CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / A pesquisa aborda a imigraÃÃo brasileira no Paraguai. Conforme algumas estimativas, cerca de 350 a 450 mil brasileiros migraram para o paÃs vizinho a partir do final da dÃcada de 1950, constituindo-se no maior fluxo migratÃrio de brasileiros para um Estado limÃtrofe. Esse processo singular ocorreu a partir da junÃÃo de aÃÃes planejadas pelos Estados nacionais e de deslocamentos populacionais espontÃneos. Os imigrantes brasileiros se concentraram nos departamentos (correspondentes aos estados brasileiros) do Alto ParanÃ, CanindeyÃ, Amambay, Itapua, Caaguazu e CaazapÃ. Eles formaram, ao longo das quatro Ãltimas dÃcadas, vÃrias cidades onde predominam a lÃngua portuguesa, os canais de televisÃo brasileiros, as mÃsicas e tradiÃÃes culturais do Brasil. O confronto entre os imigrantes, principalmente os produtores de soja, e os setores camponeses da sociedade paraguaia tÃm gerado conflitos de classe, Ãtnicos, nacionais e civilizacionais, mas tambÃm novas formas de integraÃÃo dos imigrantes à sociedade paraguaia. A imigraÃÃo brasileira, a influÃncia econÃmica do Brasil no Paraguai e a forÃa dos meios de comunicaÃÃo brasileiros no paÃs vizinho ampliam a zona de contatos interculturais e de disputas de poder entre brasileiros e paraguaios. Esses processos podem ser compreendidos a partir do conceito de fronteiras em movimento. Essa noÃÃo visa articular os conceitos de Estado-naÃÃo, fronteiras nacionais e imigraÃÃes internacionais e concebÃ-los em constante movimento. Analiso as frentes de expansÃo demogrÃfica, econÃmica, polÃtica e cultural dos brasileiros na fronteira leste do Paraguai, os confrontos do passado entre os dois paÃses atualizados nos conflitos do presente, a figuraÃÃo âtrabalhadoresâ brasileiros e âpreguiÃososâ paraguaios e a dinÃmica das classificaÃÃes e das negociaÃÃes das identidades nacionais (paraguaios, brasileiros e âbrasiguaiosâ) na regiÃo de fronteiras. Esses movimentos sÃo contraditÃrios, tensos e permeados por relaÃÃes assimÃtricas de poder entre o paÃs de origem dos imigrantes e a naÃÃo de destino. A imigraÃÃo brasileira no Paraguai gera fronteiras simbÃlicas, hibridismos culturais, variadas tensÃes, colocando em risco os limites fixos dos Estados nacionais. As imagens cristalizadas e delimitadas dos mapas das naÃÃes nÃo correspondem à dinÃmica da vida nos espaÃos fronteiriÃos.

This ethnographic dissertation examines contemporary perceptions of higher education within the context of a Tribal government. The purpose of this dissertation is to understand how Tribal community members perceive higher education as related to Tribal self-determination. This project was partially modeled around two specific research questions relating to Brayboy’s (2012) model of self-determination. Specific research questions for this dissertation included: (1) What are the perceptions of education in a Tribal community as they relate to sovereignty, nation building, and self-determination? (2) Are there differences among perceptions of education between groups (e.g., traditionalists v. credentialists)? In addition to addressing the specific research questions, this project also included a modified grounded theory to foster emergent theme development. Emergent theme development was intended to account for narratives beyond specific research questions. Participants were presented the following questions in one-on-one, open-ended interviews organized around the following questions: (1) How is formal education important for Tribal members? (2) How is formal education important to Tribal community development? (3) What formal educational credentials are most important to the operations of the Tribe? (4) What do you think formal educational credentials represent? (5) What tensions exist between a formal education v. cultural knowledge? (6) What do you think should be the ideal process of Tribal higher education? (7) How well do you think the current educational policies and practices of the Tribe complement self-determination? (8) What are the goals of a self-determination education? Results for this project were mixed. Narratives indicated a relative absence of conceptual constructs associated with Brayboy’s model of self-determination. Additionally, narratives also did not indicate a robust example of group dynamic. Results appeared to indicate an underlying presence of epistemological standpoints to frame Tribal higher education in terms of: (1) Formal Credentials; (2) Practical Experience; and (3) Cultural Experience. Finally, emergent theme development established how educational credentials are promoted, valued, and employed within the Tribal government setting. Narratives produced an extremely nuanced and dynamic landscape of perceptions, groups, utilities, tensions, obstacles, and reforms within Tribes. Narratives also indicated the presence of educational credentialism affecting self-determination in Tribal communities.

