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TITLE: Two brothers. The literary activity and the political inolvement of Thomas and Heinrich Mann between 1918 - 1933 ABSTRACT: This diploma thesis compares the literary activity of Thomas and Heinrich Mann with their political opinions. The comparison of the literary activity and opinions is based on their two books. There is the novel Der Untertan in case of Heinrich Mann and the short story from Thomas Mann Mario und der Zauberer in the second case. KEY WORDS: Thomas Mann, Heinrich Mann, policy, Weimar Republic, Wilheminism, fascism, democracy, dictatorship

Die Dissertation ist dem politischen Denken Max Schelers gewidmet. Die Darstellung und Analyse von Schelers politischem Denken zwischen Kaiserreich und Weimarer Republik ist um die zentralen Begriffe Wert und Elite strukturiert. Schelers Bemühen um eine Stabilisierung der politisch-gesellschaftlichen Verhältnisse mit metapolitischen Mitteln ist das Resultat seiner Zeitdiagnostik. Er warnt angesichts der Entwicklung zu einer individualistischen Gesellschaft vor den damit einhergehenden Dissoziierungstendenzen. Seine Überlegungen zur Elite ziehen sich wie ein roter Faden durch sein Werk und prägen sein Politikverständnis. Durch die synchrone und diachrone Darstellungsweise wird der Umkreis jener elitetheoretischer Erörterungen einbezogen, die bis heute der Ausgangspunkt mancher Diskurse bilden. Entgegen der Tendenz den komplexen Elitebegriff der stratifizierten Gesellschaft, in der Macht-, Funktions- und Wertelite koinzidierten, auf seine funktionale Komponente zu reduzieren, in der Funktion und Leistung von Werten und Orientierung entkoppelt werden, hält Scheler an dem komplexen Elitebegriff fest und erklärt insbesondere die Bedeutung von Wertvermittlung und Sinnstiftung zum Nukleus seines Elitebegriffs. / This dissertation is dedicated to Max Scheler's political thinking. The representation and analysis of Scheler's political thinking between German Empire and Weimar Republic is structured around the central concepts of value and elite. Scheler's endeavour to stabilize the political and social conditions by meta-political means comes as the result of his time-diagnosis warning of dissociation tendencies that come along with the development towards an individualistic society. Reflections on elite is the central theme of his work and mark his concept of politics. The synchronic and diachronic reprensentation involves the vicinity of those theoretical elite discussions that even today form the basis of some discourses. Contrary to the tendency to reduce the complex elite concept of stratified society, in which elite of power, function and value coincided, to its functional component, in which function and performance are being uncoupled from value and orientation, Scheler sticks to the complex concept of elite and particularly emphasizes the meaning of imparting value and sense as the nucleus of his elite term.

This is an analysis of the contributions of Richard Wagner's ideas to the development of Adolf Hitler as seen by various historians. This author has consulted the works of many different authors to attempt to find the ideological roots of Adolf Hitler. The ideology of Richard Wagner, as seen by some of the most pre-eminent historians of this period, has been applied to the ideas of Hitler to find any continuity between these two men. All historians consulted thought Wagner was, for some more, others, less, a contributor to the development of Adolf Hitler and National Socialism. This author has concluded that Wagner was a contributor, but that Hitler's personal environment was more important to the development of National Socialism. This thesis explores an area into which no one has really delved in depth. Hopefully, this thesis can be a springboard for further research into this area.

The diploma thesis deals with the tertiary education of Weimar Republic, specifically with the Czechoslovak students of German nationality who studied in Germany between years 1919 and 1933. The main goals of the text are to evaluate to what extent the tertiary education served propaganda and cultural diplomacy, which methods were used to influence the students during their studies and how the students were introduced to the positive image of Germany, which found itself in international isolation after the First World War. The thesis is based on primary sources from German and Czech archives and on foreign and Czech secondary sources and literature.

