Im Gegensatz zu einer proklamierten Notwendigkeit einer Nationalisierung und Monolingualisierung politischer Prozesse entwickelt die Dissertation eine alternative Perspektive, die die Praktiken des postkolonialen und polylingualen Kontexts Kenia zum Ausgang nimmt. Das primäre Erkenntnisinteresse der Arbeit, die Zusammenhänge von Sprache, Nation und Politik, verortet sich in diesem Spannungsfeld von monolingualem Ideal und polylingualem Alltag. Dabei wird die (Aus-) Nutzung der Kategorien von Nation und Sprache in sozialen und politischen Praktiken in der Analyse dergleichen und der Ableitung deskriptiver Kategorien transparent. Die Komplexität und Multiplität der sprachlich regulierten Identitätskonstrukte rückt dabei in den Fokus der Auseinandersetzung und bedingt neue Lesarten der Nation und Sprache. In dem deskriptiv empirischen Ansatz wird Nation als Analyse Kategorien verstanden. Die Apriori Annahme eines ethnisch „falschen“ Bewusstseins, das die als notwendig erachtete „richtige“ nationale Integration verhindere, wird verworfen und mit einer „Situationsbezogenheit, Flexibilität und Manipulierbarkeit der ethnischen Zugehörigkeit“ (Lentz 1995, 122) konfrontiert. Modelle, die ihre Analyse auf einem monolingualen Ideal gründen, können die komplexen und multiplen Heterogenitäten des gelebten Alltags nicht erfassen. Die zahlreichen zu Kenia veröffentlichten Analysen verlieren diese wenig gefestigten Identifikationen aus ihrem Blickfeld und übergehen die situative und soziale Konstruktion der Kategorien. In der Analyse wird gezeigt, wie heterogen die nationalen Praktiken tatsächlich sind (Kenya*n). Die Funktion von Sprache in der Ausführung des Kenya*n (Talking Kenya*n) rückt ins Zentrum des Interesses. Eine dynamische Anpassung der Sprachen an die Bedingungen der Kommunikation wird sichtbar, die eine institutionalisierte ethno-linguisierte Grenzziehungen in einigen Situationen überwindet und dort aufrechterhält, wo sie als notwendig erachtet wird. Abhängig von Kontext, Akteuren und Interessen wird die Nation rekursiv geformt und in jeder Ausführung iterativ aktualisiert. Den Kontext der Analyse stellen jüngste politische Entwicklungen in Kenia, die allgemeinen Präsidentschafts- und Parlamentswahlen 2013, bereit, die in ihrer Ausführung zwar einmalig, aber mit vorangegangen politischen Entscheidungsprozessen (Wahlen 2002, 2007, Referendum 2010) in Bezug zu bringen sind. Auf Basis dieser intensiven politischen Debatten können kontextualisierte und empirisch fundierte Interpretationen in den Bezug auf den Nexus von Sprache und Nation abgeleitet werden.:1 Einführung 2 Methodologie 3 Die Konstruktion der Nation in Kenia: Eine Nation. Ein Volk. Eine Sprache 4 Talking Kenya*n 5 Kenia Be-Deuten: Mkenya, Ukenya und Mawakenya im Vergleich 6 Eine Kritische Morphologie des Kenya*n: multiple Deutungen und dynamische Praktiken 7 Von der Politisierung der Sprache und Sprachwissenschaft 8 Literaturverzeichnis 9 Anhang

Gouvernance, état d’exception et construction étatique à Madagascar : ces trois notions sont indissociables d’une approche de la composante juridique du concept d’état d’exception. Cette démarche implique, d’une part, l’examen de la construction tourmentée de l’ordre juridique postcolonial et celui, d’autre part, du processus de constitutionnalisation des pouvoirs de crise. Par ailleurs, il conviendra de se pencher sur les applications de l’état d’exception qui, de 1972 à 2002, ont suscité une nouvelle dynamique de conceptualisation et, mutatis mutandis, la perpétuation d’une tradition juridique de l’exception. Cette approche éclairera les dérives liées à la pratique et à l’expérimentation des pouvoirs de crise. Elle en explorera les propriétés. Elle n’en exclura pas, loin s’en faut, les marqueurs comparables avec d’autres cas d’étude et les interférences incontournables avec le droit international. Dans un deuxième temps, cette contribution s’efforcera d’interroger la composante politique de l’état d’exception. En effet, cette dimension prédominante détermine une meilleure compréhension de l’application du dispositif sur le terrain malgache, tout en permettant d’expliciter la construction et les pratiques politiques de l’état d’exception, là où le