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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
11

Výzva pro NATO: problém přetrvávajících rozdílů v aliančních vojenských kapacitách / NATO's Challenge: Exploring the Persistence of the Alliance's Military Capabilities Gap

Schwarzenberg, Carly Eileen January 2015 (has links)
This thesis addresses the military capabilities gap between the US and European member states of NATO. It seeks to answer the question, why does the US-European capabilities gap persist despite apparent agreement between Allies on strategic capabilities objectives and cooperative solutions? The paper first establishes the need for a strong, independent European Security and Defense Identity within the Alliance, particularly since NATO's operations in Libya. It then defines and explicates the military capabilities gap within the Alliance, including its scope, history, and attempts to find cooperative solutions. This analysis demonstrates that there is broad agreement both on what the Alliance requires for military capabilities and for how best to obtain them (cooperatively), yet the gap has persisted and grown for two decades. In an attempt to solve this empirical puzzle, the paper employs a two-level games framework to analyze the NATO defense planning process, which links supranational capabilities planning for the Alliance to national-level execution, dependent upon funding from state parliaments. Faced with the general answer that fiscal constraints preclude states from following through on their commitments, the paper delves deeper to determine factors that may influence differences in defense...
12

國內政治與歐洲整合研究 / Domestic Politics and European Integration Studies

陳慶昌, Ching-Chang Chen Unknown Date (has links)
本論文的研究動機始於有感民族陣線在當今法國政壇的影響力不容小覷,「勒班效應」也使得1980年代中期後極右主義的風潮在西歐蔓延開來,因此吾人在研究歐洲整合的過程時,似應考慮到會員國國內這些反歐洲化的政治現象的發展。然而,主流的國際關係理論認為國際體系構成單位的層次分析並不重要。雖然國際關係體系論的建立被視為是本學門邁向「科學化」的重要嘗試,惟其亦使得學者在研究區域整合時面臨了見林不見樹的困境,本文的研究目的也就在試圖證明會員國國內政治不能被歐洲整合研究所忽視。 本論文以法國極右主義與歐盟移民政策之關聯為例,透過二重賽局的分析架構進行實證研究,研究結果顯示法國右派政府為了爭取極右派選民的票源而吸納民族陣線的反移民訴求,不僅反映在該國自1980年代中期以降的移民政策對非歐盟國家移民的趨於排斥,亦顯現於法國政府在歐盟移民政策共同體化之前與其他會員國協調移民政策時的保守立場。本研究指出,法國極右派在國內層次的影響能夠經由政府的利益匯集過程而到達歐盟層次,從而說明學者不宜貿然分割國內與國際政治研究。另一方面,案例亦顯示政府領袖的偏好在形成後仍有可能發生轉變,因此做為跨層次分析工具的二重賽局尚有修正其架構的必要性,如何發展有效連結國內政治與國際關係的理論途徑與分析架構,對於區域研究學者實屬緊要。
13

A influência das coalizões domésticas de China e Estados Unidos no resultado da COP 21 - Paris / The influence of China and United States domestic coalitions in the COP 21- Paris outcomes

Brito, Ágata Graziele dos Santos 29 January 2018 (has links)
Esta dissertação analisa o resultado da COP 21, que aconteceu em Paris no ano de 2015, através da capacidade que as coalizões domésticas, dentro de China e Estados Unidos, tiveram em influenciar a política climática durante o período que vai de 1992 até 2015. É através da identificação das coalizões domésticas (ambiental e pó-desenvolvimento econômico) que buscamos explicar como o processo político doméstico, nos dois países, foi moldado a partir das articulações e interações entre os grupos que compõe as coalizões. Até a COP 21, a política climática global parecia não avançar em vistas a uma solução do aquecimento global, a COP 15 é referenciada neste trabalho como o fracasso dos acordos climáticos, no entanto, 5 anos mais tarde, em 2015, juntos EUA e China, o dois maiores emissores da atualidade, anunciam suas metas de redução dos gases de efeito estufa. O que explica essa mudança de posicionamento, segundo a hipótese deste trabalho, é o amadurecimento e a articulação das coalizões doméstica dentro dos dois países, em primeiro lugar, e os acordos bilaterais que ambos promoveram entre os anos de 2009 e 2015 para trata das questões climáticas fora do sistema ONU de tomada d decisão. O resultado encontrado é que de fato, até 2009, a coalizão pró-desenvolvimento econômico conseguiu que sua influencia no processo político da condução da politica climática prevalecesse, no entanto, do período posterior a 2009 até 2015, pudemos ver que a coalizão ambiental conseguiu que sua influencia causasse, inclusive, um transbordamento para a arena internacional. / This essay analyze the COP 21 outcomes, that was held in Paris in 2015, through the domestic coalitions capacity, inside China and USA, had to influence the climate policy during the period that goes from 1992 until 2015. It is through the identification of domestic (environmental and economic development) coalitions that we seek to explain how the domestic political process, in both countries, was shaped by the articulations and interactions between the groups that make up the coalitions. Until COP 21, global climate policy did not seem to advance towards a solution to global warming, COP 15 is referred to, in this paper, as the failure of climate agreements, however, 5 years later in 2015, U.S and China together, the two largest emitters today, announce their targets for reducing greenhouse gases. What explains this change of position, according to the hypothesis of this work, is that the maturation and articulation of domestic coalitions within both countries, first, and the bilateral agreements that both promoted between the years of 2009 and 2015 to deal with the climate change issues outside of the UN system of decision-making. The result was that in fact, until 2009, the economic development coalition had its influence on the political process of climate policy prevailing, however, from the period after 2009 until 2015, we could see that the environmental coalition succeeded in its influence would even cause an overflow to the international arena.
14

