This theses analyzes the partisan movement during World War II in the regions of Žďársko a Novoměstsko in the years 1944-1945. It defines the concept of the "partisan" with regard to the matter in question. It further outlines the positions of Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union on partisan resistance and comments on this type of resistance activity on the Eastern Front. Integral to this thesis is also a survey into the development of resistance organisations in the region of interest. Finally, it devides the partisans and their overall activities into different categories.

The Organization of Repatriation of Displaced Persons in Czechoslovakia after World War II. Bc. et Bc. Jana Kasíková Abstract Analyzing the social aspects of the repatriation process of those forced out of their home countries to Czechoslovakia during WW2, this thesis first describes the communication and cooperation of the Czechoslovakian exile government in London with international organizations, particularly with UNRRA and SHAEF. Furthermore, the social, health, transportation and financial impact of creating and maintaining the supporting structures for repatriating displaced persons is explored, with both governmental and non-governmental perspective. Special attention is given to the participation of the general public, e.g. donations, volunteering, media coverage and public relations. The final chapter then explores the organizational structure of the repatriation process in Czechoslovakia. Specific communication between Czechoslovakian and French institutions is presented as an insight into international cooperation. Keywords: repatriation, the return after the Second World War, Displaced Persons, UNRRA, post-war media, relation of repatriation with France

The master thesis Periodical Press in the Kutná Hora Region during the period 1918 - 1948 focuses on the changes of the structure of periodical press in the Kutná Hora region in the specified time range. First, the definition of the Kutná Hora region with its demographic and geographic characteristics is provided. As the structure of the periodical press in the Kutná Hora region during the era of the First Republic was based on the situation before the First World War, the landscape of the media of the Kutná Hora region before 1918 is described. Kutná Hora region had been already rich in periodical press of political parties as well as the press of non-political organizations in that time and the same situation applies also for the interwar period. After the Munich agreement until the beginning of the occupation of Czechoslovakia the structure of the political press was changing at first and finally all the periodicals of political parties ceased to exist. By the march 1943, also the press of the non-political organization disappeared. In 1945 the richness of the prewar periodical press situation was not renewed. Most of the political parties shifted their weekly newspapers away from the Kutná Hora region and the non-political organizations were not allowed to publish their magazine due to the lack of...

Diploma thesis named Periodicals in Frenštát pod Radhoštěm in the 1st half of 20th century describes press developmental changes issued in Frenštát pod Radhoštěm. Firstly, thesis characterizes what kind of press has been issued in Frenštát, what was in its content, who was the target group and how the press reflected current issues. Thesis is divided into three historical parts according to global political issues and changes in press trends. Mentioned three parts are the periods between 1900 -1918, 1918 - 1945, 1945 - 1950, when the press trends had been changing step by step from popularity of the local press and magazines expansion, towards political press and establishing of company magazine. All this changes are reflected on the background of town and global history. The reader is in introduction briefly acquainted with the town history, its cultural wealth, famous persons, development of the local clubs and industry. Secondly follows the main part of the thesis, where is in detail described particular types of newspapers in mentioned time periods. Part of the thesis is quantitative content analysis of two chosen newspapers with aim to determinate, what were the topics, in what range, who was the target group and what type of news was dominating: local, nationwide or global.

