Esta dissertação pretende analisar concepções populares sobre punição e polícia. Uma das questões principais é entender por que as camadas populares, que são as principais vítimas da violência policial, apóiam propostas de punições mais severas e de redução do controle sobre o uso da força pela polícia. Para isso, é fundamental considerar alguns fatores presentes na realidade brasileira como: “exclusão moral", “corpo incircunscrito", exposição à violência e crise do sistema de justiça penal. A partir desses fatores, os “bandidos" se tornam um outro que merece um tratamento violento e as críticas à polícia são de que, ora ela se associa aos criminosos, ora ela age agressivamente em relação aos cidadãos pobres, como se eles fossem “bandidos". Além disso, as conclusões desta pesquisa indicam que as concepções populares de polícia não são homogêneas e que há lugar para defesa dos direitos civis, da limitação ao poder de polícia e da aplicação da punição como forma de recuperação do infrator. / This study intend to examine the working class’ concepts of punishment and police. One of the key questions is the understanding of the reasons why poor people, who are the main victims of police violence, support propositions of more severe punishments and reduction of control on the use of letal force by the police. For this, it’s fundamental to consider some elements present within the brazilian reality, such as: “moral exclusion", “unbounded body", violence exposure and the penal justice system crisis. From these elements, the “criminals" become someone who deserves a violent treatment and the critiques to the police are that sometimes they associate themselves with the criminals, and sometimes they behave aggressively towards the poor citizens as they were “real criminals". The conclusions of this research indicates that the working class’ concepts of police are not homogeneous and, among them, there is place for the defense of the Civil Rights, the limitation to the power of the police and for the punishment as a way to rehabilitate the offender.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eduardo Gramani Hipolide.pdf: 4472166 bytes, checksum: 0daee78ca7dc1096d784138a561820ad (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-06-14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This master dissertation is about the Anarchist Theater in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, between 1901 and 1922. The main objective to conduct this study is to analyze theater as a social practice of the libertarian movement occurred in those important Brazilian cities. The clip shown here chronologically covers the period when libertarian segments of the working class directly influenced the labor movement. In an attempt to reconstruct the trajectories of different amateur groups who played in worker s parties, we seek in this research to find out about some of the subjects involved in those dramatic activities. Sure that the anarchist theater established dialogues with numerous libertarian segments in the working class, we analyze the relationships between the activities of amateur theater groups with other social practices of the anarchist labor movement trend, or socialist revolutionary, who also constituted the movement in that period. The focus of the approach to the plays that were staged in the worker s parties was not confined to mere structural analysis of that. Our focus was to face the political meaning of such plays and the possible resonance of the specific content of these texts on the pages of the Press Working. In addition to the theater texts, we also investigate the fragmentary evidences of what the Press working brought about the theater practices and about the ideas-images conveyed by the works that comprise the corpus of this research. Our continuous effort was not to lose sight of the focus in this research that is the analysis of Anarchist Theater as constituent part of the complex labor movement in the early 20th Century. From this perspective, the activities around that theater acquired a dynamic and active character. Thus, both, scenarios and plays were discussed here as