droit reste muet, discret, inapplicable, obscur ou équivoque. Notre démonstration s’appuiera ici sur une notion-clef de la pensée schmittienne : le « décisionnisme politique ». Par ailleurs, les théories du philosophe italien Giorgio Agamben, relatives à l’état d’exception comme « paradigme normal de gouvernement » et sur le concept-même de « dispositif », viendront enrichir l’analyse de l’usage et de la maîtrise des pouvoirs de crise. Dans un troisième temps, il conviendra de circonscrire et de questionner la thèse de l’«exceptionnel ordinaire», fréquemment soutenue par de nombreuses théories et de confronter sa pertinence au cas malgache, afin d’en apprécier la validité. Le montage politique d’«état d’exception permanent » et la banalisation des crises occasionnent, à l’aune du contexte malgache, l’émergence de la notion inédite d’« état d’exception débridé », sans toutefois éclipser celle, tout autant inédite, d’« exception particulière », comme tend à le démontrer la crise politique de 2009. Cette analyse ne manquera pas de recourir aux apports de l’anthropologie : en effet, dimensions culturelles, spécificités malgaches et imaginaire collectif contribueront à mieux circonscrire les modes d’acculturation de la société malgache aux concepts « importés ». Enfin, sans clôturer la réflexion, cette contribution s’efforcera de mieux saisir la dialectique de « l’État malgache en déliquescence ». Sera explorée l’émergence de nouveaux paradigmes de gestion de crise plus concertée, plus consensuelle, plus inclusive, plus rationnalisée, plus internationalisée, moins autoritaire, moins contestable, moins « débridée ». Tout aussi éloigné des jugements de valeur hâtifs que des reconstructions à dominante « culturaliste » qui privilégient une forme de fatalisme sur la trajectoire et le sort de la Grande Île, notre contribution visera d’abord à expliciter des réalités socio-politiques complexes, et à considérer les nombreux défis qui subsistent dans le processus encore inachevé de construction de l’État de droit à Madagascar / No study of governance, of the degenerative State of Madagascar, and its state of emergency can be properly undertaken without consideration of the legal component of a state of exception. This task calls for a close examination of the tumultuous construction of post-colonial judiciaries and the constitutionalising of emergency powers in time of crisis. Moreover, it would be appropriate to pay particular attention to the terms of imposition of states of exception which, from 1972 to 2002, provided new impetus to the conception and perpetuity of such apparatus. This approach would bring to light the abuses and excesses related to the exercise and experimentation of emergency powers, and provides hallmarks or milestones that may be observed or corroborated in adjacent studies, thereby introducing essential references for international law. In a second step, this work cannot hide the political component of a state of exception. Actually, this dimension allows for a better understanding of the context in the case of Madagascar, because it highlights the political construction and practice of the mechanism in areas where conventional law has been silent or discrete, obscure or ambiguous, and therefore difficult to enforce. This demonstration draws on the primary notion of the Schmittien doctrine, that of “political decisionism”. It is acknowledged that the theories developed by the Italian philosopher, Giorgio Agamben, about states of exception being the ordinary models for government and how they could serve as “mechanism”, are particularly fertile for the analysis of governance by emergency powers. In a third step, it seems appropriate to analyse the thesis of “the ordinarily exceptional” which is frequently upheld by numerous theories and to see how it may apply to case of Madagascar. The political construction of a permanent state of emergency and the trivialisation of crises lend themselves to the unprecedented notion of an “unrestrained state of emergency” in Madagascar, different from the equally original “particularly exceptional state”, where the political crisis of 2009 could serve as an example. This analytical path takes inevitably