This thesis explores the Security Governance of the European Union (EU) by examining the relationship between the external dimension of Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) and civilian crisis management missions. More specifically it tests the capacity of EU level actors to project the external dimension of JHA's goals, in a coordinated and coherent fashion, into the Union's near abroad. The research 'puzzle' lies in the multi-dimensional character of the external dimension of JHA. The fact that the domains tools and competencies are spread within and across all three pillars of the EU make its coordination with civilian crisis management missions far from straight-forward. The ambition to link the two policy domains has been expressed repeatedly by the EU in high profile strategic documents, such as the European Security Strategy of 2003, and the 2005 'A Strategy for the External Dimension of JHA: Global Freedom, Security and Justice'. This thesis endeavours to test the EU's performance in governing the external dimension of JHA and the need to link its goals with those of civilian crisis management missions. It does this by taking three civilian crisis management missions recently projected into the EU's milieu, with mandates related to security sector reform and JHA. The missions selected for comparison are: Proxima launched in 2003 in Macedonia; EU Border Assistance Mission to Moldova and Ukraine launched in 2005; and finally, EULEX Kosovo launched in 2008. These missions are selected to serve as prime test cases for the interface between JHA and civilian crisis management missions, covering a time period that will allow for an examination of continuity and change in foreign and security policy at the EU level.

This research aims to examine the securitization of migration in the Council of the European union by answering the question “Why did a securitization of migration wave in 2015 occur in the political debate within the Council of the European union?”. The research focuses on the Justice and Home Affairs Council (JHA) and the Foreign Affairs Council (FAC). This is done by a discourse analysis of relevant Council documents, whereas the securitization theory is used as an explanatory tool. The results of the study show that a securitization of migration occurred due to the discourse 1) connecting migration to terrorism, 2) producing the image of a crisis taking place, 3) mobilizing institutions to act upon these notions, and 4) overlooking migrants’ security through power relation mechanisms detected in the discourse.

This thesis analyzes the impact of Europeanization on domestic policy structures in states which are not European Union (EU) members within the framework of asylum and refugee policies. It focuses on the influence of Europeanization during Turkey&amp / #8217 / s pre-accession process to the EU after 1999. This thesis has three main goals. The first one is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the dynamics behind Europeanization of asylum and refugee policies. The second goal is to highlight the institutional, administrative and ideational environment in which these policies take place. Finally, it aims to analyze how the dynamics of European integration through legislative harmonization creates systemic transformation in domestic governance systems in the EU candidate countries in their pre-accession process.

The diploma thesis characterizes the institute of EU Council Presidency and deals with the Czech EU Council Presidency in the first half of 2009. More specifically, it concentrates on the Czech Presidency of Justice and Home Affairs Council. The thesis analyzes the Czech Presidency Programme in the area of Justice and Home Affrairs, as it was introduced at the beginning of 2009 and the thesis evaluates how much the Czech Republic managed to fulfil this programme. It answers the questions whether the Czech Republic has fulfilled the main functions of EU Council Presidency during its Presidency of Justice and Home Affairs Council and whether the Czech Republic managed to benefit from its advantageous position and present itself. Finally, the diploma thesis evaluates whether the Czech Republic generally passed during its Presidency in the area of Justice and Home Affairs.

