Viduržemio jūros regionas ilgą laiką nebuvo aktualus nei Lietuvai, nei kitoms Vidurio ir Rytų Europos šalims. Globalizacijos akivaizdoje ES plėtojant vis glaudesnius ryšius su tarptautinėmis organizacijomis (JT, NATO, ET, PPO) ir kaimyniniais regionais, strateginio Viduržemio jūros regiono vaidmuo tapo ypač aktualus. Barselonos konferencijoje 1995 m. lapkričio 27–28 d. iškelta ES ir Viduržemio regiono bendradarbiavimo iniciatyva nepasiekė užsibrėžtų tikslų, todėl 2004 m. pradėta Europos kaimynystės politika buvo svarbus žingsnis atvėręs naujo regioninio bendradarbiavimo etapą. Viduržemio jūros regiono šalys nuo pat EKP pradžios intensyviai siekė ir siekia įsitraukti į EKP ir pasinaudoti integracijos pranašumais, ES savo ruožtu regioninio bendradarbiavimo atžvilgiu pradėjo taikyti ne tik tradicines diplomatijos ir prekybos priemonės, bet ir naujas iniciatyvas. Viena jų, nagrinėjama šiame magistro darbe – bendradarbiavimas švietimo ir aukštojo mokslo srityje. Darbo tikslas – atskleisti ES ir Viduržiemio jūros regiono bendradarbiavimą bei išanalizuoti, ES vykdomos politikos įtaką Viduržemio jūros regiono švietimui ir EKP vykdomų į aukštąjį mokslą nukreiptų programų ir projektų efektyvumą. Atliekant šį tyrimą naudojami šaltinių ir literatūros analizės, lyginimo ir pusiau struktūrinio interviu tyrimo metodai. Pirmoje dalyje nagrinėjama ES ir Viduržemio jūros regiono šalių bendradarbiavimo raida, išskiriant ir analizuojant Barselonos konferencijos vaidmenį ir įtaką tarpregioniniam... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The Mediterranean region has not been very interesting for a long time not only for Lithuania, but also for others Middle and East Europe countries. In the era of globalization, while EU is constantly building new connections with international organizations (UN, NATO, EC, WTO) and local neighboring regions, the role of strategic Mediterranean has recently became a very important topic. At a conference in Barcelona on November 27 – 28, 1995 a new revival between the Mediterranean and the EU was attempted. However, the desired results were not reached. As a result of this failure in 2004 a new European neighborhood policy was started. This step was very important since it opened a new stage of regional collaborations. All Mediterranean countries have always tried and are still trying to get into EKP and to use integration advantages. At the same time, the EU started to apply not only traditional political diplomacy and international marketing actions, but also began to build new initiatives. One of those new initiatives -- “Collaboration in education and higher education” -- is the subject of the analysis of this masters degree. The main point of this work is to reveal the collaboration between the EU and the Mediterranean region, as well as to analyze the influence of the EU on the Mediterranean region’s education and explore the efficiency of the programs and projects related to higher education. For this research we used literature analysis, halfway structure interviews... [to full text]

The main topic of this master thesis is instruments of the EU external representation specifically in case of the European Neighborhood Policy. As the theoretical part this thesis uses forming the external united position of the European countries after the World War II through the key documents adopted in the framework of the European integration, ending with the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty that creates the contemporary instruments for the external representation of the EU. The research question of this thesis is whether in the context of the European Neighborhood Policy is the united position of the EU Member States. The case study of the European Neighborhood Policy combines elements of both quantitative and qualitative research.