into account the cultural and other specificities of Madagascar, and the pros and cons of “imported” ideas and concepts. Finally, this paper is completed, without closing the analysis, with the demonstration of “A State of Madagascar in Decay”. The emergence of new models for crisis management is explored; these are more consensual, inclusive, rational and international. They are less authoritative, less disputable, less unrestrained and less unbridled. The trial against the state of emergency is removed, as are all fatalistic ideologies regarding the future of the Grande Île. Nonetheless, it is important to keep in mind the realities of evidence and the numerous challenges that remain in the yet unaccomplished process of (re)construction of a State of Law in Madagascar

Detta är en uppsats som analyserar tre nedslag tagna ur svensk designhistoria. Bakgrunden ligger i Sveriges varumärke, nation brand. Materialet utgörs av marknadsföring från Stockholmsutställningen 1930, reklambilder från IKEA under 1980-talet och ompositioneringen av varumärket “Sweden” 2014. Teorin bygger på semiotik och vad nation brand och national reputation är och gör. Metoden utgår från semiotik och analysen görs utefter en semiotisk analysmetod av det bildmaterial som valts ut från dessa tre nedslag i svensk designhistoria. Då detta är en undersökning inom ett fält där personliga tolkningar och bakgrund spelar stor roll i hur materialet analyseras är det svårt att hitta ett definitivt svar på den eventuella forskningsfrågan - resultat blir istället en diskussion om samspelet mellan nation och analysmaterialet, hur nationen påverkat dessa och hur de i sin tur påverkat nationen och dess varumärke.

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This dissertation considers the incommensurable interests of people, fossil capital, federal energy politics, and place in Northern Canada during the 1970s. By the late 1960s, the insatiable North American appetite for fossil fuels had turned its attention toward the Arctic region. After the discovery of rich deposits in Prudhoe Bay, Alaska, in 1968, largescale energy projects were proposed to access and exploit these Arctic natural resources. Canada participated in this northern oil rush; an exploration of oil and gas in the Arctic regions was accelerated in the early 1970s. The next challenge involved transporting the oil and gas to southern markets. In 1974, the Canadian federal government initiated the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry to investigate the social, environmental, and economic effects of the pipeline routes proposed by a consortium of American and Canadian oil companies through the Mackenzie River Valley in the Northwest Territories where it would connect with existing pipeline infrastructure in northern Alberta. The Inquiry’s report recommended against immediate construction, encouraging instead a ten-year moratorium. Inquiry commissioner Thomas Berger’s report rationalized the delay to make time for settling Indigenous land claims in the region and for taking conservation measures to protect some key areas in the Mackenzie River Valley. In this dissertation, I examine how the discussion around pipeline construction shaped the meaning of the North, self-determination, and cultural recognition. In this dissertation, I particularly focus on how Indigenous peoples asserted their claims by rejecting state-driven policies and the interests of fossil-fuel capitalism in the North. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / Through the close reading of the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry hearings, I examine how the discussion around energy development shaped the 1970s’ contentious Canadian politics of nation and North. Central to this debate, I focus on how Indigenous peoples asserted their land claims by challenging and refusing the settler state policies and the interests of fossil-fuel capitalism in the western Northwest Territories in the 1970s. By using the Inquiry process, northern Indigenous peoples challenged the idea that the state had a legitimate authority to decide and control the future or destiny of a territory or peoples in its defined borders.