A influência das coalizões domésticas de China e Estados Unidos no resultado da COP 21 - Paris / The influence of China and United States domestic coalitions in the COP 21- Paris outcomes

Ágata Graziele dos Santos Brito 29 January 2018 (has links)
Esta dissertação analisa o resultado da COP 21, que aconteceu em Paris no ano de 2015, através da capacidade que as coalizões domésticas, dentro de China e Estados Unidos, tiveram em influenciar a política climática durante o período que vai de 1992 até 2015. É através da identificação das coalizões domésticas (ambiental e pó-desenvolvimento econômico) que buscamos explicar como o processo político doméstico, nos dois países, foi moldado a partir das articulações e interações entre os grupos que compõe as coalizões. Até a COP 21, a política climática global parecia não avançar em vistas a uma solução do aquecimento global, a COP 15 é referenciada neste trabalho como o fracasso dos acordos climáticos, no entanto, 5 anos mais tarde, em 2015, juntos EUA e China, o dois maiores emissores da atualidade, anunciam suas metas de redução dos gases de efeito estufa. O que explica essa mudança de posicionamento, segundo a hipótese deste trabalho, é o amadurecimento e a articulação das coalizões doméstica dentro dos dois países, em primeiro lugar, e os acordos bilaterais que ambos promoveram entre os anos de 2009 e 2015 para trata das questões climáticas fora do sistema ONU de tomada d decisão. O resultado encontrado é que de fato, até 2009, a coalizão pró-desenvolvimento econômico conseguiu que sua influencia no processo político da condução da politica climática prevalecesse, no entanto, do período posterior a 2009 até 2015, pudemos ver que a coalizão ambiental conseguiu que sua influencia causasse, inclusive, um transbordamento para a arena internacional. / This essay analyze the COP 21 outcomes, that was held in Paris in 2015, through the domestic coalitions capacity, inside China and USA, had to influence the climate policy during the period that goes from 1992 until 2015. It is through the identification of domestic (environmental and economic development) coalitions that we seek to explain how the domestic political process, in both countries, was shaped by the articulations and interactions between the groups that make up the coalitions. Until COP 21, global climate policy did not seem to advance towards a solution to global warming, COP 15 is referred to, in this paper, as the failure of climate agreements, however, 5 years later in 2015, U.S and China together, the two largest emitters today, announce their targets for reducing greenhouse gases. What explains this change of position, according to the hypothesis of this work, is that the maturation and articulation of domestic coalitions within both countries, first, and the bilateral agreements that both promoted between the years of 2009 and 2015 to deal with the climate change issues outside of the UN system of decision-making. The result was that in fact, until 2009, the economic development coalition had its influence on the political process of climate policy prevailing, however, from the period after 2009 until 2015, we could see that the environmental coalition succeeded in its influence would even cause an overflow to the international arena.
15

Dust of ideas in the wind ou como grão de idéias se propagam: o impacto do ambiente internacional e as pressões internas sobre o padrão na oferta de políticas públicas no Brasil e na Colômbia / Dust of ideas in the wind: or as a grain of ideas spread: the impact of the international environment and domestic pressures on standard in the provision of public politics in Brazil and Colombia