direct interventions within the organized movement of the working class / Esta pesquisa tem como principal objetivo analisar o teatro anarquista como prática social do movimento libertário nas cidades do Rio de Janeiro e de São Paulo. Utilizamos como recorte cronológico os anos entre 1901 e 1922, quando os segmentos anarquistas e sindicalistas revolucionários da classe trabalhadora influenciaram diretamente o movimento operário. Além de tentar reconstituir as trajetórias dos diferentes grupos amadores que atuaram nas festas operárias, buscamos conhecer melhor alguns dos sujeitos sociais envolvidos nas atividades daquela dramaturgia. Convencidos de que aquele teatro estabelecia inúmeras interlocuções com os segmentos libertários da classe trabalhadora, pretendemos analisar as atividades dos grupos amadores em suas relações com outras práticas sociais que também constituíam o movimento operário de cunho anarquista e/ou sindicalista revolucionário. Portanto, a abordagem que fizemos das peças encenadas nas festas operárias buscou sempre ir além de um enfoque meramente estrutural. Nosso objetivo foi encarar o sentido político daquelas obras e as possíveis ressonâncias de seus conteúdos específicos nas páginas da imprensa operária. Além dos textos teatrais, tivemos de investigar os indícios fragmentários que aquela imprensa traz sobre as práticas teatrais e sobre as ideias-imagens veiculadas pelas obras que compõem o corpus de nossa pesquisa. Buscamos o tempo todo analisar o teatro anarquista como parte constituinte do complexo movimento libertário no início do século XX. Nessa perspectiva, as atividades em torno daquele teatro adquiriram um caráter ativo e dinâmico. Sendo assim, tanto as peças quanto as encenações foram aqui abordadas como intervenções diretas no seio do movimento organizado da classe trabalhadora

Nesta dissertação, interpreta-se as causas e as consequências do processo de concentração da renda e da riqueza nos Estados Unidos da América a partir da teoria de Karl Marx. Defende-se, que a “Lei Geral da Acumulação Capitalista”, onde culmina a construção teórica de Marx do livro primeiro d’O Capital, é consistente para explicar a evolução histórica da situação da classe trabalhadora sob as relações sociais de produção capitalistas. Para isso, desenvolve-se a análise teórica essencialmente sobre as obras de Marx - d’O Capital e dos Grundrisse-, e o país que melhor exemplifica a análise teórica de Marx, é os Estados Unidos da América - a maior nação capitalista do mundo. Para tanto, são apresentados dados acerca da concentração da renda e da riqueza, da evolução das taxas de pobreza, discorre-se sobre o movimento trabalhista, sobre a legislação trabalhista e sobre os sindicatos. Apresenta-se o panorama histórico dos Estados Unidos, entre a construção do New Deal e a restauração conservadora sobre o invólucro “neoliberal”. / In this dissertation, interprets the causes and consequences of the process of concentration of income and wealth in the United States with Karl Marx's theory. It is argued that the "General Law of Capitalist Accumulation", which culminates the theoretical construction of Marx's first book of Capital, is consistent to explain the historical developments of the working class in the social relations of capitalist production. It develops the theoretical analysis primarily on the works of Marx - of Capital and Grundrisses-, and the country that best exemplifies the theoretical analysis of Marx is the United States - the largest capitalist nation in the world. For this purpose, data are presented about the concentration of income and wealth, changes in poverty rates, it talks about the labor movement on the labor legislation and on trade unions. It presents the historical background of the United States, including the construction of the New Deal and the conservative’s restoration under the "neoliberal"’s casing.