This project studies the paradoxical juxtaposition of the modern nation-state's guarantee of life and security to its citizenry, along with the spectacular (encounter killings, torture chambers and cells) and banal (border control practices, population policies) forms through which it exercises the power over life and death in the sphere of everyday life in particular borderland areas. I argue that a study of exceptional locales like India's eastern borderlands elaborates the paradox of state sovereignty in two ways: first, it illustrates that so-called "margins," like colonies and borderlands, are necessary for the institution of modern state sovereignty, and second, it enables a critical scrutiny of the function of forms of violence as essential tools of modern governmentality. India's eastern borderlands are a crucial locale for such an inquiry because they lie at the crossroads of the three area-studies formations of South, Southeast and East Asia. The institutionalization of the official borders of the nation-states that rim this region--India, China, Myanmar, Bangladesh and Bhutan--are comparatively recent historical developments. Specters of pre-nation-statist spatial connections still survive in the region, and often come into conflict with modern state technologies such as citizenship laws and statutes regulating cross-border socioeconomic contacts among people. The central focus of my project is on post-1980 Anglophone and local language literary fictions by Amitav Ghosh, Siddhartha Deb, Parag Das and Raktim Xarma. These fictions demonstrate how the eastern borderlands are figured in popular Indian discourse as a "state of nature" that occupy a position of being both inside the rationalized territorial body of the nation-state and outside the regime of normalized law and order. Focusing on figures as diverse as bureaucrats, army officials, journalists, guerrillas and refugees (among others), they show how socio-historical changes over a longue durée, and the practices and policies employed by the state apparatus, coalesce to produce new modalities of subjectivity and politics in these zones of exception in the Indian nation-state.

This study examined the role mass media play in animating the relationship between globalization and the nation-state. This study interrogated this relationship using a multi-method approach that analyzed news coverage, the general "media climate" in Oklahoma, and audience responses to the media climate regarding the Oklahoma Taxpayer and Citizen Protection Act, a comprehensive immigration reform bill passed into law in 2007. The key goals of this study were to examine the ways in which news media in Oklahoma cover the issue of immigration, particularly as it relates to the Oklahoma Taxpayer and Citizen Protection Act, in order to garner a deeper understanding of the ways in which the mass media participate in global processes while cementing the national imagined community. Moreover, by examining audience interpretations of news coverage from mainstream and diasporic news outlets regarding this legislation, this study provided insight into the ways messages about the immigrant family and its contingent gender roles circulate and incorporate into day-to-day culture and how, in turn, these cultural meanings are put into the service of the nation-state. This study used a multi-method approach comprising of a textual analysis of the bill itself and news coverage of the two largest English-language newspapers in the state. I also analyzed the text of a Spanish-language paper based in Tulsa and conducted in-depth, semi-structured interviews with various state legislators, journalists, community members, and staff members at and clients of the Latino Community Development Agency in Oklahoma City. In my analysis of the text of the Oklahoma Taxpayer and Citizen Protection Act, or, as it is commonly referred to, HB 1804, I argue that the bill established the ideological parameters of the immigration reform debate in the state. The text of the bill also reifies the nation-state, produces a subaltern immigrant community without recourse to the legal system, and provides a template of the ideal U.S. citizen through its representation of the deviant immigrant. My textual analysis of the two largest English-language newspapers in Oklahoma posits that these news discourses criminalize the immigrant, and gender, racialize, and class the immigrant worker, family unit, and its contingent members. As a result, the news coverage can be seen to highlight the ways in which 1804 is an attempt at resistance to global intrusions in Oklahoma and to offer assurance to the citizen community that cultural turmoil will be calmed. The figures of the bill's main author and the Catholic Church also symbolize the tension between the nation-state and the global in these news discourses. Finally, I argue that the Spanish-language media and the LCDA serve to unify the Latino community in Oklahoma in the context of immigration reform discourses, regardless of legal status, providing cultural sustenance and support when 1804 would deny this to the immigrant community.

