Studien avser att förklara riksdagspartiernas inställning mot Natomedlemskap över tid. Därför utförs en policyanalys inom ramen för ''The Advocacy Coalition Framework'’. Detta genomförs genom att kategorisera riksdagspartierna till relevanta advocacy coalitions utifrån deras beliefs. Studien använder sig av utrikespolitiska debatter för att avgöra respektive riksdagspartis beliefs. Genom att undersöka riksdagspartiernas normative och empirical policy core beliefs över tid kan studien finna likheter och skillnader mellan advocacy coalitions. Vad studien kommer fram till är hur riksdagspartierna tar en annan ställning inom säkerhetspolitiken och hur gemensamma beliefs kan förekomma mellan advocacy coalitions. Med åren går det även att se hur riksdagspartier börjar värna mer om militära medel för svensk säkerhet. Studien erbjuder också ett teoretiskt intressant inlägg genom att lyfta upp hur empirical policy core beliefs binder också advocacy coalitions varifrån tidigare forskning visar hur oftast normative policy core beliefs avgör strukturen i advocacy coalitions. Riksdagspartiers ställningstagande antingen för Natomedlemskap eller mot Natomedlemskap blev relevant för vilken advocacy coalition riksdagspartierna blev kategoriserade inom.

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MERTOVÁ, Simona. Artikulace veřejné politiky k eutanazii. Praha, 2016. 156 s. Diplomová práce (Mgr.) Univerzita Karlova, Fakulta sociálních věd, Institut sociologických studií. Katedra veřejné a sociální politiky. Vedoucí diplomové práce Prof. PhDr. Martin Potůček, CSc. MSc. Abstract The title of the diploma work stays "Articulation of public policy to euthanasia". In my diploma work I focused on the problems of euthanasia and its potential legalization in the Czech Republic from the point of view of public policy. Aim of the diploma work was to uncover key events and key actors commenting on the problems of euthanasia and its potential legalization. In my work I make use of the theories of The Advocacy Coalition Framework and The Agenda-Setting Theory and seek to identify basic value stands and major arguments of individual actors. Based on detailed analysis of key actors and key events I intend to proceed to an evaluation of the situation existing in the field of the legalization of euthanasia in the Czech Republic and to make an attempt to anticipate the future developmentand issues concerning potential passing of the law on euthanasia.

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This research sought to explain the emergence of the Wyoming Core Area Strategy (WCAS), a state-based Greater Sage Grouse conservation plan. It presents a theoretical framework that is based on and adds nuance to the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF). The hypothesis this study explored was: if a subsystem's jurisdiction is threatened by a hierarchically superior subsystem's policy outputs and this jurisdiction is necessary to meet the threatened subsystem's goals, then policy change may occur as a result of a strategy by the agents in the threatened subsystem. The data used to examine the hypothesis included expert interviews, historical documents, and interviews from media sources (secondary source interviews). The hypothesis was supported; the WCAS emerged because the Endangered Species Act listing outputs within the Species Conservation Policy Subsystem threatened the Wyoming Land Use Policy (WLUP) Subsystem's jurisdiction, which was necessary to meet the WLUP Subsystem's economic and lifestyle goals; the Governor of Wyoming drove the development and enactment of the WCAS as a strategy to retain jurisdiction. The research demonstrated that in order to fully account for the WCAS's emergence, a less mechanistic view of the framework, one that accounts for the ability of agents in a subsystem to act strategically, was needed. The research also demonstrated that the Greater Sage Grouse conservation benefited from the ESA listing process despite its warranted but precluded listing status. The time frame the research explored was 2002 through March 2012. / Master of Arts