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This thesis is a study of constructions of home and nation in selected works by Patrick White, Peter Carey, Xavier Herbert and James Bardon. Drawing on the work of postcolonial theorists, it examines ways in which the selected texts engage with national mythologies in the imagining of the Australian nation. It notes the deployment of racial discourses informing constructions of national identity that work to marginalise Indigenous Australians and other cultural minority groups. The texts are arranged in thematic rather than chronological order. White’s treatment of the overland journey, and his representations of Aboriginality, discussed in Chapter One, are contrasted with Carey’s revisiting of the overland journey motif in Oscar and Lucinda in Chapter Two. Whereas White’s representations of Indigenous culture in Voss are static and essentialised, as is the case in Riders in the Chariot and A Fringe of Leaves, Carey’s representation of Australia’s contact history is characterised by a cultural hybridity. In White’s texts, Indigenous culture is depicted as an anachronism in the contemporary Australian nation, while in Carey’s, the words of the coloniser are appropriated and employed to subvert the ideological colonial paradigm. Carey’s use of heteroglossia is examined further in the analysis of Illywhacker in Chapter Three. Whereas Carey treats Australian types ironically in Illywhacker’s pet emporium, the protagonist of Xavier Herbert’s Poor Fellow My Country, Jeremy Delacy, is depicted as an expert on Australian types. The intertextuality between Herbert’s novel and the work of social Darwinist anthropologists in the 1930s and 1940s is discussed in Chapter Four, providing a historical context to appreciate a shift from modernist to postmodernist narrative strategies in Carey’s fiction. James Bardon’s fictional treatment of the Papunya Tula painting movement in Revolution by Night is seen to continue to frame Indigenous culture in a modernist grammar of representation through its portrayal of the work of Papunya Tula artists in the terms of ‘the fourth dimension’. Bardon’s novel is nevertheless a fascinating postcolonial engagement with Sturt’s architectural construction of landscape in his maps and journals, a discussion of which leads to Tony Birch’s analysis of the politics of name reclamation in contemporary tourism discourses.

<p>Globalization abates barriers and makes the world similar, but also leads countries to perform like companies seeking and competing for global capitals. In this competition the „nation brand‟ becomes a critical tool to stand out and attract any sort of foreign investments. In this research, the factors which affect the nation brand, presented in the Anholt´s hexagon model, will be tested through the combination of theory on nation branding and empirical data. The study analyzes how different organizations affect and promote the commercial image of Spain in Sweden. Up to seven entities susceptible to affect the brand Spain were analyzed; the ICEX, the economic and commercial office of Spain in Stockholm, the embassy of Spain in Stockholm, Invest in Spain, the Elcano Royal institute, the Hispanic-Swedish chamber of commerce in Madrid and the Swedish trade council in Madrid. The study also presents an outline of the current context of the brand Spain and its projection in Sweden, as well as an overview on the trade relationship between both countries. The individual commitment of most of the organizations investigated, under the guidance of the Ministry of foreign affairs and the Ministry of industry, tourism, and trade of Spain, appears as one of the main findings. Despite the limited scope of this investigation, the relative novelty of this field of study leaves room for further research in different directions, questioning those who claim that globalization threats local diversity.</p>

Globalization abates barriers and makes the world similar, but also leads countries to perform like companies seeking and competing for global capitals. In this competition the „nation brand‟ becomes a critical tool to stand out and attract any sort of foreign investments. In this research, the factors which affect the nation brand, presented in the Anholt´s hexagon model, will be tested through the combination of theory on nation branding and empirical data. The study analyzes how different organizations affect and promote the commercial image of Spain in Sweden. Up to seven entities susceptible to affect the brand Spain were analyzed; the ICEX, the economic and commercial office of Spain in Stockholm, the embassy of Spain in Stockholm, Invest in Spain, the Elcano Royal institute, the Hispanic-Swedish chamber of commerce in Madrid and the Swedish trade council in Madrid. The study also presents an outline of the current context of the brand Spain and its projection in Sweden, as well as an overview on the trade relationship between both countries. The individual commitment of most of the organizations investigated, under the guidance of the Ministry of foreign affairs and the Ministry of industry, tourism, and trade of Spain, appears as one of the main findings. Despite the limited scope of this investigation, the relative novelty of this field of study leaves room for further research in different directions, questioning those who claim that globalization threats local diversity.