In late 19th century Norway, a small urban elite chose nature as a distinctive trait to define the young Norwegian nation. Ever since, this constructed nature mythology, based on real nature (dark forests, fjords and high mountains), has been a recurrent symbol equated with Norwegianness in the rhetoric of the nation. While this foundational narrative has been represented in most of the arts, it is depicted in a more complex manner in contemporary Norwegian films. Thus the main question in "Nature, Nation and the Global in Contemporary Norwegian Cinema" is the following. What is the relationship between Norwegian national culture (as established in national Romanticism) and contemporary Norwegian cinema in a globalization context? My hypothesis is that investigating the national category of nature in Norwegian films discloses Norwegian cinema as a transnational cinema. To this day, there has only been one major study on Norwegian nature mythology applied to literature and culture. However, the relation between nature and national identity in Norwegian cinema has not been the subject of a thorough study either in English or in Norwegian. Thus, "Nature, Nation and the Global in Contemporary Cinema" is the first study to investigate the representation of nature in Norwegian cinema in a global context. This dissertation thus fills a gap in providing a study of nature in Norwegian cinema. This dissertation joins other recent studies of a minor national cinema, originating in a small nation, that place their cinemas in a global context. Methodologically, I rely on cultural, genre, global, and transnational cinema studies. Each chapter takes one type of natural geography as a starting point (the wild forest, the sea and the mountain) in order to analyze how, in the film texts, each aspect of nature negotiates the local and the global contexts. Thus, each chapter creates a bridge between cinematic representations, Norwegian national and global culture. As a result, this project has demonstrated that the relationship between cinema and culture is complicated by the relationship both have cultivated with nature. This dissertation has confirmed that as a mode of representation cinema is fundamentally transnational, crossing borders and, thus, contradicts the attempts of national ideologies to contain culture and identities within enclosed borders. At the same time, I have shown that cinema and nature are equally transnational, fluid and porous and that they are places of negotiation between the local and the global.

In this study, 96 children from Thailand were interviewed using the 30-item Parent-Affinity Perception Scale. Children from four age groups (preschool, first graders, third graders, and sixth graders) were asked to choose either "Mother" or " Father" as a response for this questionnaire. Children's perceptions of affinity in relationship with their parents and their parental preference were studied. The children were to select which parent they would prefer in three categories: (1) as a companion in activities that were physical or social, (2) who they would go to for help in personal or moral needs, and (3) for various activity destinations. The results showed a preference for "Mother" over "Father" on a majority of the questions. Boys and girls selected "Mother" for more of the items overall, except for physical activity where "Father" was chosen. When comparing all of the age groups, "Mother" was selected as the preferred parent in all instances except for the sixth-grade boys.

<p>Syfte med denna studie är att fördjupa förståelsen hur personer med utländsk härkomst, som kommer till Sverige i vuxen ålder upplever sin situation kopplat till integration i det nya landet. En annan aspekt som berörs är svenska integrationspolitiken och dess koppling till immigranternas tankar. Den metod som används är kvalitativ. I den insamlade materialet ingår tio intervjuer, vardera fem av varje kön. Dessa individer har varit bosatta i Sverige mellan tio och femton år. Integrationsperspektivet i uppsatsen är avgränsad till arbetsmarknadsintegration, boendeintegration samt social integration. Integration av personer med utländsk härkomst är betydelsefull, då dessa individer får likvärdiga sociala samt ekonomiska möjligheter.</p><p> </p><p>Resultatet av undersökningen visar att dessa personer upplever att bristande språkkunskaper har varit/ är ett av de större hindren som de möter i samband med sin integrering. En annan faktor som diskuteras samt problematiseras är det svenska samhällets krav på anpassning på dessa individer, därav koppling till Strukturell/institutionell diskriminering.</p>

No description available.