Ce travail de recherche a pour objectif d’analyser les différentes initiatives de partenariat liant les pays méditerranéens avec l’UE, ainsi que l’élucidation des différents degrés d’engagement et d'implication de ces pays et sous-groupements régionaux dans ces initiatives. Il vise également à dévoiler les différents atouts et faiblesses qui caractérisent les relations Euro-méditerranéennes. La finalité de ce travail de recherche consiste à éclaircir les enjeux de ces relations et la justification de l’utilité de rapprochement entre les pays Sud-méditerranéens avec l’UE dans un espace géographique restreint et dans un cadre historique limité. Ainsi, cette analyse s’est focalisée sur les différents atouts politiques, économiques et sociaux ayant marqué les relations euro-méditerranéennes, durant la période allant de la Chute du Mur de Berlin (1989) jusqu'à l'échec du Printemps Arabe (2013). A l’issue de cette thèse, plusieurs alternatives et pistes de réflexion ont été suggérées, dans la perspective d’éviter les raisons d’échecs déjà constatées et afin de contribuer à l’édification de fondements solides susceptibles de concourir à la réussite des futurs partenariats et initiatives de coopérations euro-méditerranéennes. / This thesis is attempting to analyze the various partnership initiatives between the Mediterranean countries and the EU, as well as the different degrees of commitment and involvement of these countries and sub-regional groupings in these initiatives.It also aims at revealing the different strengths and weaknesses that characterize the Euro-Mediterranean relations.The purpose of this research work is to analyze the issues of the Euromed relationships and the size of building links between the Mediterranean countries and the EU in geographically restricted space and during a limited historical period. This analysis has focused on the different political assets, economic and social issues which characterized the Euro-Mediterranean relationships, especially in the period from the fall of the Berlin Wall (1989) until the failure of the Arab Spring (2013). Following this work, several alternatives and ideas have been suggested, with a view to avoiding the failure of stakes already recognized.The objective is to contribute to analysis of creating new strong frameworks which may contribute to the success of the future partnerships and initiatives in relation to the euro- Mediterranean cooperation.

This thesis concentrates on the role of the European Union as a state-building power. It scrutinizes EU foreign policy in terms of state-building phenomena in three selected areas: Western Balkans, Eastern Partnership, and Southern Neighbourhood. First, it presents the EU as an increasingly powerful international actor and a normative power. Then, it overviews the existing literature on state-building with a special focus on Francis Fukuyama's neoliberal approach and David Chandler's critical remarks. The thesis is methodologically grounded in the Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA), specifically the four-value fuzzy set QCA, which enables to bridge the quantitative and qualitative approaches. The analysis operates with 23 cases (countries) and five variables in order to assess the EU state-building practices in relation to the targeted states' resilience. Drawing on the moderate generalizations from QCA results, the thesis concludes that the EU is, indeed, a state-building power which strengthens the resilience of states through its state-building practices.

This graduate thesis analyses the EU security policy towards the Maghreb between 2005 and 2010. It does so in order to ascertain to what extent the level of practical policy corresponds with the level of declarations. Also, by using the promotion of democratic governance in the Maghreb countries under the ENP as s case study, the thesis means to challenge the proposition that European Union can be described as a 'Normative Power'. First chapter briefly presents the concept of 'Normative Power Europe'. Following section looks at the European Security Strategy and localizes the primary position of the goal of democracy promotion in the document. Third part gives an overview of the European policy towards the Mediterranean under which EU relations with the Maghreb have been framed. Most attention is paid to the European Neighbourhood Policy. Next chapter examines the level of practical EU policy. It consists of three separate case studies of European policy towards Tunisia, Morocco and Libya between 2005 and 2010. The fifth and final part qualitatively analyses the way four factors (trade, energy, migration and terrorism) contributed to the structuring of relations of Tunisia, Morocco and Libya with Spain, France and Italy. The thesis arrives at the conclusion that while at the declaratory level the EU strives...

The main aim of this thesis is the analysis of European Neighbourhood Policy, which was established in 2004 in connection with the eastern enlargement of European Union. The main goal of European Neighbourhood Policy is to create an area of stability, prosperity and welfare with its neighbourhood countries. Partnership is based on the commitments to create an area of rule of law, good governance, respect for human rights, promotion of principles of market economy and promotion of sustainable development. Political cooperation is complemented by EU financial aid to neighbourhood countries. Thanks to financial support the neighbourhood countries should implement the necessary reforms, which later help to establish shared values. This thesis seeks to examine what is the impact of EU to internal political situation of neighbourhood countries. The hypothesis assumes that the higher EU financial aid to neighbourhood countries increases its influence on the internal political situation at neighbourhood countries.