Costa, Saulo Felipe 24 May 2011 (has links)
Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-25T12:22:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Saulo Felipe Costa Parte 2.pdf: 361638 bytes, checksum: d21806503737bc697a9763f121ba43ee (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-05-24 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The research aimed to screen for evidence of the influence of ideals of the international medium on the pattern of public policies in Brazil and Colombia. Through an approach that linked the theory of two levels games and policy paradigm understanding in Kuhn and the mechanism of social learning, it was possible to develop a proxy for the degree of influence of international pressure for the adoption of a given policies. We attempted to analyze the influence of the proposed of solution to the state problems, issued by multilateral agencies, through what became known as the Washington Consensus. The choice of Brazil was due to an increased availability of data, while the choice of Colombia is its function in this country experience a long period of democratic rule, with jarring ideological profile of the Brazilian. For this, the research has focused on the behavior of public spending in both countries, was also performed a more specific case study on the deployment of the managerial model of public administration in Brazil, with the aim of better understanding how this process occurred import and export of ideas and solutions for different problems. The research showed that multilateral organizations have greater power to print your ideas in countries' policies when such changes are first and second order, by type built. In return, changes in third order are only induced by multilateral bodies, since the ideology of society plays a more decisive role for the incorporation or not of such ideas "exogenous . / A pesquisa em tela buscou por evidências da influência de ideais do meio internacional sobre o padrão de oferta de políticas públicas no Brasil e na Colômbia. Através de uma abordagem que uniu a teoria dos jogos de dois níveis à compreensão de mudança de paradigma em Kuhn e ao mecanismo de aprendizagem social (social learning), foi possível elaborar uma proxy para o grau de influência das pressões internacionais pela adoção de determinado conjunto de políticas. Buscou-se analisar a influência das propostas de solução aos problemas estatais, emanadas por agências multilaterais, através do que ficou conhecido como Consenso de Washington. A escolha do Brasil se deu devido uma maior disponibilidade de dados, ao passo que a opção pela Colômbia se deu em função deste país experimentar um longo período democrático, com perfil ideológico destoante do brasileiro. Para tanto, a pesquisa se debruçou sobre o comportamento do gasto público em ambos os países, foi executado também um estudo de caso mais específico sobre a implantação do modelo gerencial de administração pública no Brasil, com o intuito de melhor compreender como se deu este processo de importação e exportação de ideais e soluções para os mais diversos problemas. A pesquisa evidenciou que os organismos multilaterais possuem um maior poder de imprimir seu ideário nas políticas dos países quando tais mudanças são de primeira e de segunda ordem, segundo a tipologia construída. Em contra partida, mudanças de terceira ordem são susceptíveis apenas de indução pelos organismos multilaterais, uma vez que a ideologia da sociedade desempenha um papel mais determinante para a incorporação ou não de tal ideário exógeno .
16

Zahraniční politika Trumpovy administrativy: Vypovězení Pařížské dohody z pohledu dvouúrovňové hry / Foreign policy of Trump's administration: Withdrawal from the Paris Accord through the lens of two-level game theory

Pastorková, Sabrina January 2019 (has links)
Foreign policy of Trump's administration: Withdrawal from the Paris Accord through the lens of two-level game theory Abstract Foreign policy of President Donald Trump has been a point of enquiry of many scholars so far. In the literature, we can observe a great diversity in opinions that attempt to explain his motivations in certain specific foreign policy actions. The main focus of this diploma thesis is laid on the withdrawal from international treaties, namely the Paris Accord from 2015. In this idiographic case study, we utilize the theory of two-level games by Robert Putnam which enables us to analyze the link between the domestic level of the decision to withdraw the international treaty. By identifying veto players in the U.S. political system, more concretely in its environmental policies, we were able to uncover the underlying notions behind the decision. Veto players in our case were the Congress with Republican and Democratic party, electoral impetus covering the general public opinion and new actors entering the public debate (private companies and states). Alternatively, we described the President's and his administration distinctive motivations. The thesis provides a new insight into the politics of the decision to withdraw from the Paris Accord. As per our findings, the electoral impetus is...
17

[pt] ALÉM DA GUERRA FRIA: A MAXIMIZAÇÃO DA FLEXIBILIDADE ESTRATÉGICA NORTE-AMERICANA E O TRATADO DE MOSCOU (2002) / [en] BEYOND THE COLD WAR: THE MAXIMIZATION OF U.S. STRATEGIC FLEXIBILITY AND

DIEGO SANTOS VIEIRA DE JESUS 18 May 2005 (has links)
[pt] O principal objetivo da dissertação é explicar a assinatura do Tratado sobre Reduções Ofensivas Estratégicas - o Tratado de Moscou – pelo presidente George W. Bush e a aprovação unânime, pelos senadores norte-americanos, da resolução de conselho e consentimento para a ratificação do tratado. Tais decisões são vistas como resultados de um jogo de negociação no qual se observam a interação e a influência recíproca entre os níveis internacional e doméstico. As hipóteses indicam que membros do Executivo e grande parte do Senado norte-americanos mostraram-se interessados no tratado – que estipula uma redução substancial do número agregado de ogivas nucleares estratégicas dos EUA e da Rússia, de modo a não exceder 1.700-2.200 para cada parte no fim de 2012 –, pois ele garante a autonomia para definir como a redução será implementada e para determinar a estrutura das forças ofensivas estratégicas em face das novas ameaças aos EUA e aos seus aliados. / [en] The main purpose of the dissertation is to explain the signature of the Strategic Offensive Reductions Treaty - known as the Treaty of Moscow - by president George W. Bush and the unanimous approval of the resolution of advice and consent to ratification of the treaty by the U.S. Senate. These decisions are seen as the results of a bargaining game in which the national and the international levels interact and influence each other. The hypotheses indicate that the members of the U.S. executive and a huge number of the U.S. senators were interested in the treaty - which stipulates that each party shall reduce substantially the aggregate number of U.S. and Russian strategic nuclear warheads, so that it does not exceed 1,700-2,200 for each side by the end of 2012 - because it preserves the ability to define how the reductions will be implemented and to determine for themselves the structure of their strategic offensive forces, in order to respond to the new threats to their country and its allies.

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