La thèse examine la relation entre le mouvement ouvrier français et le cinéma au début du XXe siècle, plus précisément de 1895 à 1914. Elle s’articule autour de l’expérience spécifique de la coopérative Cinéma du Peuple, qui a duré d’octobre 1913 à juillet 1914. La coopérative Cinéma du Peuple participa à l’adhésion d’une partie des militants aux ressources du cinéma, sensible à partir de 1909, date à laquelle le processus d’industrialisation du film en France était déjà très avancé. Transmise au-delà de 1914, l’expérience du Cinéma du Peuple, première tentative ouvrière organisée d’appropriation du cinéma, a posé les fondements d’un nouveau terrain d’intervention en vue d’une hégémonie dans le champ culturel prolongée jusqu’à nos jours. L’hypothèse est que le public – catégorie d’analyse dans une échelle alternative de celle de masse, ou de spectateur – a montré, avec l’expérience du Cinéma du Peuple, qu’il n’est pas, par nature et de façon irrévocable, prisonnier des films commerciaux et des intérêts des distributeurs. À partir des notions de répertoire d’action, et de l’expérience de la domination idéologique par le cinéma commercial, nous nous efforçons de cerner les contours de ce public, pour partie confondu avec celui du mouvement ouvrier, notamment au moyen des trajectoires collectives et individuelles des initiateurs, propagandistes du Cinéma du Peuple et de ses spectateurs. En même temps, nous nous proposons de montrer à partir de l’analyse des films du Cinéma du Peuple le début de la formation d’un nouveau mode de représentation du monde ouvrier. / A tese examina a relação entre o movimento operário francês e o cinema no período de 1895 a 1914. Concentra-se na experiência da cooperativa Cinema do Povo que, tendo surgido em uma franca aproximação dos militantes com o cinema desde 1909, quando o processo industrialização do cinema na França já estava avançado, durou de outubro de 1913 a julho 1914. Transmitida para além de 1914, a experiência do Cinema do Povo, primeira tentativa organizada da classe trabalhadora de apropriação do cinema, lançou as bases de uma nova forma de intervenção frente à hegemonia do cinema comercial que se estende até os dias atuais. A hipótese é que o público – categoria de análise em escala alternativa à massa ou espectador – mostrou, com a experiência do Cinema do Povo, que não é de forma natural e irrevogável prisioneiro dos filmes comerciais e dos interesses dos distribuidores. A partir dos conceitos de repertório de ação, e a ideia de experiência da dominação ideológica do cinema comercial, nos esforçamos em identificar os contornos desse público que se identifica no movimento operário, principalmente por meio das trajetórias coletivas e individuais dos militantes. Ao mesmo tempo, temos a intenção de apresentar, a partir da análise dos filmes do Cinema do Povo, o início da formação de um novo modo de representação da classe trabalhadora. / The thesis examines the relationship between the French working class movement and the cinema at the beginning of the 20th century, specifically from 1895 to 1914. It focuses on the specific experience of the cooperative Cinéma du Peuple, which lasted from October 1913 to July 1914. The cooperative Cinéma du Peuple took part of militant cinema in France, wich was barely begun from 1909 on when the industrialization process of the film in France was already advanced. Transmitted beyond 1914, the experience of the Cinéma du Peuple, first working class movement organized attempt to film appropriation, laid the foundations of a new ground of intervention in a prolonged hegemony in the cultural field until the present days. The assumption is that the public – a category of analysis in an alternative scale than mass or spectator – showed, with the experience of Cinéma du Peuple, that it is not by nature and so irrevocable way a prisoner of the commercial films and the interests of distributors. From the concepts of repertoire of contention, and the experience of the ideological domination of commercial cinema, we strive to identify the contours of that public, partly coincident with the working class movement, mostly through collective and individual militants’ trajectories, propagandists of the Cinéma du Peuple and its public. At the same time, we intend to bring from the analysis of the Cinéma du Peuple’s films the beginning of the formation of a new mode of representation of the working class.