<p>The aim of this thesis is to interpret and understand the concept of citizenship in general, and the European citizenship in particular, placed within a broad theoretical framework. Furthermore, the purpose is to examine whether the development of a European citizenship indicates an emergence of a new ‘post-national’ model of citizenship, based on residence rather than nationality or place of birth. In order to address this, the status of third- country nationals (TCN’s), who are legally long-term residents within the Union, in relation to EU citizens has been analysed from the theoretical perspectives. </p><p>Different models of citizenship provide the paper with a theoretical framework, through which the empirical data has been examined. The theoretical approaches dealt with in this paper are the liberal, the republican/communitarian and the ‘post-national’ models of citizenship respectively. Fundamental ‘key concepts’ have been derived from these different models of citizenship, which have facilitated the analysis by providing the interpretation of the EU citizenship with an analytical framework. </p><p>To find answers to the initial research questions and fulfil the aim of the paper, a qualitative and hermeneutic study has been carried out, aiming at interpreting and understanding the European citizenship placed within its socio-political context. Text and language constitute the units of analysis and, hence, a textual analysis has been conducted of official EU documents. Following a conceptual history approach, concepts are not just reflections of historical processes, but can themselves contribute to historical change by making new things imaginable. As emphasised throughout the paper, concepts embrace at the same time a ‘space of experience’ and a ‘horizon of expectation’. </p><p>The main conclusions drawn from the research can be summarised in a number of points. First, while the concept of European citizenship was originally connected to a formal and economic view upon citizenship, close to a liberal/neo-liberal notion of citizenship, the texts express an aim of a more active citizenship, emphasised in the republican/communitarian tradition. Secondly, despite a multicultural and post-national rhetoric concerning the status of long-term resident TCN’s, the gaining of ‘full’ EU citizenship can still only be attained through nationality in a Member State. Thirdly, the importance of interpreting a concept placed within its socio-political context has been clear from the study. The semantic analysis has showed a close link between the European citizenship andthe goal to create an ‘area of freedom, security and justice’ throughout the Union. This goal is interpreted as a response to recent occurrences in the world, but at the same time it expresses expectations about the EU citizenship, and it can thus itself affect future developments in this field. </p><p>To sum up, while the concept of European citizenship is post-national to the extent that it applies to all EU citizens irrespective of where in the Union they live, it is still not completely based on the principle of residence. Only nationals of an EU Member State can obtain citizenship of the Union. Thus, the concept of European citizenship, while establishing a citizenship across national borders, is still based on nationality.</p>

The aim of this thesis is to interpret and understand the concept of citizenship in general, and the European citizenship in particular, placed within a broad theoretical framework. Furthermore, the purpose is to examine whether the development of a European citizenship indicates an emergence of a new ‘post-national’ model of citizenship, based on residence rather than nationality or place of birth. In order to address this, the status of third- country nationals (TCN’s), who are legally long-term residents within the Union, in relation to EU citizens has been analysed from the theoretical perspectives. Different models of citizenship provide the paper with a theoretical framework, through which the empirical data has been examined. The theoretical approaches dealt with in this paper are the liberal, the republican/communitarian and the ‘post-national’ models of citizenship respectively. Fundamental ‘key concepts’ have been derived from these different models of citizenship, which have facilitated the analysis by providing the interpretation of the EU citizenship with an analytical framework. To find answers to the initial research questions and fulfil the aim of the paper, a qualitative and hermeneutic study has been carried out, aiming at interpreting and understanding the European citizenship placed within its socio-political context. Text and language constitute the units of analysis and, hence, a textual analysis has been conducted of official EU documents. Following a conceptual history approach, concepts are not just reflections of historical processes, but can themselves contribute to historical change by making new things imaginable. As emphasised throughout the paper, concepts embrace at the same time a ‘space of experience’ and a ‘horizon of expectation’. The main conclusions drawn from the research can be summarised in a number of points. First, while the concept of European citizenship was originally connected to a formal and economic view upon citizenship, close to a liberal/neo-liberal notion of citizenship, the texts express an aim of a more active citizenship, emphasised in the republican/communitarian tradition. Secondly, despite a multicultural and post-national rhetoric concerning the status of long-term resident TCN’s, the gaining of ‘full’ EU citizenship can still only be attained through nationality in a Member State. Thirdly, the importance of interpreting a concept placed within its socio-political context has been clear from the study. The semantic analysis has showed a close link between the European citizenship andthe goal to create an ‘area of freedom, security and justice’ throughout the Union. This goal is interpreted as a response to recent occurrences in the world, but at the same time it expresses expectations about the EU citizenship, and it can thus itself affect future developments in this field. To sum up, while the concept of European citizenship is post-national to the extent that it applies to all EU citizens irrespective of where in the Union they live, it is still not completely based on the principle of residence. Only nationals of an EU Member State can obtain citizenship of the Union. Thus, the concept of European citizenship, while establishing a citizenship across national borders, is still based on nationality.