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Cette thèse se propose d’étudier le gouvernement collaborateur dirigé par Wang Jingwei (1940-1945) à la croisée de deux trajectoires : celle de l’État chinois moderne et celle de l’Empire japonais. Au-delà d’un approfondissement des connaissances sur l’occupation japonaise en Chine, mon travail ambitionne d’enrichir le champ des études sur l’État lui-même. Une telle approche ne va pas de soi, tant le caractère « fantoche » attribué à ce régime par l’historiographie chinoise l’a longtemps isolé du reste de la période et cantonné à une histoire des tenants idéologiques de la collaboration. Sans évacuer cet aspect, mon approche consiste à l’inscrire dans une étude politique et sociale du gouvernement et de l'administration, afin de saisir le fonctionnement réel de la machine étatique en zone occupée. Pour ce faire, je développe le concept d’État d’occupation, qui désigne l’ensemble formé par les organisations japonaises (institutions militaires et civiles) et chinoises (gouvernements collaborateurs locaux), établies afin d’administrer la Chine occupée. La construction de cet État, qui visa, à partir de 1940, à intégrer ces organisations derrière la façade du gouvernement de Wang Jingwei, fut détournée par des logiques de formation, nées des contradictions entre ses différents acteurs. Ce processus est examiné en adoptant des focales différentes. La première partie étudie la mise en place de l’État d’occupation du point de vue japonais, en montrant l’impact qu’eurent, l’un sur l’autre, centre et périphérie au sein de l’Empire nippon. Je reviens ensuite sur la genèse de cet État d’occupation, jusqu’à la formation du gouvernement de Wang Jingwei. La deuxième partie réduit la focale pour s’intéresser à l’organisation particulière de ce dernier, dont la spécificité, par rapport aux autres régimes collaborateurs, provenait de l’ambition qu’avait le groupe de Wang de restaurer le Gouvernement nationaliste légitime dans le cadre d’un « retour à la capitale ». La troisième partie, enfin, se penche sur le cas de la fonction publique en zone occupée, dont le cadre institutionnel et idéologique est mis en regard avec les conditions de vie des agents. / This dissertation studies the collaboration government headed by Wang Jingwei (1940-1945) at the crossroads of two trajectories: those of China’s modern state and Japan’s Empire. More broadly, my work aims at enriching the field of state-building research. Such an approach may seem counter-intuitive, as this regime is still labelled a "puppet" by Chinese historiography, which has cast it aside from the rest of the period and confined it to an ideological history of collaboration. I consider it within the context of a political and social study of government and administration, which tries to grasp the real functioning of the state machine in the occupied zone. For this purpose, I develop the concept of occupation state, i.e. a larger apparatus than the sole collaboration regimes, which included Japanese military and civilian agencies as well as Chinese local governments. From 1940 on, the state-building process aimed at integrating these organizations behind the façade of the Wang Jingwei government. However, it was diverted by a formation process, which resulted from the contradictions between its different actors. I explore this process from three different angles. The first part studies the establishment of the occupation state from the Japanese point of view, showing the mutual impact of centre and periphery within the Japanese Empire. Then, it follows the genesis of the occupation state up to the establishment of the Wang Jingwei government. The second part focuses on the experience of the latter, whose specificity, compared to other pro-Japanese regimes, was the ambition of the Wang group to restore the legitimate nationalist government as part of a "return to the capital". Thirdly, I look at the administrative personnel’s institutional and ideological framework as well as their living conditions.