A full understanding of nineteenth century Irish America requires close examination of emigration as well as immigration. Knowledge of Irish pre-emigration experiences is a key to making sense of their post-emigration lives. This work analyzes the regional origins, the migration and settlement patterns, and the work and associational life of the Catholic Irish in Brooklyn between 1850 and 1900. Over this pivotal half century, the Brooklyn Irish developed a rich associational life which included temperance, Irish nationalism, land reform and Gaelic language and athletic leagues. This era marked the emergence of a more diverse, mature Irish-Catholic community, a community which responded in a new ways to a variety of internal and external challenges. To a degree, the flowering of Irish associational life represented a reaction to the depersonalization associated with American industrialization. However, it also reflected the changing cultural norms of many post-famine immigrants. Unlike their pre-1870 predecessors, these newcomers were often more modern in outlook - more committed to Irish nationhood, less impoverished, better educated and more devout. Consequently, post-1870 immigrants tended to be over-represented in the ranks of associations dedicated to Irish nationalism, Irish temperance, trade unionism, and cultural revivalism throughout Kings County. Unsurprisingly, over 70 of Brooklyn's 96 Catholic churches in 1901 were built after July 1, 1870. The internal diversity of the Brooklyn Irish was extensive. The opportunities and experiences of some Irish differed markedly from those experienced by others. Gender, county of origin and skill level all served as factors in post-emigration success. Moreover, generation was especially pronounced as a socioeconomic agent in Brooklyn. Economic prospects for the Irish-born remained as poor in Brooklyn as anywhere in the nation, but improved more rapidly for the American-born Irish then anyone might realistically have considered possible. Increased opportunities for land ownership seemed to support the socioeconomic prospects of thrifty Irishmen, but occupational mobility strongly favored the second generation, more so than in other locales. Why do both popular and scholarly accounts tend to portray all nineteenth century Irish Americans as either an undifferentiated mass of unskilled proletarians or as nouveau riche "lace curtain" aristocrats when significant variation clearly existed? In Philadelphia, Detroit and Brooklyn, at least 30 percent of Irish-born male workers in 1880 could be classified as "skilled craftsmen." In five other major cities, from San Francisco to Providence, the corresponding figure was roughly one-fifth in the same census year. Meanwhile, the Brooklyn Irish displayed a curious pattern of halting socioeconomic progress among foreign-born men (55% nonskilled in 1850, 51% nonskilled in 1900) alongside impressive progress for their American-born sons (35% nonskilled in 1880, 22% nonskilled in 1900). Irish American socio-economic mobility paled in comparison to that of their German peers, especially among the foreign born. Their intra-urban geographic mobility patterns differed as well. Irish Americans, in Brooklyn and other Northeastern and Midwestern cities, tended to move out of the older core wards as soon as they enjoyed a degree of economic success. German Americans, conversely, seem to have reinvested their new wealth in "a nicer house in the old neighborhood." Germans tended to separate themselves, whether they lived in the tenement districts of New York's Germantown and Brooklyn's Williamsburg, or the single-family homes of Riverdale just south of the Bronx. By 1890, the Irish were virtually ubiquitous, inhabiting all areas and all housing types of Brooklyn.

Drawing on workplace ethnography at a farm in the East of England and interviews with former participants on the UK's temporary foreign worker programme, the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Scheme, this thesis contributes to understanding of the everyday work and living experiences of migrant workers in UK horticulture. In particular, it assesses the influence of supermarket-driven supply chains and of immigration status on these experiences. This thus reveals a labour process which is strongly shaped by structural factors, yet workers' agency is also shown to play an important part. The analysis is organised around working and living spaces. It first explores the living spaces of the camp in which migrant workers were required to reside as a result of the conditions attached to the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Scheme. Such conditions, it is argued, give rise to both social and physical enclosure and thus to employers' control of migrant workers. Secondly, the thesis focuses on everyday work spaces, illustrating how migrants' work efforts are influenced by two features of production operating in UK food supply chains: just in time and total quality control. The role of surveillance and technology are shown to be important in habituating migrants' bodies and their work efforts. The analysis of spaces of work also reveals how the piece rate form of payment and uncertainty over rates of pay are used to gain workers' consent and intensification of work effort. Moreover, it contributes to understanding of the bodily effects of that effort. The thesis further explores leisure and consumption spaces away from the camp. These can be sites of stigma, racism and exclusion and simultaneously reveal the working of a transnational social field. The analysis of these spaces provides evidence of how immigration status and nationality can shape both migrants' own identities and how others perceive them.