The tiploma thesis "The EU policy to fight public sector corruption in the member and in the candidate states: an instrument to reduce corruption or a cause of a paradoxical membership effect?" deals with the conception, the development and the current state of the EU anticorruption policy in the member and in the candidate states. It provides an introduction into the issue of corruption and its control, with a particular emphasis on the corruption in the post-communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The thesis explains the interest of the EU in this phenomenon and provides an overview of the EU instruments to fight corruption in the member and in the candidate states. At the same time, it compares the effectiveness of the two dimensions of the EU anticorruption policy. Exemplified by the case of the post-communist states that entered the EU in 2004, the thesis analyzes whether the EU accession is connected with weakening of obligations that arise from this policy. Due to possible negative consequences of such a paradoxical membership effect, the thesis searches for possibilities how to reduce it and how to prevent it in the future. The thesis also provides for a brief case study on corruption and anticorruption in the Czech Republic from the application for the EU membership until now.

L’Union européenne (UE) se sert principalement d’outils normatifs pour exercer du pouvoir sur la scène internationale, notamment par la promotion de ses propres lois et standards. Le meilleur exemple est l’élargissement de l’UE, processus ayant contribué à stabiliser l'Europe et à transformer les candidats en des démocraties de marché, notamment en promouvant un rapprochement avec les normes européennes en échange d’une perspective d’adhésion à l’UE. La Politique européenne de Voisinage (PEV) utilise les mêmes mécanismes développés lors des élargissements, notamment la promotion de réformes en échange d’incitatifs financiers. Par contre, la PEV n’offre aucune perspective d’adhésion à l’UE aux États qui y participent. Ainsi, plusieurs études ont conclu que cette politique ne pourrait engendrer les réformes escomptées. Bien que la coopération au sein de la PEV ne soit pas aussi fructueuse que lors des élargissements, on remarque que certains pays plus que d’autres ont, malgré l’absence de perspective d’adhésion, fait des changements à leur législation en conformité avec les normes européennes. En comparant la coopération dans le secteur de la Justice et des affaires intérieures en Moldavie et en Ukraine, nous montrons que la différence s’explique par l’importance des facteurs internes des pays concernés, notamment l’existence d’identités nationales contestées et les batailles politiques intérieures portant sur la politique étrangère. / The European Union (EU) relies heavily on normative tools to exert power in world politics, such as the promotion of its own laws and standards. The most successful case is the EU enlargement process, which has contributed to stabilize the vicinity and transform candidates into market-based democracies by promoting alignment with European legislation and offering the prospect of EU accession. The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) uses the same mechanisms that have made enlargement a successful policy, notably incentives-fueled reform. It does not however offer participating states a membership perspective and therefore most scholarly studies have drawn bleak prospects on its ability to promote reform. While cooperation in the ENP framework is not as intense as during the enlargement rounds, we find that some countries have indeed been making changes to their legislation and aligning themselves with the acquis communautaire, while other countries have not been so successful. By comparing norm implementation in the field of Justice and Home Affairs in the cases of Moldova and Ukraine, we show that differences are explained by the significant impact of domestic factors, such as contested state identities and domestic political battles over foreign policy.

L’Union européenne (UE) se sert principalement d’outils normatifs pour exercer du pouvoir sur la scène internationale, notamment par la promotion de ses propres lois et standards. Le meilleur exemple est l’élargissement de l’UE, processus ayant contribué à stabiliser l'Europe et à transformer les candidats en des démocraties de marché, notamment en promouvant un rapprochement avec les normes européennes en échange d’une perspective d’adhésion à l’UE. La Politique européenne de Voisinage (PEV) utilise les mêmes mécanismes développés lors des élargissements, notamment la promotion de réformes en échange d’incitatifs financiers. Par contre, la PEV n’offre aucune perspective d’adhésion à l’UE aux États qui y participent. Ainsi, plusieurs études ont conclu que cette politique ne pourrait engendrer les réformes escomptées. Bien que la coopération au sein de la PEV ne soit pas aussi fructueuse que lors des élargissements, on remarque que certains pays plus que d’autres ont, malgré l’absence de perspective d’adhésion, fait des changements à leur législation en conformité avec les normes européennes. En comparant la coopération dans le secteur de la Justice et des affaires intérieures en Moldavie et en Ukraine, nous montrons que la différence s’explique par l’importance des facteurs internes des pays concernés, notamment l’existence d’identités nationales contestées et les batailles politiques intérieures portant sur la politique étrangère. / The European Union (EU) relies heavily on normative tools to exert power in world politics, such as the promotion of its own laws and standards. The most successful case is the EU enlargement process, which has contributed to stabilize the vicinity and transform candidates into market-based democracies by promoting alignment with European legislation and offering the prospect of EU accession. The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) uses the same mechanisms that have made enlargement a successful policy, notably incentives-fueled reform. It does not however offer participating states a membership perspective and therefore most scholarly studies have drawn bleak prospects on its ability to promote reform. While cooperation in the ENP framework is not as intense as during the enlargement rounds, we find that some countries have indeed been making changes to their legislation and aligning themselves with the acquis communautaire, while other countries have not been so successful. By comparing norm implementation in the field of Justice and Home Affairs in the cases of Moldova and Ukraine, we show that differences are explained by the significant impact of domestic factors, such as contested state identities and domestic political battles over foreign policy.