Während des deutsch-sowjetischen Krieges war ab Herbst 1941 das Gebiet um die russische Stadt Brjansk von der Wehrmacht besetzt. Die 2. Panzerarmee verwaltete dieses Territorium über den Kommandanten des rückwärtigen Armeegebietes 532. Wie überall im besetzten Gebiet verübten die Einsatzgruppen des SD zahlreiche Morde und es kam zum Massensterben der Kriegsgefangenen in den Durchgangslagern. Starke, in den ausgedehnten Waldmassiven versteckte sowjetische Partisanenverbände erschwerten die Beherrschung des ausgedehnten Raumes. Aufgrund des Mangels an deutschen Soldaten wurden zahlreiche Bewachungseinheiten aus Einheimischen und Kriegsgefangenen gebildet. Der Kommandeur der Armee Generaloberst Rudolf Schmidt ging sogar so weit, einen von der russischen Bevölkerung vollständig selbst verwalteten Bezirk zuzulassen. Kollaboration mit den deutschen Besatzern war ein weit verbreitetes Phänomen, während gleichzeitig in den Wäldern die Partisanen herrschten. Die Sicherungsverbände führten zahlreiche Antipartisanenunternehmen durch, die meist ohne anhaltende Erfolge blieben, aber in deren Verlauf zahlreiche Zivilisten als vermeintliche Partisanen getötet wurden. Obwohl die Besatzungsherrschaft der Wehrmacht in diesem Gebiet von der in Berlin beschlossenen Generallinie der Ausbeutung, Unterdrückung und Vernichtung in vielem abwich, wurde nicht für eine ausreichende Ernährung der Bevölkerung gesorgt. Dem Hunger und dem Partisanenkrieg fielen bis zum Rückzug der Wehrmacht im Herbst 1943 tausende Zivilisten zum Opfer. / During the German-Soviet war by autumn 1941 the area around the Russian city Bryansk was occupied by the Wehrmacht. The Second Tank Army administrated this territory through the commander of the backward area of the army 532. Like everywhere in the occupied territories the Einsatzgruppen of the SD committed numerous murders and it came to the widespread deaths of the prisoners of war in the transit camps. Strong Soviet partisan groups hidden in the vast forest massifs complicated the control of the vast area. On account of the lack of German soldiers numerous guarding units from locals and prisoners of war were formed. The commander of the army senior general Rudolf Schmidt went even so far of admitting a district completely administered by Russians themselves. Collaboration with the occupying forces was a widespread phenomenon, while at the same time in the woods the partisans ruled. The guarding troops carried out numerous anti-partisan operations which mostly remained without during success but killed numerous civilians as putative partisans in the course. Although the occupation of the Wehrmacht in this area in many aspects deviated from the in Berlin concluded general line of exploitation, suppression and destruction, it was not provided for a sufficient supply of food for the population. Until the retreat of the Wehrmacht in autumn 1943 thousand of civilians fell victim to hunger and partisan warfare.

The first half of the twentieth century saw the evolution of the global public sphere as a site for political expression and social activism. In the past, this history has been marginalised by a discipline-wide preference for national and other container- based frames of analysis. However, in the wake of 'the global turn', historians have increasingly turned their attention to the ways historical actors thought, acted, and organised globally. Transnational histories of South Asia feed into our understanding of these processes, yet, so far, little attention has been paid to the role of Indian nationalist women, despite there being significant 'global' aspects to their lives and careers. Citizens of Everywhere addresses this lacuna through an examination of the transnational activities of a handful of prominent nationalist women between 1900 and 1950. These include alliances and interactions with women's organisations, anti-imperial supporters and the League of Nations, as well as official contributions to the business of the fledgling United Nations Organisation after 1946. This predominantly below-state-level activity built on and contributed to public and private networks that traversed the early twentieth century world, cutting across national, state and imperial boundaries to create transnational solidarities to transformative effect. Set against a backdrop of rising imperialist-nationalist tension and global geopolitical conflict, these relationships enable a counter-narrative of global citizenship - a concept that at once connotes a sense of belonging, a modus operandi, and an assertive political claim. However, they were also highly gendered, sometimes tenuous, and frequently complex interactions that constantly evolved according to local and global conditions. In advancing our understanding of nationalist women's careers, Citizens of Everywhere contributes to the recovery of Indian women's historical subjectivity, which, in turn, sheds light on gender and nationalism in South Asia. Further, Indian women's transnational activities draw attention to a range of interventions and processes that illuminate the global history of liberal ideas and political practices, the legacies of which appear embattled in the present era.

