Denna studie avser undersöka Sverigedemokraternas (SD) och Nordiska motståndsrörelsens (NMR) användning av jämställdhet, utifrån hur de skriver om jämställdhet, nation, kön, feminism, familjepolitik och/eller hbtq-frågor. Studien är komparativ och jämför NMR:s och SD:s sätt att använda jämställdhet i sin politiska retorik. För det används diskursanalytisk metod och empirin består av partiprogram och artiklar från vardera parti. Den teoretiska ansatsen utgår från jämställdhet, svenskhet, familj och heteronormativitet. Min analys av materialet visar att det finns både likheter och skillnader vad gäller SD:s och NMR:s sätt att skriva om jämställdhet kopplat till kön, hbtq och familj, men att deras retorik kring jämställdhet ändå utgår från samma kärna. Skillnader finns i att NMR inte använder begreppet jämställdhet i lika stor utsträckning som SD vad gäller att beskriva sin egen politik. SD:s sätt att skriva om jämställdhet i relation till sin egen politik gör jämställdheten till en fråga som främst berör kvinnor, trots att de uttrycker att de anser att jämställdhet ska handla om både män och kvinnor, medan NMR i större utsträckning skriver om män. Båda partier kopplar jämställdheten som något svenskt eller nordiskt, för att sedan ställa det i motsats till de icke-svenska, eller invandrarna, som icke jämställda – här blir jämställdheten en tillgång. Samtidigt ser de också feminism och genusvetenskap som problem för samhället, främst i form av att den splittrar familjen som grund. Detta skapar en dubbelhet i hur de använder jämställdhet, där hotet mot det svenska samhället kommer både inifrån och utifrån Sverige.

Syfte med denna studie är att fördjupa förståelsen hur personer med utländsk härkomst, som kommer till Sverige i vuxen ålder upplever sin situation kopplat till integration i det nya landet. En annan aspekt som berörs är svenska integrationspolitiken och dess koppling till immigranternas tankar. Den metod som används är kvalitativ. I den insamlade materialet ingår tio intervjuer, vardera fem av varje kön. Dessa individer har varit bosatta i Sverige mellan tio och femton år. Integrationsperspektivet i uppsatsen är avgränsad till arbetsmarknadsintegration, boendeintegration samt social integration. Integration av personer med utländsk härkomst är betydelsefull, då dessa individer får likvärdiga sociala samt ekonomiska möjligheter.   Resultatet av undersökningen visar att dessa personer upplever att bristande språkkunskaper har varit/ är ett av de större hindren som de möter i samband med sin integrering. En annan faktor som diskuteras samt problematiseras är det svenska samhällets krav på anpassning på dessa individer, därav koppling till Strukturell/institutionell diskriminering.

Afghanistan has been one of the most protracted conflicts modern era, but theories of civil war onset fail to explain the war’s causes or its patterns of violence. This thesis examines the origins of the post-2001 period of the conflict through the perspective of state formation; although many civil wars today unfold in newly-forming states, the processes of center-periphery relations and elite incorporation have been little studied in the context of political violence. The thesis first describes how Afghanistan’s embeddedness in the international state system and global markets undermined the nascent state’s efforts to centralize and bureaucratize, leading instead to warlordism and neopatrimonialism. Second, it demonstrates that the development of an insurgency after 2001 was due not to ethnic grievance or rebel opportunities for profit, but rather to the degree to which local elites were excluded from state patronage. Third, it examines the role of ideology and social position in the Afghan Taliban movement. The dissertation seeks to offer a theory of political violence in Afghanistan that can, mutatis mutandis, help explain key features of civil war in newly-forming states.