L’entraide pénale se définit comme ce besoin des Etats de s’associer pour permettre la réalisation d’un objectif commun, celui de lutter plus efficacement contre le crime. A l’échelle européenne, les Etats ne vont pas se limiter à l’utilisation des mécanismes internationaux existants. Ils s’engagent dans un processus de coopération approfondi, provoquant une régionalisation de l’ensemble des normes favorisant la lutte contre la criminalité, plus spécialement la criminalité organisée. Cette évolution vers un système partenarial répond à une nécessité illustrée par le rapport déséquilibré entre la criminalité transnationale et l’ « entraide pénale classique ». Pour répondre à l’accroissement de cette criminalité et aux insuffisances des outils européens classiques, les Etats européens instaurent un socle de règles communes, protectrices des droits fondamentaux, ainsi que divers principes juridiques dont l’harmonisation et la reconnaissance mutuelle. Progressivement, la coopération pénale en Europe ne se fonde plus sur une logique d’entraide entre les Etats mais sur un objectif d’intégration pénale développé au sein de plusieurs organisations. Parmi elles, il convient de distinguer plus particulièrement le Conseil de l’Europe, la Communauté européenne devenue l’Union européenne, le Benelux et le Conseil nordique. Concomitamment, cette entraide pénale européenne apparaît désormais comme une réalité complexe due à une multiplication des espaces pénaux. L’espace pénal formé par le Conseil de l’Europe et la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme (C.E.D.H.) se distingue plus particulièrement de l’espace de liberté, de sécurité et de justice de l’Union européenne (E.L.S.J.) identifié par ses multiples agences (Europol, Eurojust, Frontex, etc.). Comment s’opèrent aujourd’hui les mouvements de coopération et d’intégration pénales entre les Etats européens ? N’est-il pas envisageable de repenser l’architecture pénale européenne ? La réponse à cette question passe par la redéfinition des espaces pénaux européens sous le concept d’ « Europe pénale » et la proposition de nécessaires modifications organisationnelles. / Judicial cooperation in criminal matters may be defined as the need for individual States to work together to achieve a common goal in fighting crime more efficiently. On a European scale, States will not stop at the use of international mechanisms. They are committed to a deeper cooperation process which leads to the regionalization of norms and thus favors the fight against crime, and more particularly organized crime. Such a move towards a system of partnership is necessary, as may be seen in the relationship between transnational crime and “traditional cooperation in criminal matters”. To meet this need, European States must introduce a set of common rules, protective of fundamental rights, along with different legal principles, such as harmonization and mutual recognition. Progressively, cooperation in criminal matters in Europe is no longer based on the logic of mutual assistance between States, but aims at several organizations developing a policy of integration. Organizations of note, amongst the many committed to this process, are the Council of Europe, the former European Community, now European Union, the Benelux countries and the Nordic Council. Moreover, European mutual assistance in criminal matters seems to take on a complex reality from now on, due to the multiplication of criminal areas. The area formed by the Council of Europe and the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) is distinct from the European area of freedom, security and justice (AFSJ) identified by its many agencies (Europol, Eurojust, Frontex, etc.). Taken as a whole, this is a question of being interested in a process which leads to integration in criminal matters between European States. It might be useful to take this opportunity to suggest a re-definition of the European areas in criminal matters under the heading “Criminal Europe”. The necessary organizational modifications may thus be put forward.