ano de eleições (municipais) que apesar de não contar com Marconi enquanto candidato, o recebe de modo muito similar no discurso da mídia e na construção de sua ainda imagem diante um novo cenário e de um novo papel protagonizado por ele. A ideia é apontar o quanto Marconi Perillo interage com a mídia de modo camaleônico e como se posiciona como liderança polílita em Goiás, ainda que em circunstâncias e características distintas. Ao associar a construção da imagem pública de Marconi dentro destes meios nos três distintos momentos políticos a intenção é situar os principais contornos da relação política com o jornalismo para discutir criticamente até que ponto isso influencia na formação da opinião pública pelo jornalismo impresso em Goiás. Por fim, toda a complexidade do estudo será pensada à luz da constituição da cidadania, compreendendo que a política e o direito à informação são fundamentais para a integridade do cidadão.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2018-05-04T12:57:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 mayrareginacoimbra.pdf: 1528464 bytes, checksum: 758593d3fbb18a086bd014dc8e1db481 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-07-25T11:27:51Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 mayrareginacoimbra.pdf: 1528464 bytes, checksum: 758593d3fbb18a086bd014dc8e1db481 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-25T11:27:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 mayrareginacoimbra.pdf: 1528464 bytes, checksum: 758593d3fbb18a086bd014dc8e1db481 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-23 / A partir da relação dialética entre o campo político e a instância midiática, a presente dissertação se propõe a discutir as relações de poder exercidas mutuamente por esses campos. A ideia é enfatizar a centralidade do espaço midiático sobre o campo da política e como esse campo se tornou arena central para as disputas políticas. A seguir, são retomadas a importância do campo midiático na construção de realidade social e as especificidades da política brasileira. A pesquisa desenvolve um estudo de caso sobre a construção imagética criada pela presidente Dilma Rousseff e o enquadramento midiático durante o processo do impeachment sob duas perspectivas: as declarações feitas oficialmente pela presidente e as matérias publicadas no jornal Folha de S. Paulo. Busca-se verificar quais foram as estratégias utilizadas por Dilma Rousseff para construir sua imagem diante de um momento de crise e, em contrapartida, qual enquadramento o jornal fez da imagem da presidente e de seu governo durante o mesmo período. Como corpus de análise, são analisados, primeiramente, os espaços institucionais, quando Dilma ainda estava em exercício e, em seguida, as suas publicações em rede social, quando estava afastada. A proposta é analisar quais artifícios ela mobilizou para fortalecer a sua imagem diante de um período conturbado. O segundo objeto analisado são as matérias publicadas pelo jornal Folha de S. Paulo durante o mesmo período. Procura-se verificar se a imprensa, por meio de sua cobertura, projetou uma imagem negativa, positiva ou neutra de Dilma Rousseff na posição de presidente investigada. Como estratégia metodológica, recorreu-se à Análise de Conteúdo de Bardin (1977). A partir dela, foi possível analisar separadamente os objetos e identificar os pontos de convergência e divergência na construção da imagem da presidente e de seu governo. Nota-se, portanto, que a presidente se articulou a partir de temas que lhe davam segurança, tais como: a construção da imagem de governo e a construção da imagem do País. Enquanto o jornal se articula de modo oposto, ele não menciona aspectos positivos do governo, nem mesmo detalha o processo de impeachment. Ele faz um recorte que sustenta a importância da ocorrência do processo tomando como recorte três aspectos: a crise econômica, a crise política e a corrupção. / From the dialectic relationship between the political field and the media context, the present dissertation proposes to discuss the relations of power exercised mutually by these fields. The idea is to emphasize the centrality of the media space on the field of politics and how this field has become the central arena of political disputes. Next, the importance of the media field in the construction of social reality and the specificities of Brazilian politics is resumed. The research develops a case study on the imaginative construction created by President Dilma Rousseff and the media framework during the impeachment process from two perspectives: the statements made officially by the president and the articles published in the Folha de S. Paulo newspaper. It seeks to verify what strategies Dilma Rousseff used to construct her image in the face of a crisis and, in contrast, which framework the newspaper made of the image of the president and his government during the same period. As corpus of analysis are analyzed first the institutional spaces when, Dilma was still in exercise and then their publications in social network, when it was away. The proposal is to analyze what devices she has mobilized to strengthen her image in the face of a troubled period. The second object analyzed is the articles published by Folha de S. Paulo newspaper during the same period. It seeks to verify if the press, through its cover, projected a negative, positive or neutral image of Dilma Rousseff in the position of president investigated. As a methodological strategy, we used the Bardin Content Analysis (1977). It was possible to analyze the objects separately and identify the points of convergence and divergence in the construction of the image of the president and his government. It is noted, therefore, that the president was articulated from issues that gave him security, such as: building the image of government and building the image of the country. While the newspaper articulates itself in the opposite way, it does not mention positive aspects of the government, nor even details the process of impeachment. It makes a clipping that supports the importance of the occurrence of the process, taking as a cut three aspects: the economic crisis, the political crisis and corruption.