The Christian Right has been a major contributor to the policy process since the 1980s, helping shape the national agenda by illuminating a number of social issues and influencing elections with strong grassroots campaigns. For political scientists, Christian Right organizations provide a rich source of information for studying interest group activity, electioneering, and general political theory. In particular, their efforts to lobby various policy issues such as prayer in school, education, abortion, and traditional marriage, has caused them to become a distinct coalition of advocacy groups, and the focus of much research by many scholars. However, as we advance into the twenty-first century, new biotechnology-related issues have emerged that challenge Christian Right organizations and their values. The purpose of this dissertation was to investigate the involvement of the Christian Right between 2001 and the beginning of 2009 in legislative debates regarding stem cell research policy, and attempt to distinguish its effective and non-effective lobbying strategies, and the general perception of its influence. This study addressed three research questions. First, to what extent do Christian Right organizations participate in the legislative process regarding stem cell research? Second, what is the perceived influence of its lobbying activities on federal stem cell research legislation? Third, in what ways does the Christian Right engage in lobbying legislators on stem cell research legislation? Within these broad research questions, the following subsequent study objectives were pursued: 1) learn about the reasons for the Christian Right’s influence or lack of influence; 2) understand the goals of its advocacy efforts; 3) learn about its use of outside and inside lobbying strategies; 4) better understand the approach used by Christian Right organizations in lobbying legislators who were undecided about a particular stem cell research legislation; 5) learn about the kind of rhetoric it used; and 6) find out what, if any, forms of coalition building it engaged in as part of its advocacy efforts. In addition, this study examined why legislators voted against the majority of their political party when it came to stem cell research legislation. The epistemological approach for this study was qualitative. Data consisted of verbal responses to semi-structured questions during telephone interviews with representatives from Christian Right organizations, advocacy groups that support the expansion of stem cell research policy, former legislators, and current staff members. In addition to the in-depth interviews, data was also obtained through organizational and government documents. Finally, this dissertation analyzed the Christian Right and its participation in the development of stem cell research legislation through the lens of the advocacy coalition framework. In doing so, the study captures of the essence of the stem cell debate and the role of the Christian Right within it, and offers a new theoretical framework for examining the Christian Right.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luiz Otavio dos Santos Pereira.pdf: 961275 bytes, checksum: 142b625726925eca0fc0b979f53de0a8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-10 / This dissertation proposes an analysis of the Health Policy for Indigenous People of Brazil, in the period between 1986 and 2013, with basis in the theories of policy studies developed by the Political Science, in special the ACF( Advocacy Coalition Framework) developed by Jenkins-Smith and Sabatier. We observe that this policy born due to an amplest context of transformations of citizenship nature, that compels to a new way to formulate policies that handle with diversity, that start to conciliate the principle of equality with the respect to difference. And we demonstrate how the Brazilian State search in this policy the conciliation between the health right and the cultural rights, with mean, between the principles of universalism and particularism, dealing with the unavoidable set of dilemmas that this matter causes. However, we highlight that in this health policy occur an uncommon frequency of discontinuities. We identify that between the consolidation of the ideational basis of this policy in 1986 and the present period of 2013; occur an sequence of institutional reconfigurations and restructuration of the attention model. The four main changes are: in 1991, when the responsibility of the indigenous health was transferred to FUNASA( National Foundation of Health); in1994, when occur the partial return of the indigenous health to FUNAI( National Foundation of Indian); in 1999, with the Arouca s Law that give back the integrity of the indigenous health responsibility to FUNASA; in 2008, when was create the Especial Secretary of Indigenous Health. This research propose to answer what was the factors that causes the general picture of the institutional instability and the identified changes; and adopt as main hypothesis that the sources of the changes and consequentially of the instability, was the competition between the coalitions that structure themselves around of a divergent set of ideas, that constitute the normative basis of the health policy for indigenous peoples. That way shows with are the coalitions, how they born, around of what ideas they are structured, how they interact, and how make changes in the policy health to indigenous peoples, using the opportunity structure, that opens the possibilities to break the stability and change the status quo / Essa dissertação propõe uma análise da Política de Saúde para as Populações Indígenas no Brasil, do período entre 1986 e 2013, tendo como base as teorias de políticas públicas desenvolvidas pela Ciência Política, em particular o ACF( Advocacy Coalition Framework) desenvolvido por Jenkins-Smith e Sabatier. Observamos que essa política pública nasce devido a um contexto mais amplo de transformações da natureza da cidadania, que compele a uma nova forma de se formular políticas públicas que lidam com a diversidade, que passa a conciliar o principio da igualdade com o respeito a diferença. E demonstramos como o Estado brasileiro busca nessa política a conciliação entre o direito à saúde e os direitos culturais, ou seja, entre o universalismo e o particularismo, tratando dos dilemas inevitáveis que esta questão acarreta. No entanto, destacamos que na política de saúde indígena ocorre uma frequência incomum de descontinuidades. Identificamos que, entre a consolidação da base ideológica dessa política pública em 1986 e o atual momento de 2013, ocorre uma série de reconfigurações institucionais e reestruturações do modelo de atenção. As quatro principais mudanças foram: em 1991, quando responsabilidade da saúde indígena é transferida para a FUNASA (Fundação Nacional de Saúde); em 1994, quando ocorre o retorno parcial da saúde indígena para a FUNAI(Fundação Nacional do Índio);em 1999, com a Lei Arouca que devolve a integralidade da responsabilidade da saúde indígena para a FUNASA; e em 2008, quando é criada a Secretaria Especial de Saúde Indígena. Essa pesquisa propõe responder quais foram os fatores que causaram o quadro geral de instabilidade institucional e das mudanças identificadas; adota como hipótese central que a causa das mudanças, e consequentemente, da instabilidade, foi a disputa entre as coalizões que se estruturam em torno de um conjunto de divergentes ideias que formam a base normativa da política de saúde indígena. Assim demonstramos quais são as coalizões, como nascem, em torno de quais ideias se estruturam, como interagem e causam mudanças na política de saúde indígena, usando a estrutura de oportunidade que possibilita a ruptura da estabilidade e mudança do status quo