This dissertation explains how the Republic of China (ROC), overseas Chinese (huaqiao), and the Philippines, sometimes but not always working with each other, produced and opposed the threat of Chinese communism from the end of World War II to the mid-1970s. It is not a history of US-led anticommunist efforts with respect to the Chinese diaspora, but rather an intra-Asian social and cultural history of anticommunism and nation-building that liberates two close US allies from US-centric historiographies and juxtaposes them with each other and the huaqiao community that they claimed. Three principal arguments flow from this focus on intra-Asian anticommunism. First, I challenge narrowly territorialized understandings of Chinese nationalism by arguing that Taiwan engaged in diasporic nation-building in the Philippines. Whether by helping the Philippine military identify Chinese communists or by mobilizing Philippine huaqiao in support of Taiwan, the ROC carved out a semi-sovereign sphere of influence for itself within a foreign country. It did so through institutions such as schools, the Kuomintang (KMT), and the Philippine-Chinese Anti-Communist League, which functioned transnationally and locally to embed the ROC into Chinese society and connect huaqiao to Taiwan. Through these groups, the ROC shaped the experiences of a national community beyond its territorial boundaries and represented itself as the legitimate “China” in the world. Second, drawing upon political theory, I argue that the anticommunist relationship between the ROC, the Philippines, and the Philippine Chinese constituted a form of what I call shared, non-territorial sovereignty. Nationalist China did not secure influence over Chinese in the Philippines by exerting military or economic pressure, as a neocolonial regime might. Vast disparities in power did not obtain between Manila and Taipei, as they did between them and Washington. Rather, for reasons of law, culture, linguistic incapacity, and ideology, the Philippines selectively outsourced the management of its Chinese residents to the ROC. In turn, both depended on the Chinese being able to govern themselves with state support, coercive and otherwise. The Philippine Chinese, as in colonial times, were thus semi-autonomous actors who participated in the construction of shared sovereignty after World War II by forging ties with states to advance their anticommunist agenda. This three-way relationship provides a framework for thinking about postcolonial sovereignty in East Asia that focuses on relations of relative equality between states and the relative autonomy of the Chinese as a minority population, rather than between dominant and dominated or in terms of territory. Nationalist China and the Philippines’ nation-building projects had profound consequences for the Philippine Chinese. While these peoples were in many respects acted upon by the ROC and Philippine states through legal and coercive means, they by no means lacked agency. Rather, they performed their agency as consensual participants in making anticommunism. In focusing on them, the dissertation shifts from international and transnational history to social and cultural history and the history of civic life. Existing scholarship, whether in the social sciences or Sinophone Studies, largely depicts the postcolonial hua subject as a non-ideological businessman or cultural producer. I argue, by contrast, that the overseas Chinese could be eminently ideological and politically active. From informing on suspected Chinese communists to the ROC and Philippine states to proclaiming their loyalties to the ROC and Chiang Kai-shek, anticommunist social practices enabled Philippine huaqiao to come to terms with being legally disadvantaged and ideologically suspect minorities in their country of residence. Unlike racial and cultural Chineseness, which they could or would not give up, they could and did choose to behave ideologically; and in doing so, they legitimized their community to the Philippine state and Filipino society.

No description available.

This thesis employs an approach of discourse analysis on male homosexuality in postwar Japan from the viewpoint of the tense relations between Japanese cultural nationalism and the globalisation/Westernisation, along with the shifts of discourses of sexuality in the United States and the UK. Through analysing the discourses of sexuality in post-war Japan, I will theoretically indicate the historical and political relationship between problems of gender and sexuality, and national problems such as national identity between Japanese and Western cultures, ideal image of the nation, and its modern development. Firstly, I argue the works of Mishima Yukio (1925-1970), who is one of the representative writers in post-war Japan, especially famous for his gaythemed works and far-right political activism including his attempt of coup d'état. Then, I explore the political dynamics of gay shame in Japan, focusing on Togo Ken (1932-2012), a pioneer of Japanese gay activism who had challenged national elections since 1971 as an openly homosexual candidate. Next, I discuss how the AIDS crisis has changed the discourses of sexuality and the sense of national and cultural borders in Japan. I then discuss the Japanese homonormativity in the 2000s, analogous to Lisa Duggan's new homonormativity in the US context. Finally, I analyse Japanese ‘LGBT' political phenomena under the transnational influence of the Obama administration's LGBT-friendly policy in the contemporary Japan, and point out problems under the influences of ‘global' LGBT activism in contemporary Japanese society.

This thesis traces the emergence of the Zionist political movement from the mid nineteenth century until the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948. The thesis explores the impetus behind the mainstream political movement which led to the establishment of the State, throwing light on the kaleidoscope of spiritual and political Zionisms. However, the ultimate focus is on the statist form of Zionist ideology which marginalised other forms of Zionism rendering them historical curiosities devoid of meaningful political impact. I analyse the texts of some prominent Zionist ideologues through the theoretical framework of nationalist, colonial and post-colonial theories forging the concept of colonial nationalism to interpret and analyse Zionism. I limit my work to Zionist political texts and their anchor in the surrounding milieu of European nationalism and colonialism in the 19th century. The chapters deal with different trends within the then emergent movement from spiritual Zionism and the religious justification of political Zionism through liberal and bi-national Zionisms. Each chapter engages with Zionist political thought offering textual analysis and historical contextualisation of the major forms of the movement. I argue that at its inception, Zionism was anchored in European ethno-nationalism and colonialism and a modern and highly contingent interpretation of the Hebrew biblical traditions. As such it is rendered a reactionary and regressive form of ethno-nationalist colonialism that, as an ideology in the contemporary world, it can only survive when it is premised on ideas of cultural supremacy. Thus post-Zionism with its espousal of a multiplicity of narratives and valorisation of minority rights is, rather than forging a new de-territorialized identity, a return to a model of diasporic Jewish identity where a common cultural heritage is disparate from citizenship and nationality.