Cette thèse s’attache à étudier l’image politique de Margaret Thatcher à travers des caractéristiques personnelles telles son parcours, ses idées, sa présentation physique, ses postures politiques ou encore les stratégies de communication dont elle fit usage. L’objectif est de mettre en lumière les différents éléments mis en avant par Margaret Thatcher et par les canaux de diffusion d’image, principalement constitués des médias et de son entourage politique. En ce qui concerne le bornage temporel, l’étude tient compte des quarante années qui s’écoulèrent entre la première candidature de Margaret Thatcher à une élection, pour la circonscription de Dartford en 1950, et la fin de son dernier mandat de Premier ministre en 1990. Cette thèse présente également l’intérêt de porter sur une période qui vit de nombreuses techniques de communication politique se développer : les conseillers en communication vinrent à jouer un rôle prépondérant. / The main ambition of this PhD thesis is to provide a study of Margaret Thatcher’s political image through the lens of various personal characteristics like her experience, ideas, physical presentation, political postures or the communication strategies she relied on. The objective is to emphasize the different elements put forward by Margaret Thatcher and by the image transmission channels, notably the media and her political circle. The period studied encompasses the forty years that went by between the first time Margaret Thatcher stood for election, for the Dartford constituency in 1950, until the end of her last Prime Ministerial mandate in 1990. This PhD thesis also has the advantage of focusing on a period of time during which many political communication techniques developed while communication advisers came to play a predominant role.

The thesis "Political image of emerging politicians and media they use to build their image" examines the reationship of young aspiring politicians to the topic of political image. The main objective of this thesis is to examine the relationship of young aspiring politicians to political image and whether they are actively seeking to build their own political image. Young aspiring politicians are defined for purposes of this thesis as members of youth political organizations Young Social Democrats and Young Conservatives over 18 years old. The first part of this thesis summarizes theoretical findings on the issue of political image in terms of political marketing and political communication and defines political youth organizations and describes their function in relation to society and political parties. The second part of this thesis examines the relationship of young aspiring politicians to political image through qualitative research using semi-structured interviews as research tool.

L’avènement de la démocratie de type libérale a entraîné un reconditionnement des mythes et images du leader politique, en Roumanie. Les événements de 1989 ont entraîné un besoin endémique de créer une nouvelle scène et un véritable imagier des figures politiques roumaines. Cependant, la communication des leaders politiques postcommunistes est soumise à l’héritage de leur passé communiste et des traces laissée par Nicolae Ceausescu dans l’imaginaire collectif. Tributaire de ce lourd héritage, les leaders politiques roumains répondent à un mécanisme qui semble contradictoire au premier abord : ces leaders construisent le terrain politique de la Roumanie contemporaine en même temps qu’ils se construisent eux-mêmes. En cela, ils sont le produit d’une société dont ils semblent être, eux-mêmes, les architectes. Cette double participation à la vie du pays rend donc le cas des leaders politiques roumain très particulier. Toutefois, l’instrumentalisation des mythes et des images permet aux représentants politiques de forger l’archétype du leader démocrate roumain et contribuent à la construction d’un espace politique stable en Europe Centrale et Orientale. / In Romania, the rise of democracy has contributed to modifying political leaders’ myths and images. The 1989 events have led to the vital necessity of creating both a new political landscape and a new set of images attached to political leaders. However, political communication has been influenced and shaped by the Communist past of the current political leaders as well as by the image of Nicolae Ceausescu in collective memory. At first sight, such a heavy legacy seems to have had a contradictory influence on political leaders who have been constructing themselves while building Romania’s contemporary political area. They are both the products and architects of Romanian society. This dual involvement in the country’s life has placed them in a very complex situation. However, the instrumentation of myths and images has given them the possibility not only of building the archetype of Romania’s democratic leaders but also of creating a steady political environment in Central and Oriental Europe.

The diploma thesis is focused on the role of appearance in electoral decision making in the presence of political information and voters' characteristics. In the theoretical part experimental researches and real elections researches, which are focused on the appearance of political candidates, are presented. The results highlight the presence of stereotyped thinking in electoral decision making, the influence of the appearance of attractive candidates and the perceived competencies, that have a predominantly positive effect on electoral success, the negative evaluation of candidates with higher weight, and the inconsistent evaluation of ethnicity and gender of political candidates. Current research has shown that a political program, shared values and personalities at the head of political parties have been selected in the elections of political parties, and in the fictitious elections the candidate with the same political attitude has the greatest chance of success. However, the appearance of political candidates affects the success of candidates even in the presence of political attitudes and the characteristics of the respondents. Preferred is the attractiveness of the candidate and the appearance of competence, which is controlled by attractiveness and older age. A nice look of political...