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Zwei Aufgaben sind es, denen sich die vorliegende Dissertation stellt: Sie will die Rolle des Kulturtragenden bei der Etablierung der Öffentlichkeit einer pluralistischen, parlamentarisch-demokratisch verfassten Gesellschaft erörtern und dabei den zahlreichen Bemühungen um eine ideenhistorische Einordnung eines der sensibelsten Kapitel der deutschen Geschichte auf der Grundlage eines bislang nicht systematisch erschlossenen Quellenmaterials einen eigenständigen Akzent verleihen. Den epochalen Bezugsrahmen der Arbeit stellen die Jahre der Weimarer Republik dar. Ihre Quellenbasis erschließt sie sich mit einer umfangreichen Sammlung von Reaktionen auf die von führenden Tageszeitungen und Zeitschriften unter den Repräsentanten des Weimarer Kulturlebens durchgeführten Rundfragen zu einer vielfarbigen Palette aktualitätsgeschichtlicher, produktions- und rezeptionsästhetischer, gesellschafts- und kulturpolitischer Themen. Die Methode schließlich, derer sie sich bei der Auswertung dieses Materials bedient, ist die einer interdisziplinären, vor allem sozialgeschichtlich und ideologiekritisch orientierten Literaturwissenschaft. Das Alleinstellungsmerkmal der Arbeit ist ihre Quellenbasis: die Rundfragensammlung. Ein Namensverzeichnis ihrer Autoren würde sich lesen wie ein "Who is who?" der Weimarer Republik. Zu den Teilnehmern gehörte der schon damals kanonisierte Heinrich Mann genauso wie der junge Bertolt Brecht oder der heute fast völlig vergessene Hans José Rehfisch. Zu Wort gemeldet haben sich Vertreter beinah aller Sparten der Theater- und Opernwelt von Leopold Jessner über Tilla Durieux bis hin zu Leo Blech, aber auch Theologen wie Paul Tillich oder Politiker wie Konrad Adenauer, damaliger Oberbürgermeister von Köln. Mit vorliegender Arbeit wird dieses pressepublizistische Material erstmals aspektorientiert ausgewertet. / This thesis takes an exciting new look at a nearly forgotten body of texts written during the Weimar Republic, the so called "Rundfragen". It has two main objectives: The first is to describe the importance of intellectuals, of writers, artists, actors and academics, for the development of the structure of a pluralistic, parliamentary-democratic society, the second is to interpret one of the most important chapters of German history on the basis of the “Rundfragen”, a textual basis which never has been analyzed systematically. The historical period the thesis pays attention to is the Weimar Republic. The “Rundfrage” is a special genre of text from newspapers and journals, in which those who represented Weimar Germany''s cultural life were asked to discuss political, aesthetic, social and cultural problems of common interest. The thesis analyzes its textual basis using a multidisciplinary method combining literature and social history. The speciality of the thesis is without doubt its source material. A collection of the names of those who replied to a "Rundfrage" sounds like a "Who is who?" of the Weimar Republic. Among the authors are the famous novelist Heinrich Mann and the young Bert Brecht who earned his reputation as an innovative playwriter during the twenties. Also asked for articles were representatives of theatre''s and opera''s world, including the producer Leopold Jessner, the actress Tilly Durieux or the composer Leo Blech, also involved were the theologian Paul Tillich or Konrad Adenauer, at the time Lord Mayor of Cologne. The thesis is the first attempt to analyze the textual material of the "Rundfragen".

A partir de dezenove textos publicados por Otto Kirchheimer no período final da República de Weimar, o presente trabalho investiga as possibilidades oferecidas por uma forma específica de organização política o Estado Constitucional Parlamentar para a realização da democracia e, ao mesmo tempo, para a promoção de transformações sociais. Amálgama inconstante entre a crítica de Carl Schmitt às instituições liberais e a crítica marxista da sociedade, a obra weimariana de Kirchheimer apresenta uma análise instigante do ordenamento jurídico e da realidade histórica na qual ele está inserido. Constituição, Estado Parlamentar, separação de poderes e a legitimidade de diferentes meios de ação política são alguns dos temas abordados. O trabalho discute, assim, uma importante ruptura teórica na obra de Kirchheimer nesse período: o progressivo reconhecimento de que o direito pode e deve servir como limitador do poder político, garantindo certo conteúdo mínimo de liberdade. Das falhas no funcionamento do Parlamento e das instituições da democracia formal passa a decorrer, para ele, a necessidade de aperfeiçoá-los e não mais de rejeitá-los. / Based on nineteen texts written by Otto Kirchheimer during the final period of the Weimar Republic, the present work wishes to investigate the possibilities opened by a specific form of political organization the Parliamentary Constitutional State for the implementation of democracy and, at the same time, for the promotion of social change. Shifting combination of Carl Schmitt criticism of liberal institutions and Marxist criticism of society, the weimarian work of Kirchheimer offers a compelling analysis of the legal system and the historical reality in which it inheres. Constitution, Parliamentary State, separation of powers, and the legitimacy of different ways of political actions are some of his main themes. We detect, then, an important cleavage appearing in the writings of Kirchheimer during this period: his progressive conscience that the legal system can and should serve as a counterweight to political power, in order to guarantee a minimum of liberties. From the deficiencies detected in the working of Parliament and, more generally, of democratic institutions, he now arrives at the necessity of enhancing them not anymore of rejecting them.