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / O propósito desta dissertação é apresentar uma análise da pobreza e da mobilidade social na obra de Eça de Queirós no período de 1878 a 1888. Para tanto, examinaremos os personagens pobres, refletindo sobre seu papel na diegese, sua construção no texto e sua influência na concepção artística do autor; sobre a subjacente visão de mundo que nelas se expressa; e, finalmente, confrontamo-las, enquadradas no que tem sido considerado estética realista-naturalista. Esta pesquisa justifica-se pela proposta de criação de um novo foco de análise dentro da crítica queirosiana: aquele voltado às personagens que se dedicam de modo específico ao trabalho, e, ao fazê-lo, revelar a perspectiva do romancista relativamente à sociedade e ao momento histórico. O estudo que fazemos de alguns estratos sociais pouco valorizados (o pessoal doméstico, por exemplo) é uma lacuna nos estudos queirosianos. Algumas das personagens que acompanhamos passam quase despercebidas nos romances. Com exceção de Juliana, de O primo Basílio, têm intervenção mínima na ação. Ainda assim têm uma caracterização bastante elaborada, mesmo que por vezes com poucos traços, e não deixam de compor uma visão mais alargada da sociedade portuguesa do século XIX, desmentindo a ideia ainda hoje corrente de que Eça teria posto nos seus livros apenas os extratos sociais privilegiados de seu tempo. Para além da designação tão vaga de crítico social, Eça testemunhou um processo de transformação de um mundo em ruínas, que já não podia mais ser o que sempre fora / The purpose of this dissertation is to present an analysis of poverty and social mobility in the Eça de Queirozs production from 1878 to 1888. To do that, we will examine the poor characters, reflecting on their role in the diegesis, their construction in the text and their influence on the authors artistic conception; on the underlying view of the world expressed in them and, finally, we will compare those characters, based on what has been considered a realistic-naturalistic aesthetics. This research is justified by the proposal of a new focus of analysis within the critical brought up by Eça de Queiroz, which highlight the characters from the working classes. Therefore, we will expose the writers perspective about the society and the historical moment. This study on some less valued classes (the household, for example) is a gap in works about Eça de Queiroz. Some of the characters we examine are almost unnoticed in his novels. Except for Juliana, from O Primo Basilio, they hardly interfere in the action. Nevertheless, they are detailed characterized, even if sometimes with a few features, and they compose a broader view of the Portuguese society of the 19th century, denying the idea that Eça put in his books only the privileged social classes of his time. Beyond the vague designation of "social critic", Eça witnessed a world in a process of transformation, which could no longer be what it used to be

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:31:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-08-09Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:19:59Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 goulart_dc_dr_mar.pdf: 2330915 bytes, checksum: c78408fa1e5dc6d141d8690b0711385a (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O presente trabalho analisa o Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem-Teto (MTST), buscando reconstruir sua história e compreender como a reconfiguração da classe trabalhadora e a ação política no Brasil recente, repercutem sobre os projetos e ações deste movimento. Partimos da construção histórica dos movimentos sociais urbanos a partir do final dos anos 70, mostrando suas principais características e como suas ações forçaram um debate político sobre a organização dos trabalhadores em movimentos por moradia. Ao relacionar o MTST à historicidade dos movimentos sociais no Brasil pós-ditadura militar, queremos demonstrar que há um repertório de ação que foi ressignificado pelo MTST advindo daqueles movimentos. Por outro lado, construiu-se um projeto político formulado de maneira mais acabada pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) e pela Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT), que teve repercussão intensa em movimentos como o Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem-Terra (MST), que contribuiu para as primeiras formulações do MTST, principalmente em sua forma de organização (ocupações e dinâmica dos acampamentos). Porém, a conjuntura neoliberal em que surge o movimento, impõe novas formulações internas e novos modos de enfrentamento com o Estado e o capital, que fazem com que o movimento ultrapasse o projeto participativo democratizante que se tornou hegemônico na esquerda brasileira dos anos 80 e 90. O MTST surge no final dos anos 90 e cresce em numero de ocupações e área de sua atuação territorial, até chegar à nacionalização em 2009. Toda sua