Cette thèse traite de la manière dont les médias et, en particulier, la presse écrite, construit l’identité nationale en période de crise. La problématique est circonscrite dans un espace et temps précis, à savoir la guerre du Kosovo (mars-juin 1999). Pourquoi insister sur l’identité nationale (grecque) dans un contexte de nationalismes (balkaniques)? Parce que nous sommes habitués à considérer les nations comme des centres ethniques fixés une fois pour toutes et capables de voyager immuables dans le Temps. On oublie ainsi que les nations se définissent à partir d’un enjeu circonscrit dans un temps et un espace précis. Et c’est cet enjeu que crée le cadre de l’interaction des acteurs sociaux. Ainsi, plus qu’une liste de critères identitaires, pour la plupart culturels, c’est l’interaction entre Nous et les Autres qui définit notre identité. Insister sur le contenu substantiel de la nation crée souvent des « identités meurtrières » (A. Maalouf) ; en revanche, considérer l’identité comme un fait social et politique pourrait ouvrir de nouvelles perspectives de co-existence pour les communautés nationales. Pourquoi nous intéresser à la presse écrite? Il y a deux raisons à cela. La première : la crise du Kosovo fut un événement hautement médiatisé. Or, « si l’image nous a fait vivre une guerre en direct, ou a prétendu le faire, l’écrit nous a permis de discuter du bien-fondé des différentes positions en présence » (M. Lits, R. Amossy). Du coup, le rôle de la presse dans la formation de l’opinion publique est considérable. La deuxième raison de notre intérêt tient au caractère politique de la presse, surtout dans un pays marqué par un bipartisme rigide dont les journaux quotidiens sont le miroir idéologique. En fait, la presse quotidienne grecque n’est pas un agent neutre qui rapporte tout simplement les faits. Elle re-construit les événements à travers son prisme idéologique et parle des Autres, des acteurs occidentaux et balkaniques qui sont impliqués dans la guerre du Kosovo en véhiculant des stéréotypes et des représentations collectives. Mais, en parlant des Autres, la presse parle également de la Grèce. En cela, elle soutient le processus identitaire grec que la crise du Kosovo déclenche.

Intentionen med denna studie är att studera på vilket sätt Skolverket problematiserar modersmålsstödet och mo-dersmålsundervisningen i den svenska skolan. Med diskursanalys som grundläggande metodologisk och teoretiska utgångspunkten har avsikten varit att genom skolverkets rapport Flera språk fler möjligheter (2002), belysa moders-målsstödets situation, dess intentioner, samt också dess konsekvenser för såväl individen som samhället. Därtill är syftet att beröra eventuella ideologiska föreställningar som framkommer, såväl Skolverkets som andra aktörer som har del i rapporten. Av analysen har det bland annat framkommit att modersmålsundervisningen befinner sig i ett såväl rumsligt tidsmässigt utanförskap i förhållande till skolans övriga reguljära undervisningsmiljö. Enligt skolverket bör det ligga i skolans intresse att i praktiken införliva och integrera modersmålsundervisningen, dels för att skapa bättre förutsättningar för modersmålsstödet som undervisningsmetod, men också för att på detta sätt skapa en all-män förståelse för modersmålsundervisningens roll i ett pluralistiskt och demokratiskt samhälle. Av rapporten fram-kommer det att det existerar en misstro mot vad för slags medborgare och samhälle som modersmålsundervisningen genererar. Varför Skolverket är av den uppfattningen att det finns anledning att belysa på vilket sätt modersmålsun-dervisningen gynnar individens utveckling och lärande och att konsekvenserna är positiva för såväl individ som sam-hälle ur ett socialt och samhällsekonomiskt perspektiv.