A partir de dezenove textos publicados por Otto Kirchheimer no período final da República de Weimar, o presente trabalho investiga as possibilidades oferecidas por uma forma específica de organização política o Estado Constitucional Parlamentar para a realização da democracia e, ao mesmo tempo, para a promoção de transformações sociais. Amálgama inconstante entre a crítica de Carl Schmitt às instituições liberais e a crítica marxista da sociedade, a obra weimariana de Kirchheimer apresenta uma análise instigante do ordenamento jurídico e da realidade histórica na qual ele está inserido. Constituição, Estado Parlamentar, separação de poderes e a legitimidade de diferentes meios de ação política são alguns dos temas abordados. O trabalho discute, assim, uma importante ruptura teórica na obra de Kirchheimer nesse período: o progressivo reconhecimento de que o direito pode e deve servir como limitador do poder político, garantindo certo conteúdo mínimo de liberdade. Das falhas no funcionamento do Parlamento e das instituições da democracia formal passa a decorrer, para ele, a necessidade de aperfeiçoá-los e não mais de rejeitá-los. / Based on nineteen texts written by Otto Kirchheimer during the final period of the Weimar Republic, the present work wishes to investigate the possibilities opened by a specific form of political organization the Parliamentary Constitutional State for the implementation of democracy and, at the same time, for the promotion of social change. Shifting combination of Carl Schmitt criticism of liberal institutions and Marxist criticism of society, the weimarian work of Kirchheimer offers a compelling analysis of the legal system and the historical reality in which it inheres. Constitution, Parliamentary State, separation of powers, and the legitimacy of different ways of political actions are some of his main themes. We detect, then, an important cleavage appearing in the writings of Kirchheimer during this period: his progressive conscience that the legal system can and should serve as a counterweight to political power, in order to guarantee a minimum of liberties. From the deficiencies detected in the working of Parliament and, more generally, of democratic institutions, he now arrives at the necessity of enhancing them not anymore of rejecting them.

In this inquiry I pursue two tasks. First, I locate the roots of Heidegger's philosophical project historically within a specific theological discourse bent on redefining the relation between religion and politics. Heidegger's main, if covert, intent was to combat the egalitarian, pluralistic impulses carried by a tradition of critical Christology, which leads from F.W.J. Schelling's (1775-1854) Philosophy of Revelation to the work of the radical theologian-philosopher Paul Tillich (1886-1965). These egalitarian impulses spring from a broadened understanding of religious community as a material communication community unified through the use of shared symbols into a community of understanding, knowledge, and interests. The theoretical expansion and deepening of such a communication model, I detect in the writings of the renegade Neogrammarian, Hermann Paul, here considered in light of the "neo-Idealist" initiative of one of Paul's most prominent critics, the Romanist Karl Vossler. Prior to the advanced theological exposition of symbolically mediated communication, in works such as Tillich's book Dynamics of Faith (2001; Engl. orig.1957), the Neogrammarian movement in language studies, I argue, holds the key to accessing the cloaked Christological subtext of Heidegger's thought. Second, after thus locating Heidegger's philosophical agenda within its intellectual-historical context, I expose how Heidegger manipulates philosophical rhetoric to achieve the suspension of Schelling's theological legacy. My analysis of Heidegger's rhetorical behavior is focused on his Letter on Humanism (written 1946, published 1949), a text very overt in both its philosophical biases and its politics. The Humanismusbrief comes the closest to revealing Heidegger's own self-positioning within his generation. The work's conclusion provides a brief look ahead, or Ausblick, to indicate the main features of how these findings about the Letter can be brought to bear on Heidegger's masterpiece fragment, Being and Time. Through this approach, Heidegger's inherently political philosophy gains a much clearer profile in the context of its formative phase in the waning days of the Weimar Republic and opens a new perspective on later attempts by its author to "re-apply" his philosophical program to the cultural situation of postwar Germany, as well as to the ethical-epistemological problems remaining after twelve years of German isolationism. / text