This assessment of European Union foreign policy towards the South Caucasus shows that while the EU has developed a coherent transport policy since 1992, paradoxically, it has had no corresponding coherent conflict resolution policy for this region. The fact that the EU deepened transport cooperation without a mediation policy in an area with a multiplicity of protracted conflicts is a puzzle. Although the EU eventually added mediation to its policy during the Russia-Georgia armed conflict in 2008, it was unable to facilitate a political solution. The research examines what has been the nature of EU foreign policy towards the South Caucasus. The dissertation argues that incoherence in conflict resolution policy has been consequent upon two causal factors: (i) preferences of the EU member states conditioned by their historical experience with Russia, and (ii) institutional framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). By contrast, with functional approach, the three dominant factors that have enabled coherence in transport cooperation are (i) legislative alignment, (ii) common transport area, including technical assistance for transit development, and (iii) restrictive measures. Examination of these two areas of EU foreign policy, shows a discrepancy, demonstrating its inconsistent nature. The theoretical framework of realism and liberal intergovernmentalism, is applied to empirically grounded EU foreign policy analysis. Adopting a case study methodology, this work examines the EU's policy towards Armenia and Azerbaijan, with special focus on Georgia between 1992 and 2014. The research combines social science methods of literature review, document analysis and expert interviews.

Avec le lancement du Partenariat Euro-Méditerranéen (PEM) en 1995, les relations entre l’Union européenne et les Pays tiers méditerranéens (PTM) connaissent une évolution notable. Du fait de la mise en place d’un cadre multilatéral complété par la conclusion des accords d’association, ce Partenariat représente une rupture avec les politiques méditerranéennes antérieures. Dans le contexte du cinquième élargissement de l'Union européenne du 1er mai 2004, la Politique Européenne de Voisinage (PEV) transforme le PEM en préconisant la création d’un cercle d'amis avec les voisins méditerranéens du Sud et les nouveaux voisins de l’Est. Ce métissage est le résultat de la rencontre entre deux cadres à objectifs différents et contextes géostratégiques différents : le PEM comme cadre de coopération régionale établi dans les années quatre-vingt-dix et une PEV en tant que politique de l’UE employant les méthodologies issues du processus de préadhésion. Les transformations des relations euro-méditerranéennes après la PEV ont permis l'émergence progressive d'une nouvelle forme relationnelle avec un impact contrasté sur les dimensions bilatérale et multilatérale du PEM. Cette étude définit le résultat de cette nouvelle dynamique interactive des politiques de l’UE sous le nom de cadres de voisinage euro-méditerranéens. La délimitation des cadres de voisinage euro-méditerranéens passe par l’analyse des transformations des relations après le cinquième élargissement en distinguant la dimension multilatérale de la dimension bilatérale. Si la dimension régionale euro-méditerranéenne post-élargissement n’est que partiellement affectée par la PEV, la dimension bilatérale est, quant à elle, profondément modifiée par l’instauration progressive d’un cadre relationnel à mi-chemin entre l’association et l’adhésion. / With the launch of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) in 1995, the relation between the relationship between the EU and Mediterranean countries witnessed a significant evolution. With the establishment of a multilateral framework supplemented by the conclusion of association agreements, this Partnership represents a break with past Mediterranean policies. In the context of the fifth enlargement of the European Union on May 1st, 2004, the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) transforms the PEM; advocating for the creation of a circle of friends with Mediterranean neighbors in the South and the new neighbors in the East. This mix is the result of the encounter between two frameworks with different objectives in different geo-strategic contexts: the EMP as a regional cooperation framework established in the nineties on one hand and the ENP, i.e. an EU policy using the pre-accession process methodologies on the other hand. The transformation of Euro-Mediterranean relations after the ENP allowed for the gradual emergence of a novel relational framework with a mixed impact on the bilateral and multilateral dimensions of the EMP. This study defines the result of this new interactive dynamic of the EU policies falling under the Euro-Mediterranean neighbourhood framework. The delimitation of the Euro-Mediterranean neighbourhood frameworks involves the study of the transformations in the relations following the fifth enlargement, distinguishing between multilateral and bilateral dimensions. While the Euro-Mediterranean regional dimension post-enlargement is only partially affected by the ENP, the bilateral dimension is, in turn, profoundly changed by the progressive introduction of a relational framework halfway between the association and the membership.