O presente trabalho constitui-se de quatro partes principais, cada uma dedicada a um tópico. Na introdução serão ditos quais problemas foram levantados para estudo, de que forma eles serão abordados e quais objetivos se pretendem atingir. No capítulo I, será feita uma breve revisão da literatura que aborda aspectos históricos importantes para compreender o contexto de produção deste estudo. O segundo capítulo será dedicado à exposição da teoria escolhida para o trabalho. O próximo capítulo tece alguns comentários a respeito do tratamento dado ao material que engendrou a pesquisa. O quarto capítulo envolve a aplicação direta da teoria exposta anteriormente. Esta dissertação aplica a teoria linguística conhecida como Análise do Discurso (AD) de linha francesa para análise de artigos recolhidos no jornal O Estado de S. Paulo entre os anos de 1942 e 1948, período escolhido por ser historicamente delimitado pela Shoah e pela declaração de independência do Estado de Israel. / The present work is constituted of four main parts, each one dedicated to a topic. In the introduction, it will be told which problems were rose to the study, how they shall be approached and which objectives are expected to be reached. On chapter I, it will be done a brief review of the literature that approaches important historic aspects to comprehend the context of this works production. The next chapter makes some comments regarding the treatment given to the matter that engendered the research. The fourth chapter envolves the direct application of the theory previously exposed. This dissertation applies the linguistic theory known as Discourse Analysis (DA) from the french branch in order to analyse articles taken from the newspaper O Estado de S. Paulo between the years of 1942 and 1948, a stage chosen for being delimited by the Shoah and the declaration of independence from the State of Israel.

Sous l’ombre tutélaire des temples d’Angkor, les militaires français ont marqué de leur empreinte toute l’histoire du protectorat français au Cambodge. Nous avons décliné cette action sous trois aspects. Une action politique et diplomatique qui engerbe les problématiques liées au contexte cambodgien mais aussi celles des grands équilibres régionaux et internationaux. L’étude s’attache à discerner ce qui tient de l’engagement personnel des militaires et ce qui se réfère aux engagements politiques et diplomatiques du gouvernement français. Une action militaire qui a pour but de pacifier le Cambodge, de sauvegarder les intérêts français puis d’éviter l’invasion du pays par les forces communistes. Les méthodes et l’efficacité de l’outil militaire français dans ce contexte sont particulièrement analysées. Enfin, il s’agit d’analyser l’action des « militaires sans armes » : explorateurs, archéologues, ethnologues, écrivains etc., qui consolident le rôle de la France dans la reconstruction de l’identité khmère et affirment sa présence en Indochine. Une analyse prosopographique tente de discerner, pour chacun des militaires concernés, l’action qui peut s’expliquer comme une quête personnelle, voire intime, et celle qui tient de sa mission ou de l’œuvre collective. La nature du protectorat créé par les militaires français puis son évolution vers un modèle tendant à s’adapter aux invariants khmers et au contexte politique français est au coeur de cette étude. L’outil militaire français au Cambodge se dévoile ainsi à travers sa structuration, son fonctionnement et ses métamorphoses créant une situation coloniale singulière entre la France et le Cambodge. / Under the protecting shadow of the Angkor temples, the French military have left their mark in the history of the French protectorate in Cambodia. We propose to portray this action from three different angles. A political and diplomatic action that embraces the questions related to the Cambodian context, and those related to the regional and international balance of powers. The study seeks to discern what pertains to the personal commitment of the military, and what refers to the political and diplomatic commitments of the French government. A military action that aims to pacify Cambodia, to safeguard the French interests, and to avoid the invasion of the country by the communist forces. The methods and effectiveness of the French military tool in this context are carefully analysed. Finally, the action of the "unarmed soldiers": explorers, archaeologists, ethnologists, writers, etc., who also played a key role in the reconstruction of the Khmer identity, and in reinforcing its presence in the French Indochina. A prosopographic analysis attempts to differentiate, for each of the soldiers involved, the action that can be explained as a personal and sometimes intimate quest, from the action that is part of his mission or that could be considered as the product of the collective work. The nature of the protectorate, created by the French military, and its evolution towards a model inclined to adapt itself to the Khmer invariants and to the French political context, are at the heart of this study. The French military tool in Cambodia is thus revealed through its structuring, functioning and metamorphosis creating an unusual colonial relationship between France and Cambodia.