Este trabalho procura conhecer os caminhos que levaram a construção da imagem do poeta Gonçalves Dias que conhecemos hoje. Procura-se entender de que forma ele veio a construir o nome, no cenário letrado do Império do Brasil, que o fez ser identificado como o poeta nacional por excelência, e também, identificar, em que esferas e projetos ele atuou durante o processo de construção de sua imagem. Nesse caminho, trabalhou-se com a análise de sua correspondência, de modo a perceber qual o peso que suas relações sociais exerceram na formação de sua identidade autoral. Entende-se também que a imagem/memória de Gonçalves Dias hoje conhecida foi fruto dos esforços de seus biógrafos, se não em criá-la, ao menos em fixá-la, ao longo dos anos, de modo a reservar para Gonçalves Dias, definitivamente, um lugar no panteon nacional. / This paper seeks to understand the images related with the construction of Gonçalves Dias as a recognized author and poet, in the literary scene of Brazils Empire. In this way, we are working with the analysis of his correspondence, in order to see how much weight their social relations exercised in that self construction. We also understand those images and representations of Gonçalves Dias as the result of an effort done by his biographers. If his biographers did not invent him, certainly they have contributed to fix, over the years, a place for Gonçalves Dias in the national pantheon.

A presente tese representa um esforço no sentido de contextualizar a caminhada do ensaio de interpretação do Brasil, durante o século XIX, com base em três aspectos: a construção do tema nacional, em Varnhagen; a aquisição de uma linguagem de corte subjetivo, em Joaquim Nabuco; e o relacionamento entre ciência e literatura, em Euclides da Cunha. Na introdução, ocorrem aproximações de natureza conceitual acerca das características mais salientes do ensaio como gênero na literatura e da noção de identidade nacional. No primeiro capítulo, os objetivos se transferem para a investigação dos antecedentes da interpretação do Brasil, principalmente aqueles localizados nos textos de não ficção, a exemplo da carta de Pero Vaz Caminha e dos relatos de viagem durante o período colonial. O segundo capítulo descreve os esforços para a criação de uma língua literária correspondente ao novo estatuto de independência política, tendências inventariadas pela prosa e poesia do período, em textos como a História Geral do Brasil, de Francisco Adolfo de Varnhagen. O influxo de uma nova subjetividade sobre a linguagem constitui o escopo do terceiro capítulo que também reproduz parte da fortuna crítica do ensaio O Abolicionismo, de Joaquim Nabuco. Em quarto, o diálogo entre ciências sociais e a interpretação do Brasil servem de contraponto ao levantamento de obras que já aproximam a questão social (o caso de Os Sertões, de Euclides da Cunha). No quinto capítulo, uma breve reconstituição da passagem do ensaio de interpretação do Brasil no século XX. Por último, na coda, a trajetória do ensaio de interpretação do Brasil, até meados de 1900 / This study is focused in the interpretation of Brazil, in the period time of the XIX century, based on three aspects: the building of the nationalist matter, in Varnhagen; the acquisition of subjective language, in Joaquim Nabuco and the relationship between science and literature, in Euclides da cunha. The introduction, presents the conceptual nature about the more visible traces of the essay in the literature e and notion of national identity. In its first chapter, the narrative follow the roots of Brazils interpretation, especially in those non fictional texts like the letter of Pero Vaz Caminha and the journey reports during the colonial period. The second chapter describes the creation of a literary language after the process of political independence. It can be found in written productions such as poetry and novel, but mostly in texts like História Geral do Brasil, by Francisco Adolfo de Varnhagen. The uprise of this new subjectivity in the language concerns the matter of the fourth chapter that also brings the criticism about the essay O Abolicionismo, de Joaquim Nabuco. In the coda, there is a brief reconstitution of Brazils way of interpretation, until near 1900

As identidades coletivas e sua politização, no que concerne às transformações das primeiras décadas do século XIX, são aspectos fundamentais do processo de surgimento do Brasil como uma entidade política nacional e soberana. A presença maciça de estrangeiros no Brasil, possibilitada pela abertura dos portos em 1808, produziu modificações significativas para o futuro do Império português, além de registros deixados por viajantes sobre os atributos coletivos da população residente na América portuguesa. Ao descrever as paisagens e costumes da gente e ao veicularem vocábulos que dissessem respeito a estas descrições, entende-se que estes viajantes contribuíram com o processo de formação de uma futura identidade nacional. Desse modo, pretendeu-se analisar a forma como o ser brasileiro foi delineado nos relatos de viajantes britânicos e franceses que estiveram no Brasil entre 1808-1822, procurando entender as possibilidades que o abrangia e que, em momento oportuno, seria capaz de revelar adesão emocional no pertencimento ao Brasil como nação. / Collective identities and their politicization are crucial aspects in the process of Brazil appearance as a national and sovereign political entity, in the transformations of the first decades of the nineteenth century. The massive presence of foreigners in Brazil, possible by the opening of the ports in 1808, produced significant changes in the future of the Portuguese Empire, addition to records left by travelers about the collective attributes of the resident population in Portuguese America. In describing the landscapes and customs of the people and to convey words that say about these descriptions, it is understood that these travelers contributed to the formation process of a future national identity. Therefore, we intend to analyze how \"being Brazilian\" was outlined in reports from French and English travelers who visited Brazil between 1808-1822, trying to understand the possibilities that covered and that, at an appropriate time, be able to reveal the emotional attachment belonging to Brazil as a nation.