trajetória foi construída sob o projeto neoliberal em pleno desenvolvimento no Brasil, e mais da metade de sua existência ocorreu durante os dois governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores na presidência da República. Com um projeto político... / This paper analyzes the Movement of Homeless Workers - MTST, showing its history and trying to understand how the reconfiguration of the working class and social policy, more specifically the housing, impacts on the projects and actions of this movement. We start our discussion from the construction of urban social movements of the late 1970s, showing its main characteristics and how their actions have forced a debate on the political organization of workers in movements for housing. We seek to demonstrate that the legacy of these movements was reframed by MTST that arises in the late '90s with the neoliberal project in Brazil in full deployment. The growth of MTST and its nationalization in 2009, occurs during the two governments of the Workers Party in the presidency, leading to new ways of coping with the State and its policy, which we analyzed through the perspective of class struggle in Brazil. With an anti-capitalist political project, MTST, experiences the difficulties of collective action that seeks radical changes in society, the need for negotiation to obtain the demands of its social base and maintaining consistency between their political positions and dynamic form of internal organization. Thus, the core of our research is to examine the trajectory of MTST as an element in the class struggle in Brazil in the last 15 years

Esta dissertação pretende analisar concepções populares sobre punição e polícia. Uma das questões principais é entender por que as camadas populares, que são as principais vítimas da violência policial, apóiam propostas de punições mais severas e de redução do controle sobre o uso da força pela polícia. Para isso, é fundamental considerar alguns fatores presentes na realidade brasileira como: “exclusão moral”, “corpo incircunscrito”, exposição à violência e crise do sistema de justiça penal. A partir desses fatores, os “bandidos” se tornam um outro que merece um tratamento violento e as críticas à polícia são de que, ora ela se associa aos criminosos, ora ela age agressivamente em relação aos cidadãos pobres, como se eles fossem “bandidos”. Além disso, as conclusões desta pesquisa indicam que as concepções populares de polícia não são homogêneas e que há lugar para defesa dos direitos civis, da limitação ao poder de polícia e da aplicação da punição como forma de recuperação do infrator. / This study intend to examine the working class’ concepts of punishment and police. One of the key questions is the understanding of the reasons why poor people, who are the main victims of police violence, support propositions of more severe punishments and reduction of control on the use of letal force by the police. For this, it’s fundamental to consider some elements present within the brazilian reality, such as: “moral exclusion”, “unbounded body”, violence exposure and the penal justice system crisis. From these elements, the “criminals” become someone who deserves a violent treatment and the critiques to the police are that sometimes they associate themselves with the criminals, and sometimes they behave aggressively towards the poor citizens as they were “real criminals”. The conclusions of this research indicates that the working class’ concepts of police are not homogeneous and, among them, there is place for the defense of the Civil Rights, the limitation to the power of the police and for the punishment as a way to rehabilitate the offender.

Este trabalho analisa as relações de solidariedade e conflito no processo de formação da classe operária no Rio Grande do Sul no final do século XIX e início do XX. Parte-se do pressuposto que a classe se forma nas relações travadas com a burguesia, mas também naquelas relações que se estabelecem entre seus próprios membros, as quais nem sempre são de união e cooperação. Preocupou-se em analisar estas relações de solidariedade e conflito em diversos espaços e situações da vida operária: as relações entre trabalhadores homens e mulheres, a instrução operária, as entidades associativas, a exploração fabril, as greves entre outros. Procurou-se demonstrar que o processo de formação da classe foi baseado em critérios como de gênero, etnia, ideologia e que estes interferiram diretamente no modo de vida e de luta destes trabalhadores operários. / This study analyses the solidarity and conflict relations on the making of working-class in Rio Grande do Sul at the end of ninetieth century and the beginning of twentieth century. We believe that as far as the struggle class is responsible for the making of working-class are also the relations between the workers. But we also know that in some cases those relations aren’t of cooperation and union. Our goal is to understand those relations in some spaces and situations of working-class life: the relations between men and women workers, worker education, the associations they founded, the factory exploration, the strikes, etc. We tried to demonstrate that the making of working-class was built-up in aspects like gender, ethnical and ideological elements that directly interfered in the way of life and struggle of these workers.