L’Union européenne (UE) se sert principalement d’outils normatifs pour exercer du pouvoir sur la scène internationale, notamment par la promotion de ses propres lois et standards. Le meilleur exemple est l’élargissement de l’UE, processus ayant contribué à stabiliser l'Europe et à transformer les candidats en des démocraties de marché, notamment en promouvant un rapprochement avec les normes européennes en échange d’une perspective d’adhésion à l’UE. La Politique européenne de Voisinage (PEV) utilise les mêmes mécanismes développés lors des élargissements, notamment la promotion de réformes en échange d’incitatifs financiers. Par contre, la PEV n’offre aucune perspective d’adhésion à l’UE aux États qui y participent. Ainsi, plusieurs études ont conclu que cette politique ne pourrait engendrer les réformes escomptées. Bien que la coopération au sein de la PEV ne soit pas aussi fructueuse que lors des élargissements, on remarque que certains pays plus que d’autres ont, malgré l’absence de perspective d’adhésion, fait des changements à leur législation en conformité avec les normes européennes. En comparant la coopération dans le secteur de la Justice et des affaires intérieures en Moldavie et en Ukraine, nous montrons que la différence s’explique par l’importance des facteurs internes des pays concernés, notamment l’existence d’identités nationales contestées et les batailles politiques intérieures portant sur la politique étrangère. / The European Union (EU) relies heavily on normative tools to exert power in world politics, such as the promotion of its own laws and standards. The most successful case is the EU enlargement process, which has contributed to stabilize the vicinity and transform candidates into market-based democracies by promoting alignment with European legislation and offering the prospect of EU accession. The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) uses the same mechanisms that have made enlargement a successful policy, notably incentives-fueled reform. It does not however offer participating states a membership perspective and therefore most scholarly studies have drawn bleak prospects on its ability to promote reform. While cooperation in the ENP framework is not as intense as during the enlargement rounds, we find that some countries have indeed been making changes to their legislation and aligning themselves with the acquis communautaire, while other countries have not been so successful. By comparing norm implementation in the field of Justice and Home Affairs in the cases of Moldova and Ukraine, we show that differences are explained by the significant impact of domestic factors, such as contested state identities and domestic political battles over foreign policy.

L’Union européenne (UE) se sert principalement d’outils normatifs pour exercer du pouvoir sur la scène internationale, notamment par la promotion de ses propres lois et standards. Le meilleur exemple est l’élargissement de l’UE, processus ayant contribué à stabiliser l'Europe et à transformer les candidats en des démocraties de marché, notamment en promouvant un rapprochement avec les normes européennes en échange d’une perspective d’adhésion à l’UE. La Politique européenne de Voisinage (PEV) utilise les mêmes mécanismes développés lors des élargissements, notamment la promotion de réformes en échange d’incitatifs financiers. Par contre, la PEV n’offre aucune perspective d’adhésion à l’UE aux États qui y participent. Ainsi, plusieurs études ont conclu que cette politique ne pourrait engendrer les réformes escomptées. Bien que la coopération au sein de la PEV ne soit pas aussi fructueuse que lors des élargissements, on remarque que certains pays plus que d’autres ont, malgré l’absence de perspective d’adhésion, fait des changements à leur législation en conformité avec les normes européennes. En comparant la coopération dans le secteur de la Justice et des affaires intérieures en Moldavie et en Ukraine, nous montrons que la différence s’explique par l’importance des facteurs internes des pays concernés, notamment l’existence d’identités nationales contestées et les batailles politiques intérieures portant sur la politique étrangère. / The European Union (EU) relies heavily on normative tools to exert power in world politics, such as the promotion of its own laws and standards. The most successful case is the EU enlargement process, which has contributed to stabilize the vicinity and transform candidates into market-based democracies by promoting alignment with European legislation and offering the prospect of EU accession. The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) uses the same mechanisms that have made enlargement a successful policy, notably incentives-fueled reform. It does not however offer participating states a membership perspective and therefore most scholarly studies have drawn bleak prospects on its ability to promote reform. While cooperation in the ENP framework is not as intense as during the enlargement rounds, we find that some countries have indeed been making changes to their legislation and aligning themselves with the acquis communautaire, while other countries have not been so successful. By comparing norm implementation in the field of Justice and Home Affairs in the cases of Moldova and Ukraine, we show that differences are explained by the significant impact of domestic factors, such as contested state identities and domestic political battles over foreign policy.