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:54:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luiz Otavio dos Santos Pereira.pdf: 961275 bytes, checksum: 142b625726925eca0fc0b979f53de0a8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-10 / This dissertation proposes an analysis of the Health Policy for Indigenous People of Brazil, in the period between 1986 and 2013, with basis in the theories of policy studies developed by the Political Science, in special the ACF( Advocacy Coalition Framework) developed by Jenkins-Smith and Sabatier. We observe that this policy born due to an amplest context of transformations of citizenship nature, that compels to a new way to formulate policies that handle with diversity, that start to conciliate the principle of equality with the respect to difference. And we demonstrate how the Brazilian State search in this policy the conciliation between the health right and the cultural rights, with mean, between the principles of universalism and particularism, dealing with the unavoidable set of dilemmas that this matter causes. However, we highlight that in this health policy occur an uncommon frequency of discontinuities. We identify that between the consolidation of the ideational basis of this policy in 1986 and the present period of 2013; occur an sequence of institutional reconfigurations and restructuration of the attention model. The four main changes are: in 1991, when the responsibility of the indigenous health was transferred to FUNASA( National Foundation of Health); in1994, when occur the partial return of the indigenous health to FUNAI( National Foundation of Indian); in 1999, with the Arouca s Law that give back the integrity of the indigenous health responsibility to FUNASA; in 2008, when was create the Especial Secretary of Indigenous Health. This research propose to answer what was the factors that causes the general picture of the institutional instability and the identified changes; and adopt as main hypothesis that the sources of the changes and consequentially of the instability, was the competition between the coalitions that structure themselves around of a divergent set of ideas, that constitute the normative basis of the health policy for indigenous peoples. That way shows with are the coalitions, how they born, around of what ideas they are structured, how they interact, and how make changes in the policy health to indigenous peoples, using the opportunity structure, that opens the possibilities to break the stability and change the status quo / Essa dissertação propõe uma análise da Política de Saúde para as Populações Indígenas no Brasil, do período entre 1986 e 2013, tendo como base as teorias de políticas públicas desenvolvidas pela Ciência Política, em particular o ACF( Advocacy Coalition Framework) desenvolvido por Jenkins-Smith e Sabatier. Observamos que essa política pública nasce devido a um contexto mais amplo de transformações da natureza da cidadania, que compele a uma nova forma de se formular políticas públicas que lidam com a diversidade, que passa a conciliar o principio da igualdade com o respeito a diferença. E demonstramos como o Estado brasileiro busca nessa política a conciliação entre o direito à saúde e os direitos culturais, ou seja, entre o universalismo e o particularismo, tratando dos dilemas inevitáveis que esta questão acarreta. No entanto, destacamos que na política de saúde indígena ocorre uma frequência incomum de descontinuidades. Identificamos que, entre a consolidação da base ideológica dessa política pública em 1986 e o atual momento de 2013, ocorre uma série de reconfigurações institucionais e reestruturações do modelo de atenção. As quatro principais mudanças foram: em 1991, quando responsabilidade da saúde indígena é transferida para a FUNASA (Fundação Nacional de Saúde); em 1994, quando ocorre o retorno parcial da saúde indígena para a FUNAI(Fundação Nacional do Índio);em 1999, com a Lei Arouca que devolve a integralidade da responsabilidade da saúde indígena para a FUNASA; e em 2008, quando é criada a Secretaria Especial de Saúde Indígena. Essa pesquisa propõe responder quais foram os fatores que causaram o quadro geral de instabilidade institucional e das mudanças identificadas; adota como hipótese central que a causa das mudanças, e consequentemente, da instabilidade, foi a disputa entre as coalizões que se estruturam em torno de um conjunto de divergentes ideias que formam a base normativa da política de saúde indígena. Assim demonstramos quais são as coalizões, como nascem, em torno de quais ideias se estruturam, como interagem e causam mudanças na política de saúde indígena, usando a estrutura de oportunidade que possibilita a ruptura da estabilidade e mudança do status quo

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This thesis investigates the role of ideas in policy processes. It does so using three theories as a starting point, selected for being alike yet unique in their description of how ideas may “get stuck” in the organization’s production and reproduction of policy. The theories are Discourse Coalition Framework, Advocacy Coalition Framework, and Punctuated Equilibrium Theory. These theories have very different emphases but share constructivist traits and an interest in how social processes of meaning making take form in a rather “traditional” organizational setting, thus paying attention to, if not reducing the study to, the institutions of representative democracy. Two theoretical problems are identified within these theories. They concern 1) the mechanism and 2) the object of analysis. The theoretical question addressed in part I is: How are we to understand the proposition that ideas may cause stability in policy processes? What is the underlying mechanism? It is argued that the cognitive mechanism which the theories use should be substituted with a social psychological one. The assumption that stability is created when political actors conform to the ideas of others when they are confronted with apparent unanimity among policy makers, rather than that they internalize these ideas, makes both greater stability and instability in policy processes more plausible. Part II poses the question; if we are to investigate policy stability and instability using the discussed theoretical perspective, what unit of analysis should we use? In other words, what is a policy? It is argued that if ideological stability is seen as an effect of how policy formulation is organized (as is argued in part I), then close attention must be paid to processual factors when it is decided what unit of policy, on what level, might be explained. It is furthermore argued that although we may theoretically form an idea about substantially coherent patterns of policy recognizable as a policy, which should result from stable organizational patterns of communication in the policy process, it remains an empirical question if and where these patterns can actually be found. An analysis of Swedish environmental policy is performed to allow for observations of the degree to which empirical evidence is consistent with the policy patterns predicted by the theoretical assumptions outlined in part one.